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The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, February 28, 1850, Image 1

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The Nsilsaal Era It Published Weekly, ta Seeeatk
Street, opposite Odd Frllews' Hall,
Two d > liars per annum, payaMe ta advanc*.
Advertisements not exceeding ten lines inserted
three times for one dollar; every subsequent insertion,
twentjr-five cents.
All communio&tionb to the Era, whether on
business of the paper or for publiootion, should
be addressed to O. Bailet, Washtnglou, D. C.
The fire light, flaring up upots 'he of Su|
8,in .Somerville, showed the features contracted
with suffering She gazed st Anna with a confused
[ and half-conscious expression of conntenance.
41 Shall 1 assist you to arrange your dress, Miss
Somerville 1"
44 Oh! Anna, tell them that I am fatigued?
" In that case, dear lady, your room would be
filled by officious and inquiring people?better
try to go down."
44 Yes ! I hud 1 But, oh Anna ! if you kaewf"
44 My dear and honored mistress, I do knotc ! \
1 know all!" said Anna, kneeling at her feet, and 1
taking and pressing And kissiDg both her hands.
Susan dropped her head upon the bosom of
Anna, aud wept freely?long and freely. The^c
were the first teirsshe had shed, and they relieved j
her of course. Still Anna, kneeling at her feet
with the a'titude and tones of deepest respect and I
v^rmest sympathy, still her hands, i
spoke, gently, as fjllows?
' lis is not worthy of you, Mies Sotnerville!
Oh, believe it! Believe the instincts of affection
that assure me when I tell you he is not worthy
of you?not wise and strong enough for you. And
I would rather see you w eep here, than be the
wife of one not fitted to retain your esteem,
though thai man were master of the Isle of Rays.
And I, Miss Soinorville?I, poor Anna Wood?
would rather be the isolated being that 1 am, cut off
by education from one class and by position from
the other?1 would rather be myself, with my full
heart and brain, capable of deeply loving, profoundI
SkUbiwn rrr-na 11 rr enffnrintr tKon Kft thftt
1/ luniivii.^, U..V. '"e, ?
poor, little bride down stairs, with her brilliant
position und her famished heart and head. Yes !
weep ! Grief breaks up the soil of the heart, and
tears water and fertilize it. You will have a rich
heart?for hearts grow rich by suffering! At
least so it seems to tne! You will ^iave a rich
heart?a rich mind, perhaps! There is compensation
in most things. No tear ever fell, no pang
was ever wrung in vain! Those who have spent a
life of tears and pains must find consolation
somewhere ! Oh, believe this! if you pretend to
believe in the justice and mercy of God ' I, Miss
Somcrville, with all iny cravings after a full life
of affections?and you know that peopjpof my
race and color live more through their affections
than through their intellects?1 know that I shall
have to pans through life alone?alone but for
you now, Miss Souierville, and quite alone when
you shall be married, as you will be in a few
years. Well! 1 shall pass through life alone!
1 am not therefore unhappy! I devote myself to
somebody's interests, to some worthy object?and
I live! Ah! Miss Soraerville, 1 feel that my
words only annoy you now! that you would prefer
silence to all this talk. No matter ! you will
think of my words hereafter und for the silenct
you will have it at last. But now, Miss Somervillc,
a duty lies before you?.a duty that you owe
to yourself. You must rouse yourself and go below.
For days, weeks perhaps, you must mingle
with this gay wedding party ; and then wc will
go home?to onr quiet home at the Crags?w here
we will have profound peace and old books?the
comn-iDV of our 1 brave uufortuuatrs'?the heroes
and martyrs of the past, whose example will leud
us strength to endure our own trials. Come, Miss
Susan! let ine uwunge your hair!"
Miss Somcrvillc, calmed by her fit of weeping?
consoled, too, by the delicate Attachment of Anna?
suffered her hair to be re-dressed, and her muslin
robe to be re-arranged, and theu descended
the stairs to the saloon.
Ilritannia and '/.oe, with Gertrude aud Brutus
l.ion. met her ut the door.
" You are so pale! Are you ill, Susan/" in<|uired
'/.op, with interest.
This question drew the close atteution of the
whole group upon Miss SomerTille.
"Arc you not well?" abruptly inquired Gertrude.
"I perceive that Miss SomerTille ha9 taken
colj, as 1 thought she would," remarked Britannia,
drawing Susan's urm within her own. and
carrying her off.
" My dear Mrs Stuart-Gordon you will do roe
a pleasure if you will invite Miss O'Riley to accompany
you to the Isle of Rays when we return,"
said General Stuart-Gordon to his duugh
ter-in-law. as his eyes followed admiringly the elegant
form and ra liant fuce of Brighty through
the room.
" Oh, thank you! I will do bo with great
pleasure! I had eveu wished to ask your permission
to do soP exclaimed Louise, her usually
downcast eyea now raised and sparkling.
44 My permission P smiled the General, pleased
at her happy acquiescence and amused at her
girlish humility. 11 My permission! my dear
Mrs. Stuart-GordonP he said, playfully, emphasising
her new name and title. "Get accustomed
to your new dignity ns a housekeeper, and invite
your own company, and select your own society,
without dreaming that I shall interfere!"
At this moment, Brutus Lion, coming forward
with a grave bow, solicited the hand of the bride
for the first quadrille, and led her off to the head
of the set.
"Take Susan, and bring her to make up this
set,1' whispered the bride.
And in two minutes more Louis stood opposite
to them, with Susan Somerville by his side, and
her hand clasped within his own.
The music now broke forth in peals of joy,
but failed to drown the noise of the tempest, which
had remed in all its fory.
The raging of the storm, the terriLle state of
I the roads, and the pitch darkness of .k. ...
-j , r.<r
yented the return home that night of any of the
weeding guceta.
XX. #
"In* loyona fhorda! Bnt who art th>>u,
With tb? *had0wy Urfky a W thy |*U r?>+i Uiow^
And the work! uf dreamy floom that lira
In the mtitr depth* of thy ?oft dark eyeeT
Tim* hut Iwfed, fair flrl: ?boo haat lorel tno well;
Thou art mn.rninr now e'er a broken epetl;
Th'.u hail poured thy heart'* rl*h trraanre* forth,
And art uiirejatd f?r their prtole'i worth.
Mouru on. y?t dam* n ?t hare th* wblla,
It li but a [>aln to m the* em'U ;
There i? not a t >ua la our aoae tor thee
Homa, with thy aorrowa, Bee'?
Mrs. Araa'rong rang her bell at an early hoar
the neat morning. Kate Jumper anewered it.
" Let Miaa O Riley know that 1 shall be pleated
to see her aloae here, at her earlieat ooavtnienoe,"
commanded the lady.
Kate Jumper handed her mistress her drawing
gown, ?nd disappeared to obey her orders.
She returned in an instant to say. that Mian
O'Riley would wait on Mrs. Armstrong in half
*a hour. And, by the time the stately toilet of
the dowager was completed. Britannia rapped for
Britannia, in an elegant morning dress of darkblue
aetin, with black lsce falls?Brighty always
made * uh qraml toilette' whan ebe expected to encounter
pride and arroganee in others?so Brighty
presented horse f, making her morning salutation
with easy dignity.
."Yon may retire, Kate. I sent for you, Miss
1 O'RHcy, to say, that after to-day, as your polices
to Miss Armstrong?or, rallnr, to Mrs. StuartGordon?will
no longer be retired, your further
stay at Mont Crystal can be diapenst-d with. I
! a^Mrare that you are engaged by the year, and
i tflmfour or fire mouths remain. Will you draw
that writing-desk towards me ?"
"If you will excuse me. we. Mrs. Armstrong."
"No part of your service, eh! Well, truly, 1
hired you as n govrrueaa, not $ waiting-maid, aud
servants of ail grades are great sticklers for
"Excuse me again, Mrs Armstrong, but the
desk is in your reach, and out of mine ; besides, I
fancy you are stronger in the arm than myself.
However "?and Brighty, by a second and better
impulse, took hold of the desk, and wheeled it before
the lady.
"I was about to say. Miss O'Riley," said the
lady, unlocking the desk, and taking from it a
roll of bank-notes, "that for these four or five
months I ain willing to pay you a half-year's salary
." And she tendered Britannia the money.
Brighty waved it back :
"No, Mrs Armstrong I cannot accept a dollar
beyond the amount of my salary up to this day;
I shall leave your house to morrow." And, courtesying.
Britannia withdrew from the room.
Iu truth, the prospects of Britannia were not j
cheering. HUaxuuld have died rather than have i
accepted one dollar beyond her salary up to the
date of her dismissal, or have remained another
day at Mont Crystal.
Poor Brighty ! Extravagant love of dress and
jewellery kept her nearly penniless. And when
she regained her own apartment. au<l counted over
her slender stock of money, and found only the
chtnge of her last half-eagle, she was nearly in
Brighty was no heroiue; and you arc not to
cxpoct any of the heroic virtues to be manifested
in her character or conduct; so she walked about
the floor, communing with herself, as follows:
j " Well, well, what am I to do ? I might have
saved three or four hundred dollurs if 1 had been
economical, and worn calico dresses and horn
combs; or, being extravagant as I have been, I
'might have atill remained here, if 1 had submitted
to Mrs. Armstrong's arrogance. Oh, Brighty,
Brighty, sec what you have done by being vain,
extravagant, and ill-tempered ! Economy is so
commendable, and meekness is so charming, and I
do so thoroughly admire both ! Yet the mischief
of it is, I can neither fret my senses by coarse
olothing, or my temper by other people's urro(
gance. Oh, Brighty. you were eut out fur a
I prinoess, and sjioiled in the making up! You are
a dislocated queen. Now. where away ? 1 shall
never, never find another luxurious home, another
really superb patron, (for Mrs. Armstrong is
that, with all her illness.) or another refined
pupil, iu the StaFi^Oh! 1 shall probably find
myself governess to nal$ a dozen double-chinned,
short-nosed girls ami b4ys, who munch raw turnips
in school, and whose mother cuts out her
own cloth clothes, and cowhides her own maids.
Oh, Britannia, Britannia,see what you hewn done
for yourself by your r*gs>T afrst Aw! then you
must refuse General Stuart-Gordon I Was there
ever such an egregious fool as Britannia O'Riley?"
And Brighty thought gratefully aud remorsefully
of General Stuart-Gordon.
" He is fond of w. at any rate! and after all, is it
not as well for a girl like me to be passively loved
as actively lowing?" said Brighty, smoothing her
ringlets and adjusting her dress.
" Brighty I'' said the brnla the saute morning,
"there is one greut privilege in having a homo of
one's own.'"
" You have always had such a home, my love."
" In being mistress of a home, then !"
" And such a splendid home, Louise !"
' it is that one niav share it with their best
friends!" exclaimed the bride, throwing herself in
Brighty'r arms. " Oh, Brighty ! come home with
me. and be my sister, until you are married yourself"
Brighty slightly started at the l ist supposition
and looked keenly at, Louise. She only siw the
hitherto pale girl with her eyes bright hs starr
and her lips apart and dewy with happiness and
hope. Brighty smiled in her eyes and caressed
w.? i.?:
"My love, I thmk you! Hut consider! This
is a most unreasonable request of yours!'
" Biighty?" exclaimed the brile, in astonishment.
" Why, yes, love ! Think of it f You and Louis
would be the most insupportable hosts on earth
for the next month or two! Think of it! A month
with a newly-married bride and groom ! I should
expire of ennui!" and, laughing, Hrighty hurried
away to escape her farther importunity.
Then, hastening back with a sudden impulse,
she caressed her?
"My sweet Louise, I am grateful for all your
love and goodness, indeed I urn! Hut I cmnot
accept It, Louise! It is not orjxdunt that I
" Oh, Hrighty, if you would be persuaded, I
should be so happy 1"
" You will be happy, Louise! you arr happy !
and I am so glad to witness it. There is Louis !
Go meet him!" and Hrighty, disengaging herself
from the embrace of Louise, hastened away?hastened
#Way from the breakfast room, where this
conversation took place?to the saloon, in which
most of the guests who hod remained all night
were assembled.
Here she encountered General Stuart-Gordon,
who, taking both her hands, and pressing them,
looked with a penetrating gaze in her eyes, and
began to say?
' Brighty!"
"I permit no one utu mc young gins 01 my
acquaintance to address mc so familiarly, General
Stuart-Gordon !" said Brighty, trying to with
draw her hands, and to repress the smile that
would gleam out from under her long eyelashes,
and flutter in the corners of ber lips.
" An r*Mr, young Udy," said the mature lover.
gAyly, squeezing both her hands until the jewelled
rings upon them dented his fat hands, and,
bowing ceremoniously, he let her pass
General Rtnart-Gorlon had caught a glimpse
of that repressed but gleaming smile, and it was
wonderful the effect! wonderful how lightly
stepped about that heavy man ! how gayly smiled
and talked thatgraveman I?until several matrons
in the saloon, wishing to compliment him, said?
"The rasrriageof your son restores your youth,
General Stunrt-Gordon!"
A piece of informa'ion with which the uDgratcful
General did not seem to be particularly delighted.
" This popular idea of growing old is an Illusion,
Mes James !" he auid. " ' Age, is a movable
feast.' "
" A movable fast rather, General," replied the
ladies, laughing
General Stuart-Gordon smiled, bowed, and
passed out to seek his daughter-in-law, of whom
he wu beginning to grow very fond.
Britannia had hurried off to the bevy of girls
whom she loved well enough to permit to call her
" Brighty "
Gertrude Lion, Zos Dove, and Susan Somerville,
were grouped upon their favorite crimson
sofh in the reoeas of the bow window at the farther
extremity of tha salo n. Mrs. Armstrong
was doing the honors of her house to a group of
elderly ladies assembled in the front of the room.
At this moment, Louise entered, leaning on the
arm of h m r.ik ? l.vnltiniv aa liRtimiflll
with her slightly heightened color, her radiant
blue eyes, end her fair completion and petit
figure net off to the heat advantages by the pale
blue ailk of her morning dree*
Mr* Armstrong. teeing her blithe oou.iteoanoe,
grew black la the face, and muttered to herself?
" Thia it la to have a flckle and ungnteful
child ! Already the rejoioea in the near prospect
of leaving her mother's house for the full liberty
of her husband's!"
Mrs Armstrong, in her blind pride ami jealousy,
failad to reflect that *he herself had left to
others t^e task of cultivating the affections of her
child. And indeed the heart of Louise was cx1
panding ns well under the paternaUondncss of
General Stuart-Gordon, as in the warm and e?ruest
affection of Louia.
What are you going to do, Brighty?" inquired
the girls as Britannia took her seat with
! them.
" I do not know, indeed ! I bare decided on
nothing as yet," said Brighty, growing serious in
i spite of herself.
Susan Somerville had not joined in the inquiry,
but now she looked up with interest upon the
sobered face of Brighty, and, passing her hand
once or twice across her own pala and troubled
brow, fell in'o thought.
" Miss O'Riley, Brutus and myself would be
very happy to hare you pass some months with
! us at the Lair. It is true that the housekeeping
: is rather topsy-turvy, and that the old garden has !
) more rocks, brambles, aud snakes, in it than flowers.
fruits, or birds; but then our horses are the
floest in the country, and our dogs equal them,"
said the Ger-faloon, with a blending of rudeness,
I urroganoe, and courtesy, that was very strange.
Britannia O'Riley bowed courteously, but, be fore
she could decline this invitation, Zoe Dove
caught her hand, and exclaimed, quite breathlessly
~ -.vs. < -. , '
"No, no! no, no! Come to the Dovecote,
Brtgbvy *Pbe housekeeping- fbee* be first rate 1
You Bhall have my little chamber; I have just
made a nice blue and white quilt for the bed ; and
1 will sleep on a pallet in father's room."
Britannia took her hand and pressed it affectionately,
and then said?
" 1 thank you both very sincerely, dear girls.
But, as yet, my future is all undetermined aud
the tears swam in Briglity's eyes, as much from a
sense of wounded pride in the thought that heg
homeless condition had moved the sympathy of
these girls, as from an emotion of gratitwie ror
their kindness?and then she thought of General
Stuart-Gordon as one who could deliver her from
all such mortifications in the present, and protect
her from their return in the future; and her
heart warmed towards him with the gratefbl but
unimpaaaioned affection that the young-loved
sometimes feel for the aged-loviug.
Susin Somervillc had remained silent ; but as
soon as she got an opportunity of speaking to
Brighty unobserved, she said?
" Will you coine to my room as soon as you can,
Miss Odliley I"
, " I will attend you thee*. uaw.oI ^ou please,"
said Brighty.
And the girls rwt and sought the ai>artme/it of
Miss Somervillc.
As soon as they were seated by the quiet, little
wood fire, Susan again passing her haud over her
brow, like one who tries to dissipate a pertinacious
nnd intensely concentrated idea, said slowly,
and in a broken voice?still like one trying
unsuccessfully to break the bondage of an overmastering
thought, and give attention to the subject
in hand?
" Britannia, after these?these wedding festivities
are over, come with me to the Crags. It is
wild, blasted?not nioe now?but it will be better
in the Rnrinir!' ftnd. without w.iitinir for an an
r r 7 O
swcr, Susan relapeeii again into thought, forgetting
that she had given the invitation.
Brighty had penetrated her secret. She gated
on that pale and altered brow, those wasted cheeks
and hollow eyes?eyes grown twice their natural
size through dilation of their pupils?aud the
emaciation of the face?upon that collapsed aud
quivering frame,and turned abruptly away to hide
the tears that suffused her eyes. Not for the
world, by any betrayal of her own sympathy,
would she have violated the sanctuary of her
friend's sacred delicacy. Recovering her own
composure, she returned to Susan, aud, by way
of arousing her, took her hand, and said cheerfully?
41 1 thank you, dear Susan , and 1 accept your
kind invitation very gladly."
" It is a dreary waste, a bleak, desolate scene,
Brighty, but it has the advantage of healthfulness,"
observed Susan, in some degree recovering
herself. ^
The dinner bell rang, and the young ladies
separated to arrange their dreeees.
1 bad occasion to tell you once before, that wedding
festivities in the country parts of Maryland
and Virginia are conducted on quite a different
plan to that adopted in fashionable city circles
The houey-moon. usually passed in solitude by
fashionable city bride and groom, is here spent in
a round of dinner parties, balls, &c. It is an occasion
of merry-making that quiet country people
seize with great avidity and improve to its utmost
Thus our bride and bridegroom were kppt in a
continual whirl of dissipation fur five weeks,
which brought April before they were finally settled
in their beautiful home of The Isle of Rays.
New York, February 11, 1650.
M y Dear Sir : As one of your immediate constituents,
pv runt me to express to you my views
on the resolutions lately submitted to the Semite
by Mr. Clay. They are skilfully drawn, and
their true import seeing to me to he generally misunderstood,
and in many instances intentionally
misrepresented. Various considerations combine
to render these resolutions acceptable to that class
of our Northern politicians, who are anxious to
be popular at home, without forfeiting their share
of the patronage which is dispensed at Washington
by the Slave Power. The resolutions are
eight in uunitber, aud I will examine them in
their order.
* lfisT ittaOLl TlO.V
I. This proposes the admission of California
as a State, without the imposition by Congress of
finy restriction on the subject of Slavery, and
" with suitable bottndarittP These words imply
that the present boundaries are unsuitable, and
must be altered. Let me now call your attention
to the true union for this reservation about boundaries,
and respecting which the resolution is
silent. Duriug the war, and before the cession
of any territory, the House of Representatives
pissed the Wilmot Proviso, prohibiting Slavery
in all the Territory that might be acquired. On
this, the South, with one voice, declared that they
would not submit to the exclusion of slavery south
of 3fl? 30'. The Legislature of Alabama resolved
that they would not recognise ' anj enactment of
the Federnl Government which Las for its object
the prohibition of slavery in any territory to be
acquired by conquest or treaty, south of the liue of
the Missouri Compromise." At a public meeting
in Charleston, and ?t which I believe Mr. Calhoun
was present, it was resolved that it would
be debasing and dishonorable to submit to the
prohibition of slavery ' beyond what is already
yielded by the Missouri Compromise," and innumerable
have been the offers and efforts of
Southern politicians to extend the Compromise
line to the Pacific. Hence It is not the exclusion
of slavry in California to the north of that line
that offends the South; and to admit this AntiSlavery
State, bounded on the south by 3#? 30/
is doing no more than what the South tuu. consented
should be doDf, and is in no sense a com<dj
promise. But the free State of California extends
south of this line, and hence her southern
boundary is unsuitable, and hence Mr. Clay's revolution
makes a tacit provision for depriving the
State of so muoh of her territory as his Southern
fljcnds have resolved shall not be oonsecrated to
freedom. Mr. Foote of Misniesippi observe I, in
; relation to this very resolution, " I eee no objection
i to admitting all California above the line of 36?
| 30'into the Union, provided another new slave
| State be Lid off within the present limits of
I Texas" To this laying off another new slave
State, Mr. Clay's compromise opposes no obsts|
cle! Had Mr. Clay proposed the sdmiselon of
! California with ' its present boundaries," his
i offer would so far have been a compromise as to '
concede something to rree-lom, na a consideration
for the surrender of the Wilmot Proviso.
2. The next resolution declares that lia? ilatxry
don not IXlit by Ion', und u not I tidy to be iniroihif'd
' into any of the conquered territories,
the/ should he organized under Territorial Governments,
without an/ restriction on the subject
of slaver/. The proposed assertion bj Congress
that slaver/ dors not exist by laic in the Territo;
rice, is hailed as an all-sutficient baloa to the eonsciences
of those who recoil with horror at the
1 idea of being In an/ degree responsible for the
txirnsion ef human boodsgs And what. let me
ask, is this declaration, but the enunciation of n
bald truism 1 We >11 know there is no law, Mexican
or American, reeogoiaing slaver/ in the Tar*
ritorieu. Mr. Clay adroitly avoids drawing an/
; inference from this acknowledged fact, but expects ,
| that the good Psopls of the North will draw for
themselves the inference, that >*ecsuse slaver/ '
doss not sxist by law, thct'forf it is prohibit- d by '
law Properly in sfephaats does not exist by luw j
I iu New York, but atill it exists, bsoause it is not 1
prohibited hy law. Mr. Clay well know* that
Mr Calhoun and the great mass of the slaveholders
contend that in the riwa of a prohibitory lair.
men, women, and children, as well as horses and >
sheep, may be held as property in any Territory
of the Uuited States ; and this doctrine Mr Clay
himself nowhere denies. Nay, further. Mr. Calhoun
insists, and 1 believe truly, that slavery
never hat bum ettab/ifhed by lair in any country?
that iifitr property in man has l>cen acquired, thni,
and not before, laws are passed to protect it. The
slaveholders ask for no act of Congress authorizing
them to carry their property into the Territories.
All they ask is, that no prohibitory hm
shall be passed, and then they will carry their
slaves where they please, and keep them by their
own strong hand without law, till in their Territorial
Legislatures they shall pass such li.wg on
the subject as they shall find needful. Not a word
in Mr. Clay's compromise contravenes this legal
theory, or prevents its reduction to practice. Slavery
did once exist by law in these Territories.
Why does it not now? Mr. Clsy aasw>rs the
question by telling us that Mexican law *t>o1i?hed
it. Now, he perfectly well knows that the Mexican
law not ouly abolished but prohibited slavery.
If that law was repealed by the conquer, then
-'he c.'d law waa revived, and slavery dots now tint
by lam. If the law was not repealed by the
oooqwast, then the law is still in fore* sn-i,?iaverv
is uoir prohibited by larr. Why, then, does not Mr.
Clay fairly and honestly declare that slavery is
now prohibited by law ? Because this would indeed
be a compromise, and would render tba Proviso
nugatory, and would secure the Territories
from the curse of slavery. The very omission of
such a declaration implies a denial of an existing
prohibition, and in such denial he well knows the
whole South concurs. So far, then, is Mr. Clay's ,
inconsequential truism from being a compromise,
that it surrenders to the South even more than ,
she has demanded, and throws open to the slaveholders
the whole territory north as well as south *
of the Missouri line. But to reconcile the North
to this total surrender, they are to be favored by ,
Congress with an opinion that it is not hfoly that (
slavery will be introduced into any part of the con- |
quered territory. What is only improbable, is at ,
least possihl*, and hence this legislative opinion ,
would, in fact, be a solemn aud official declaration, ,
that there is no lentil prohibition to the introduction ,
of slavery. It is not pretended that this opinion ,
which Congress is to volunteer is to have any legal
force whatsoever. But wbwt. v( time shall prove
the opinion to have been erroneous, will it be any
consolation to the North for having, by their act, ,
bllghded immense' regions with human bondage, (
that they had been fooled by an opinion? Mr.
Downs of Louisiana, in reply to Mr. Clay, asserted
that there were already in tho Territories
"some four or five hundred slaves,''' and another ,
member declared that there would now have beeu ,
plenty of slaves there, had not their masters been
apprehensive of the Proviso If Mr. Clay is correct
in his opinion, the slaveholders have beam
strangely mistaken, it was openly avowed during
the war. that the territory to be conquered
south of 3G? 30' would bo a slave region, ilefore
our army entered the city of Mexico, we were
offered all Texas proper, and the whole of N?w
Mexico and California north of thirty-seven degrees?an
extent of territory equal to nine
States of the size of New York. The offer was
rejected, and thousands were slaughtered to obtain
territory south of .16? 30', to be peopled with
slaves. From the first mention of the Proviso,
our Northern editors and politicians iu the slave
interest opposed it as unnecessary, because, as
they assured us, the soil and climate of these territories
were unsuitable to slave lobar. The slaveholders
knew better, and never endorsed the
falsehood of their allies. Mr. Wnddy Thomp
son of South Carolina, Minister to Mexico, announced
to his brethren, writing ofCalifornia?
"Sugar,rice, and cotton, nnd there their own congenial
clime. '?RrcolUctiont oj M<sico, p. 234.
DM f Km Snnfh mtirA war* n rw\r? Mnri<?n nnlv fn
acquire free territory? Is she now threatening
disunion and civil war for a privilege she ' is not
likely " to exercise ?
'- -Upon what does Mr. Clay real his strange, unnatural
oj^nion 1 AI moat sclj|Mvr.ly on the exclusion
oi slavery from the CafTroml.-wn constttution.
lie does not pretend that this exclusion was
owing to the unfitness of the soil snd climate for
slave labor. We all know that the unexpected
discovery of gold suddenly collected in California
a large North-rn population, naturally averse to
slavery, and jealous of the competition of slave
labor, in digging gold. Hut does gold exist in
Dcseret or New Mexico? Or is there a large
Northern population In California sooth of 3f??
30'? Is it logical to infer that slavery is not
likely to be introduced into these Territories,
even with the sanction of Congress, because under
totally different circumstances it has been excluded
from California? New Mexico is separated
by an imaginary line from Texss, snd about
half of it is claimed by that slave State, is it
likely that Texan slaveholders will not cross the
line with their property, or occupy territory they
claim as their own ?
The settlers in Deseret have formed a Constitution
virtually allowing slavery, by not prohibiting
it. The gold-diggers in California are concentrated
far north of 36? 30', the city of San
Francisco is also north of that lino, while south
[ of it is a large area, whore there is little to obstruct
the introduction of slavery. Under these
circumstances, there are probably very few men
in Congress who would dare, on their oaths, to
nflirm the opinion expressed by Mr Clay. That
opinion is Ht best a calculation of chanctt; a calculation
on which no man would hsz ird a thousand
dollars; yet this miserable calculation is
ottered to the North as a compensation for the
surrender of all the political and moral blessings
which the Proviso would iccurt.
Mr. Clay utterly demolishes Gen Cass's argumerit
against the constitutionality of the Proviso,
and atlirms most positively the right of Congress
to prohibit slavery in the territories Put how
stands the ijnesticn of duty and moral consistency
between these two gentlemen ? Undeniably in
favor of the General, lie has not, indeed, undertaken
to solve the nice aud diflicult <|uestiou
whether human bondage is a curse or a blessing,
lie is sensibly alive to the atrocity of flogging
two or three Hungarian women, but makes no
comment on Ihws which subject thousands of
American women to the lash. He calls upon the
nation to express its indiguation, at the execu- |
tion of a few Hungarian insurgents taken with
arms in their hands, bat gives no opinion how far ,
It would be right or wrong to shoot certain of bis ,
own countrymen, if taken in revolt against worse
than Austrian oppression. Put he contends that j
whatever may be the moral character of slavery,
Congress has no constitutional right to prohibit it, !
and t/i'r'fore ought not to prohibit it. On the |
other hand, Mr. Clay frankly declares that sla- \
very is wrong, "a grievous wrong;" that to propagate
slavery is to propagate wkon?. He Httirrns ,
the constitutional power of Congress to prohibit ,
this nronairation of wronor. and then calls unon .
Congress to permit slaveholders to propagate thin
wrong when and where they please over the
whole wide extent of our conquered territory,
with the single exception of what may he included
within the State of California. Itefore God
Mud man, Gen Caae'a conclusion from his jtrmurt
justified, while the conclusion drawn by Mr
Clay from his premises is condemucd as hostile
to morality and humanity
mien, rotJBTii, kii ru, ?mi xixru kkvij.ijiio.ns '
3. This resolution merely gives to Texas more
territory than she is entitled to, and lout than she
demands, and is so far a compromise of territorial \
claims ; hut in no degree a compromise between '
the friends and enemies of hum io rights, since 1
what is to he taken from Texas is to be iuimedi 1
ately thrown open to the slaveholders
4. Texas h ia, before annexation, pledged her '
duties on foreign commerce as security to osrtsin <
creditors. These duties, by annexation, were '
aurrendered to the United .States. Mr. Clsy 1
proposes that the United States shall assume the
debie due to these creditors. If Texas will relin- I
quish her claims on New Mexico. If justice re- i
quires the nation to assume these debts, their as- I
sumption ought not to depend on the retsion of I
territory by Texas. If in justice we do not owe I
these debts, their payment by us will in fact be a i
gratuity to Texaa for the relinquishment of one <
of the moat impudent and fraudulent claims ever <
mails. We have oHici il information, commaoioa- i
ted hy General Jackson to Congress, that the <
Texsus, when defining the boundaries of their <
new-horn republic, at flrft determined to include I
CWyVrMi", and beyond all question they had then |
ae much right to Han Frsnrirco aa they now have <
to Hants Fe. The proposition of Mr. CUy is I
therefore to pay Texas for territory to whioh be I
admits she has no title, and then to throw open i
the territory eo purchased to the slaveholders <
in this, I can see no oonocaaion to the North t
5 Congress is to declare it inexpedient tuabol- I
ish slavery iu the District of Columbia, except I
with >h- aenent <>f Maryland and tbe people of i
the Dial Hot, and making compensation to the <
slaveholders. The unlimited power of Congress t
to abolish slavery in the District is folly conceded,
yet he calls on Congress not to do, what
uiany of its members nnd vast multitudes of their
constituents believe it their moral duty to do. In
this proposal I can find no other compromise but
that of conscience. ,
6. The next proposal is to prohibit the importation
of slaves into the District for sale. In other
words, the inhabitants are to have a monopoly of
the trade iu human beiogs. These good people
are not to be deprived of the privilege of importing
as many slaves as they ue>y want for their
own use. nor of selling husbands and wives, snd
children, to be transported to the extremities of
the Union ; but foreign traders shall no longer be 1
permitted to glut the Washington market with
their ware*. The moment the resolution fiat-sea,
human chattels will rise in vnlue in the capital of
our republic. I ohjeot not to the abolition of the
trade, since it will remote one of the many abominations
with which slavery bus disgraced the
seat of our National Government, but 1 deny that
the proposition involves the slightest concession
on the part of the slaveholders Says Mr. Clay
himself, "almost every slaveholding State in Ibe
Union has exercised its power to prohibit the introduction
of slaves as merchandise." The power
Is exercised or not. according to convenience and
as it is thought most profitable to breed or io irn
* so MTU *r?oLnT?o!?.
7. We now come to ? grand specific for (firing J
ease to Northern consciences, for allaying all irritation,
and for restoring a general healthful action
throughout the present morbid system of the
Confederacy! I will give the recipe in full:
" Resolved, that more tff'ctval provision ought to
be made by law for the restitution and delivery
of persons bound to service or labor in any State,
who may escape into any other State or Territory
of this Union." That I may not be accused of injustice
to Mr. Clay in my subsequent remarks, 1
will quote from his speech on this point: "1 do
not say, sir, that a private individual is obliged to
make the tour of his wholo State, in orJer to assist
the owner of a slave to recover his property;
but I do say. if he is present when the owner of a
slave is nbout to assert his rights and regain possession
of his property, thai he ami every one present,
whether officer or agent of the State Government,
or private individual, is hountl to assist in
the execution of the laws of their country." " I
will go' with the farthest Senator from the South
iu this body to make penal lawa ?</ impose the
h'avxest sanctions upon the recovery of fugitive
slayer v tad the rca/pr?Jjon pf them to their owners."
Such is the panacea, and such is the manner in
which our medical adviser proposes to administer
it. He must not bo surprised, should some difficulty
be experienced iu compelling the patient to
swallow the draught.
Mr. Clay has long been a favorer of those field
sports in which the prey is man, and he has the
merit, it la believed, of being the first to conceive
the grand idea of securing a national iutercoinmunity
in these sports, by means of international
treaties. So early its the 19th June, 1S-'G, as
Socretary of State, he proposed to the llritish
Government to throw the Canadas open for this
sport, and in return, to Biitish sportsmen should
be accorded the privilege of hunting West India
1 * il.? ...UaIa n.tn?x? f \ f ?kA
urgrucc, inruu^iiuuii tuc wuwic caivuv vi ?uc
American Republic. But John Bull rejected the
tendered reciprocity, find churlishly replied, " The
Ihw of Parliament nave freedom to every slave
who effected his landing on British ground."
About the same time, we requested from Mexico
the boon of hunting negroes over her wide
area. The desired fivor was denied, but we have
since forcibly added almost half h>r N rriory to
our own hunting grounds Of all the gime laws
in existence, that of lT'J.'l, which regulates the
chase of negroes, ts tho moat horrible; yet Mr.
Clay is dissatisfied with it, and calls upon Congress
to make it k*more effectual," and of course
more horrible. Should a Virginian oome to New
York in search of hit horse, and find him in the
possession of another, who claims him as h<s property,
how is he to recover the animal I Only by
iirooess of law, and that prooers requires that s
lury of twelve impartial men, drawn by lot, shall
pass upon the conflicting claims. Neither party
has any choice in selecting the jury, nor can
either establish his claim by his own evidence.
But if tho Virginian is hunting a man. and sees
one that will serve his purpose, ami who will
fetch a thousand dollars in the Southern market,
but who claims to l*doug to himself, how is he to
secure him ? Why, he may c itch his man us well
as he can, und without wurruut uiay carry him
before any justice of the pence whom fbr sntticient
reasons he may think proper to select, and swear
that the man he has caught is his, and the justice
m iy surrender the man to perpetual bandage,
degradation, and misery. Various officers besides
justices are nuthorxi<d to act, ho th at the Virginian
has a wide choice. Surely this is hunting
made easy by law, hut it in not found ho easy in
practice. Latterly, variouw States bare prohibited
their own ujficets from assisting in the chase of
human beings, and citirens rarely lend any tinjxiil
assistance. Hence a new gimeluw is deemed
needful, and Mr. Ci ty, as we haveseen, is pledged
to go with "the farthest Southern Senator," the
moot devoted lover of the sport, to make it effectual.
The Judiciary Committee hav^ accordingly
reported a hill, now before the Senate. ''I agree,"
slid Mr. Mason, one of the farthest Southern
Senators, in bis speech on this bill, (28th Jan .) "I
ugree that the Federal Government has no pomir
to impose. (lulus of ant/ kind upon the officers of Slate
(Joimimtnls us suchP Of course, the obligation
imposid by the law of 17?3, upon justices of the
peace and other State otlicers, to catch slaves, are
void, and our Northern Legislatures, It Is Admitted,
have a right to prohibit them from participating in
slave hunts. Toohviate this difficulty,it becomes
necessary to select other than S/nte officers to adjudicate
upon (juestio/is of higher import than any,
with the single exception of life and death, that
ivef exercise the talents, learning, virtue, Hnd independence,
of the most august tribunals of any
civilixcd country. And who are the grave and
reverend judges appointed by this bill to sit in
judgment on the liberty or bondage of native-born
Americans? Among these judges are twiniy
mouse nu poKTMAsrsas I F. ich one of these new
judges is authorized to ndjudge any man, woman,
or child, black or white, to he a vendible chattel;
and this judgment is to be founded on any proof
that may be satisfactory to said postmaster in the
words of the bill, "either by oral testimony or
iffidtTit," nor is the testimony, either oral or by
affidavit, of the interested claimant excluded ; and
from this judgmeut there is no sppettl! Slavery
is no longer confined to one color. The Southern
i. Krv.ir.rl with ntlvAPiisAriiOnlfl fiffftwivirt seii
wards for fugitive slates, containing the caution,
>bat the fugitive will probably attempt to pass
for a trhii' person.
A few years since a Maryland slaveholder
wugbt in Philadelphia a white girl, (M?ry Oilmore,)
whom he claimed as Lis turn*. The case
was brought before a Pennsylvania judge, and occupied
two days, and it was proved by most abundant
overwhelming evidence, that the alleged
iiave was the orphan daughter of poor Irish rait
knts. The mother hail died in the Philadelphia
hospital, and the duughter hud never been in
Maryland. Ry a pending amendment to this bill,
every man and woman who, prompted by the holiest
impulses of our nature, shall ' burhor or
sonoeal" the prey from the hunter, Is to be visited
with fine and imprisonment. A few dsys after
Mr. (3l?y introduced his resolutions, Rruen k
Mill, slxve tracts in Alexandria, wrote a letter,
lines puhlishcJH the newspapers, stating for the
information of a free moiiikk in New York, who
wished to redeem her natron ikk from bondage,
hat they cannot afford to sell "the girl Emily
for less than kioiitikm hundikd eoixaae." Why
[hi* prodigious price ? They mid, "we have two
>r three offers for Kmily from n'.nilmm from the
South. Sho is said to be the finest-looking woman
n this country."
ik:. -i .11_ ....... v..
nuuuiu iuib uctuw<-(i i vi* I in ifiii hci
keepers, und he afterwards found conceded in her
Bother1* house, not only is aha to ha carried hick
?d<1 subjected to the fate intended for her, hut
the mothkk ia liable by the then present bill to
but sentenced to pay a One of Ave hundred dollars
to the United Ststea, to pay Messrs Hruen 8t Hill
me thousand dollars for damages, and be imprisoned
sii months. We hepe, for Mr. Clay's repjtation,
no "farthest Senator from the South"
rill ask for heavier penalties, for if he does, Mr
Clay is pledged to vote for " the heaviest sanctions"
that may be proposed. Hut suppose this
poor girl should And her wsy to PeclukU), In tead
of New York, and in your sWno?\ with
bursting heart, aak to be sheltered in your house
from her pursuers Can you for a si ogle moment
jdmit he possibility, that your wife, the mother
if your children, could, through f*?r of 'he law,
10 unsea herself ea to turn the trembling fugitive
Into the street, or bstray her to the hunters I A
thousand times rather would you see the partner
of your bosom enduring Mr Clay's "he?*i- i
est sanctions." than bring ignominy upon herself, i i
and covering her husband and ohildreu with 1 I
i shame ami confusion of face, by committing a
j crime eo foul and damnable. Mr. Mason, in his
speech, insists upon the right of the hun'er * to
| enter peaceably any endoeureor dwki.i.ing where
such alwTe may tie found, for the purpose of ta|
king him." Should this asserted right he inoor|
porufed into the ccmjrromise hill, then may Southern
ruffians and Northern doughfaces ere long
he roaming through our bed rooms and rausnck|
ing our closets in search of prey. Should an attempt
be made to enforce" the heaviest eanctiou* "
for which Mr. Clay is ready to vote, he may be
assured the prisons in New York and New England
are too few to hold the vast multitude of
men and women who would willingly tenant them
rather thnn peril their souls by betraying the fugitive,
or assisting in his capture. Mr. Clay vrry
kindly declines requiring "a private individual
to makt the tour of his trhole State n in search of a
slave, but he insists that nil rrho nere jtr'smt when
the game is started, ought to follow the hounds.
Could he but enforce this obligation, we should
have some grand turn-oats in New York ?nd
New England some like the one fancied hy the
"(Joo?l luck to or hunters ! how nobly they ride,
In the glow of their seal, and the strength of their pride!
The priest with bis psssnek flung tuck on the wind,
Just screening the politic statesmen behind?
The saint and the sinner, with cursing and pesyer?
The drunk and the sober ride merrily there.
Ob' goodly and grand is our huntiug to see,
In this ' laud of the brare and this home of the free !'
Kight merrily hnoting the black wan whose sin
Is the curl of bis hair and the hue of his skin.
So speed to their hunting o'er mountain and glen,
Through cane-brake and forest?the hunter of men! "
l?ut the Constitution! This instrument declares,
in substanoe, that the fugitive slave shall
be delivered up ; but Mr. Clay, 1 believe, is the
first lawyer who has oontended that the obligagution
of delivery rests upon "private individuals."
Even Mr. Mason, in his speech, insists that
the mandate to deliver up is "addressed to the
jurisdiction of the Slate into which the fugitive
may escape'" Of course, individual cititru*, as
such, are under no constitutional obligations to
volunteer to catch slaves. But suppose a positive
law should enjoin each individual to betra^ 01
nil) in P Ihtliriritv iKa fltrriti vo ? flia MSiaatiunAint i.s
, ..p, . vp.....V, ,.,
the Apostles, when legally forbidden to teach in
the name of Jesus, would then recur : " Whether
it be right, in the eight of God, to hearken unto
you more then unto God, judge ye.'' It is not
merely the right, but the duty of a Christian to
re/usewn <tcdve toaiiisioe to any aud every iaw i
of man which he believes contravenes the commands
of his Maker: snd then, like the Apostles,
to offer no forcible resistance to the penalties attached
to his disobedience.
Mr. Clay may reat assure J that the bill of
pains and penalties promised in his 7th resolution
will not have the composing iutiuencc ho
anticipates. Filling our prisons with pious, benevolent,
kind-hearted men and women, will
have little effect in suppressing ngitntion In
his compromising anodyne, Mr. Clay has omitted
hd important ingredient. Ample provision
is to be mode for the recovery of Southern
slaves, but none for the recovery of SortU'rn
citizthi. If the Constitution gives the Southern
planter a right to seize his slave in New
York or Massachusetts, equally explicit is the
grant to citizens of those States to enjoy a|U the
rights of citizenship in South Carolina. Yet, if
certain of our citizens, freeholders and electors at
homo, think proper to visit that State, a prison is
the only dwelling they are permitted to occupy;
and should the State to which they belong send
an agent to iuquire why they are immured in a
jail, and to bring their case before the Supreme
Court of the United States, he is compelled to
flee at the hazard of his life 1
S. The IhiI item of this grand compromise is
virtually a guaranty that the American sluve
trade, vile and loathsome as it is, shall be held
sacred from prohibition or oluitruction by the
Federul Government for all time to oome. The
stars and stripes shall forever protsct e tch coasting
vessel that shall be frieghted with human
misery and despair, and manacled coffles shall,
without molestation, be driven across the coutiI
uent from the Atlantio to the Pacific. The slave
1 Inub in the niltrii-t tVi-it in tn Ann uifirrta Inarlfi.l
Mr. Clay pronounce* "detestable," aud talks with
horror of " the corteges which pass along our avenues
of manacled human beings." But why this
sudden outburst of indignation against a lawful
commerce I Is it dishonorable to sell merchandise?
11.is not Mr. Clay himself proclaimed
"that is property which the law makes property?"
Why does he discard the Washington
in .n-merchants ? Is it base to buy and sell human
beings? Mr. Clay forgets that this "detestable
trade" is. in fact, supported by the gentlemen
breeders who sell and the gentlemen planters
who buy. But this trade, which issowdetesta
ble," and these corteges, which are so horrible on
a Very little scale, are now to assumo a national
importance, protected and sanctioned by the Government
of the whole Republic !
Such, sir, is the magnanimous compromise which
so many of our Whig and I'emocratio politicians,
now that the elections are our, and the solemn
pledges made in tavor of the Wilmot Proviso
siiji/iosk! to be forgotten, are willingto accept as a
mighty boon to human rights, and a mighty barrier
against the further encroachments of tha
slave power. In nty cars, the only language addressed
by these eight resolutions, to the North,
is the cry of the horse-leech?give, give.. No test
oan detect in them, no microscope can make visible
the most minute concession to human liberty
Not one single inch of Territory does the proposed
compromise secure from slavery, that is not already
rescued from its power. Notone single human
being will it save from bondage.
The extension of the Missouri line to the Pacific
would at least huve rendered all on the north
of it free soil; but, siys Mr. Clay, most truly,
although with u frankness almost insulting to the
North?" I Bay, sir, in my place here, that it is
much better for the South that the whole suhjict
should he open on both subs nn imiitpui'iry line of
3(P '10', th'In that slavery should he interdicted positively
north of 30? 30', with freedom to admit or exclude.
it south of 30? 30', at the will of the pe:o]ilef'
Hut. Mr. Clay exclaimed, ' no earthly power
could induce me to rote for the/nxi/ice Introduction
of slavery eouth or north of that line," and
at thin heroic avowal tho galleries applauded.
Hut the galleries are not deeply versed in Southern
tactics. Mr. Clay need apprehend no coercion
to extort his reluctant, vote for a purpose no
one desires or demands. The South have, with
one voice, denied the power of Congress either to
prohibit or establish slavery in the Territories.
Said Mr. King of Alabama, in roply, "wo ask
uo act of Congress to carry slavery anywhere. I
believe we (Congress) have just as much right to
prohibit slavery in the Territories, as to carry it
there. We have no right to do one or the other."
Other Southern Senators avowed their concurrence
in the doctrine advanced by Mr. King
ilence Mr. Clay's defiance of any power on earth
to make him do what notaxly wants him to do,
was, at least, a rhetorical flourish.
Hut if this pretended compromise is, as I contend,
a full and unqualified surrender of sll the
demands of the North, why did certain ultra Senators
object to it? A show of resistance might
have been deemed politic, km tending to make
Northern mcu suppose there must be something
granted to them although th<-y could not tell
what. It uny also suit the party purposes of
aninn to t.rnlooir the on-m-nt nmlalion that Lhev
may manufacture more patriotism for the Southern
market And, lastly, if any roally wish to
form a separate Republic, In which they expect
to hare more power than they now enjoy, they will
of course reject nil concessions, however great.
Hut it ie incredible that the mere slaveholder*,the
men who are only auxioue to open new markets /or
the ft ile of their stock, and to acquire more votes
in Congress, should be averse to n proposition
that otters them all they have ever asked, and nil
that Congress can give them, with the exception
of the suppression of the right of petition, and
the censorship of the Post Otlice; and these are
not now in iasue.
But we are told that unless we yield to the demands
of the slaveholders, they will dissolve the
Union. And what are these demands, which Mr.
Clay admit* we have full right to refuse I Why,
that asms!! body of men, not probably exceeding
100,000* shall be at liberty, lor their own ag.
grandiiement, to blight with the curse of slavery
our vast |>os*es*ioos south of 36"? 30', and whatever
portion of Mexico it shall be found hereafter
convenient to seise. Thus, at a time when eruelty
and oppression are elsewhere giving way bsfora
the increasing intelligence and morality of the
qg*, we, the Mode) Republic, are to be the Instrument
of extending over illimitable regions, now
fr< e, a despotism more aocursod than any other
known throughout the civilised world?a deepotih.t
not only euslavee the body, but crushes the
intellect through whioh man is enabled to distinguish
good from tvil?a despotism that annihilates '
a'l rights, sets at naught all the atfeotions of the j
heart, end converts a being made in the image of '
Cod, iuto a soulless machine. Tell me not of erC'ptioHx?of
*<imc lucky chattel, like Mr. Clay'#
negro, referred to in hi* speech. who, in bis rn.utter
s well-Mori"! kitchen. hugs kis chain, laughs,
and grows fat He is hut a vendible commodity,
and to-morrow's nun may behold him toiling under
the I ish, his wife given to another, and his
children with pigs and mule*. sold at auction to
tho highest bidder. Tell me not of exceptions;
| "the kind owner" may at any moment he cx- (*
changed by death or debts, for the hardened, re;
morseless taskmaster, and the law sanction* every
i vilhiny perpetrated upon the slave t No. my
, dear sir, I cmnot give my consent, and I hope it
| will not he given for me by my representative, to
enrse a vast empire with such an institution, and to
doom unborn millions to itH unutterable stamina- I
; tions, even to save our Southern brethren f'o-n
I tho sin and folly of founding a new Republic |!)
j upon the denial of human rights, and of rendering
themselves a bye-word, a proverb and a rej
proach among all the nations of the earth I
value the favor of my God. and the salvation of
i my soul, too much to take part or lot in sucn
I great wickedness. Most fully do I atrrec with
| Mr. Clay, that Congmt has no more cons itn
| ttonai authority over slavery in the Slates, than
i in the Island of Cuh.it and inputJu}\y tip J ^jrree ? ,
with the admission in hia speech, huf no( ta he
/?>?? /1? hts resohrftont, of the right of Congrei? to
exclude slavery from the conquered territories.
Hence, in my opinion, the refusal to exercise thin
right, even to preserve the l>nlonkwon)d he a
crim* in the night of God and man. I entertain
no apprehension of the severance of the Union,
for this cause; hut should the few slaveholders,
and the vast multitude of Southern people, who
have no interest in slavery, in their madness separate
from us, upon them will rest the sin, and
upon them and their children will fall its punishment.
Let us do what God commands, and leave
to Him the consequences
Youre, truly, William Jav.
A late census in Kentucky reveals the fact, that the
slaveholder* in that State own, on au average, twe itjr tw,.
slaves. Should this average he applied to the wh'ies'avc
region, the number of masters, according to I lie ceuius of
ItilO, cannot exceed 117,(Ml!
t Our <l"tighf?ce* are always complaining that 'heir em- .
ployer* are slandered at the North Let the employers
spesk for thems-lve* In Itrr. Repot It, (North ( arolina.)
p Jf'-l. 1689, we And the case of Tat Slate va Mann Tba
defendant att> mpted to flog a woman slave whom be had
hlrel j she retreated: he ordered her to cone to him but
she continued to ret'eat; he selxed his gnu, fired a' and
wouwtwd her. For this he wo* indicted I be t one* ASd.f *
tha' he who hiraa a slave in, for the time being, invrs'rd
with all'he power* of therwnrr himself, to en free oledienoe
and that the in lietmetit eould not tie sustained. SdM
Judga KoflUi, " The pow?r*<if the nMmtt VSiSt be"ah*oiute, "
to rsn.ler the submission of the slave perfect. 1 moat s neerety
confess m.v sense if the harshness of this proposition
I feel it a* deeply a* any insn can; at.tl ai u principle
of vunnl right, erenj man in hit retirement mutt repudiate
it. lint in the actual state of things it must be so?
there is no remedy. This Uisi iplink rxlonos to Klavxbv."
Verily, w's are the people to lecture Austria'
Fkidav, Fkphi'aky 1ft, 18ft0,
In Committee of the Whole on the atate of the Union,
on the Resolution referring the Preiulnu't M'Sitif
to the. various Standing Commu ters.
Mr. Wellborn said:
In rising, Mr. Chairman, to reply to the arguments
of the honorable member from Indiana,
| Mr. Fitch ] pronounced on yesterday, and tho
linnornhlo niemlier from Ohio I M r Hoot 1 wh.?
has just taken his seat., I must beg the special indulgence
of the Committee. Tbo circumstanced
in which I enter upon the weighty topic* now engaging
our most aminos deliberations, le ive me
little opportunity to observe that order in argument,
and that accuracy of language most favorable
to a correct comprehension of what I desire
to submit to the notice of the Committee. If,
however, Mr. Chairman, 1 shall succeed in discussing
the perplexing subjects before us with
the respect due to opposing opinions and at the
same time with the freedom and candor becoming
their gravity, I shall b? most hnppv.
The honorable member from Indiana [Mr. ?
< Fitch] expressed, in the Course of his argument
on yesterday, the opinion that the passage of the
Ordinance of 17*7 for the government of tho
Northwestern Territory, containing a clau?e prohibiting
the introduction of slavery therein, was,
in effect, tho setting of a just precedent for ita
uniform exclusion from all suhsrmi< nt territorial
acquisitions of this Union That prnpo-itlon
requires a review of a few of the histories! circumstances
in which that Ordinance came to bo
passed. It will be remembered by tho Committee
that it w is enacted by the Congress of the
Confederation Now, Mr. Ch drman, when the
Articles of Conf< deration weie adopted, the
States whieh were parties to them held no other
territory whatsoever than that, which was embraced
within their respective limits They hsd
no territory. I repeat, in the aen-e in which we
apply that term to unnpprnpri t"l lands from
time to lime held in common by the United States.
And if the honorable member who used that argument
wilt take the trouble to look through
those Articles of Confederation, he will find no
remark which can for a moment justify the idea
that territorial arquisitionH were anticipated by
them When, therefore, pending those Articles,
territorial cessions to the States in common came
to he made to the States separately, the Congress
of the Confederation found itself without tho
shadow of rightful authority over them. A new
state of things, not contemplated by the Articles
of Confederation, hud transpired. It was, Mr. '
Chairman, in these precise circumstance* that
the Congress of the Confederation, with very
patriotic Intentions, doubtless, hut in n manner
wholly irregular, ruaoted and put in operation
over the Te-ritory referred to by the honorable
member, the Ordinance under notice.
Mr. Madison, in the .')8th number of the Federating
will be found, in commenting upon this
course of conduat on the pert of the Cotigreee of
the Confederation reepecting that Territory, to
hare held the following langunge: jj
"Congress hare assumed the ndminietration of
thie stock. They bare begun to render it produc- ,
tire. Congress hare undertaken to do more; 1
they barn proceeded to form new Stated ; to erect
temporary Governments; to appoint ollioere for
them ; nod to prerorlbe the condition on which
och Statea thall he adndtted into the Confederacy.
All thia has been done, Nnd done without.
the lenat color of constitutional authority;
yet no blame haa been whispered, no alarm hue
been Bounded."
We thu? perceire the anomalouK nature of this
procedure. The Ordinance, howerer, such as It
was, hud panned into execution before the present
Federal Government was formed. Before pass- ,
ing from it, I ask attention to the last member of 1
the tJth article of a certain compact expressed
in it butwecn the original States, whose Congress
enacted it, and the Territory nnd the States contemplated
to be formed out ol? it.
it is in thiee words:
" Provided, alrcnys, That any person escaping
into the same, from whom labor or service is lawfully
claimed in any one of the original States,
such fugitive may be lawfully reclaimed and conveyed
to the person claiming his or her labor or
service as aforesaid."
L?<'i us now, Mr. L DKirinao, proceed more immediately
to the consideration of a few historical
facte, shedding light on the relation the provisions
of the Constitution of the United States hoar to
the subject of slavery, and the probable intention
of its frnmers touching the bearings of those |?rovisions
on the institution in the future. Did
they contemplate, as the honorable member from
Indiana instate, its exolueiou from all territorial
atvpiisilions following its adoption? What is tho
evidence on which the nflirmative of this <)uention
rests? Is it to he found m the mere silence if
the Constitution on the svbjtci ? To rest tho proof
of it on this, would be substantially to argue that i
whit is not disproved It to be taken to exist. J
Let it be borne in mind, that this Ordinance
oovi-red all the territory held In ooininon by the
State# of this Union on their adoption of the Constitution.
Now, I need not repeat to the committee
the 'id clause of the yd section of the lib article
of the Constitution, providing for tho recovery
of slaves flying from service in the Stat.s
where they may be held to service Into 8tnteH
where slavery is prohibited. By this clause it
will be seen that all the protection which, in tho existing
condition of things, was practicable con- <
sistently with the grand idea of forming a Con- I
fodefiicy of Slates, ? </? tt'rtnl us Ukalf of the.
injtitutwn of shunji, The framors of our Goveminent
could not rtcntl what hud been done
by a pnst government in the hrrttor^ so often cited.
They could not prohibit the fhattt from adjusting
within their "wo limits, on u sc?le of permanent
policy, s matter so strictly domestic In its
nature as is slavery, without s onuifeet departure
from tho whole theory of the Union oontem_
l r?-.1. .l. .....I Tb?.Iia?w i.t it...
SHiCU, |YO(U III |Ui umwa -tux irunvi; w? ?uv
oion, howew, it r#oogui*?J ^noperty iu th? I
luva. Vet it Is ia thv?# clrcuuuiUuowi that the 1

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