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The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, February 28, 1850, Image 2

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honorable member from Indiana argues that we |
are to look to the Ordintutte of 1787 as mi author- |
itative guide to th exclWion of slaverjnfrom our
present Territories, and indeed from all ffiture
ones, should more be acquired. Now, Mr.Chairman,to
perfect the arpuuient to which I nm replying,
two things, neither admitted nor proved,
are obviously necessary. First, that must appear 1
which does not appear, viz r that the framers of !
the Constitution contemplated the acquisition of j
territory by the Government of this Union. Sec- (
ondly. that additionally to this, it transpired in ,
the miuds of the States, in ratifying the Constitution.
th it should territory be acquired, an effort
would be male by the Congress in charge of it to
cxoluJe slavery therefrom. Yet, Mr. Chairman,
it so hapjietis that only a few moments ago we
heard the opinion expressed by the honorable 1
member from Ohio. (\1r. Root,] who ia equally
struggling to maintain the untenable proposition
under notice, that the independent purpose of sc
quiring territory was never present in the minds
of the frumers of the Constitution; but that the
only right this Government has to make such acquisitions
results to it as merely incidental to the
war-making power. I humbly submit, Mr. Chairman,
that this is removing in the argument the
premises so far from the conclusion, that all
oonhdeuce in the truth of the latter must be destroyed.
Need 1 add, that a similar belief to that
expressed by the honorable member from Ohio
has ever prevailed to a greater or less extent with
American statesman, and that gentleman of acVnowledged
ability and deserved influence in this
Government go yet further, and maintain the
gTonnd?that no satisfactory authority exists for
presuming that it was originally the design of
the States ratifying the Constitution to clothe
this Government with the authority, through the
medium of any or all of its powers, to extend in
any way whatsoever the territorial limits of the
Confederacy formed by our Constitution?much
less can any human sagacity essay to fathom with
oonfiience the unexpressed mind of the framers
of the Convention on tho subject in hand, and
affirm that it coveredthe point ih controversy. Thus
we perceive the shadowy and unsatisfactory nature
of the grounds on which this rnogt disparaging
proposition to the slave States is attempted
to be upheld. But the proposition is no' ouiy
unsupported by sufficient proof?it is oprpoml to
strong prohibit ities. When, Mr. Chairman, we reflect
that the majority of the States who adopted
the Constitution were slaveholding?thaf the privilege
of importing slaves from foreign States for a
period of twenty years was inserted as a term in
the compact of the Union?that the States entered
the Union as equals, and sedulously guarded their
prospective coequality?that the restriction contended
for is at variance with fair analogies applicable
to their common territory, and a disparaging
reflection upon that portion of them against whom
it operates?is it Dot highly improbable thataDy
such purpose as th it contended for by the honor- i
able member from Indiana entered into the com- !
pact of the Constitution .' The idea, I humbly
sulmit, is little less than extravagant.
But, Mr. Cbairm n) the honorable member from
Ohio argues that the power of this Government
over 'h? new Territories is an uuUwr^ ?ne,
an-1 tin? therefore no well-founded complaint can
(U ?>v ' '? > ^-vKc4?'<tt
threaten*! restriction, to which he avows himself
unalterably dt voted. Here, Mr. Chairman,
. opinions nro as discordant as on other proposi- j
lions of tho gcn'leman. Who has satisfactorily |
shown that the jurisdic ion of Congress over the j
new Territories is without limitation It has been !
often signifioautly inquired whether Congress may J
go the length of establishing a monarchy or a !
national church in our new Territories. The j
prevailing inquiry, going on acknowledged limitations.
would seem to be after the exact boundary.
Certainly it cannot be maintained that cither the
great body of American statesmen or people,
whether right or wrong in not doing bo, assent to
the proposition that Congress may do in the Territories
what it is forbid, universally, to do in
the Constitution. But were that conceded, which
is not proved, viz. that it is impossible to find a
technical limitation to the power of Congress
over the new Territories, the question would still
come back upon us in c.ch instance of the proposed
exercise of it. whether an eye were being
had to the nature ol the title by which the power
is held, tho appropriate objects of that power, and
the jngt rights of all interested in it. From such
practical guides to the exercise of it as are to be
found iu these sources, it were impossible to separate
the power without a plain breach of faith.
From this, I take it, Mr. Chairman, there can be
no escipe.
And now, Mr. Chairman, having replied to
what 1 believe may be regarded ns the strongest
argument on the opposite side of the question,
allow me to ask the indulgent attention of tho
committee to two resolutions 1 hold in hind.
It is not my intention, Mr. Chairman, to press
these rcolutious to an immediate vote. I prefer
to hold them for the present, and ask action upon
theui, or not, hereafter, as the interests of public
nff iirs nmy seem to indie itc :
1 R'soli"/, Tint California be admitted into
tho Union with her present Constitution, restricting
her southern bouudary to the parallel of 36?
30' north latitude. .
As a good deal, Mr. Chairman, has been said
about the right of self-government, with a view to
press the claims of California on our unqualified
acceptance, i beg to offer a few remarks on the
application of that right proposed to he now mode.
The votes by which the Constitution of California
was adopted, were cast in part by individuals
who, aliens to our laws, language, and religion,
were two years ago subdued by our arms, and by
integral members of the people of these States.
The former, neither by the terms of the treaty
by which California was ceded to us, by naturalization
laws, n >r by any act of this Government,
had been clothed with the elective franchise. Tho
latter were then and now bound by allegiance to
this Government. 1 low, Mr. Chairman, can either
of these classes of persons assert a right, in the
political sense of that term, to set up a Government
outside, nay, paramount to, the Constitution
and laws of this Union? But again: ou
whoso territory do they propose to exert this authority
of self-government? Can a "people,"
Mr. Cbnirruan, in any true and accredited political
eensea>f that term, exist without a country ?
Or, shall the citizens of California, in order to
reach the exercise of a disputed right, be permitted
to usurp territorial dominions confessedly not
their own? Will we accept them? is obviously
tho only true inquiry.
The Committee nre aware that the territory of
California, as defined in her Constitution, is vastly
disproportionate to the average size of the States.
Her shore line includes the whole length of tho
Pacific coast from Oregon to New Mexico, a distance
of nine hundred und seveuty miles. Should
she be received as she now presents herself, she
will have monopolized all the commercial ports of
entry wo have in that most interesting section of
our possessions on the Pacific sonth of Oregon
Her miueral wealth is believed to he unexampled.
These facts, Mr. Chairman, would seem in themselves
to provoke a well-founded objection on the
part of all the States to her reception in her
present circumstances. Anil as the connection
in which my resolutions place her acceptance sinks
the objection of the South to other particulars of
her application than that of her boundaries. 1 pass
from this topic without further comment, in order
that 1 may have the more time to bestow on the
second resolution 1 have to offer.
2. R>sohnd, That the Committee on Territories
be instructed to report to the 1 louse a bill to or?#
a. To.-it,...., ?<
south of the parallel line of 3t;? 30' north latitude,
and the Territories of New Mexico and
Deseret, prohibiting the introduction of slavery
into any part of the gnid Territories north of the
parallel line of 36? 30', and recognising its admissibility
into nil purls of said Territories 60uth
of said line of 3<j? 30' until the adoption by the
people thereof of State Constitutions, and their
admission into this Union.
1 assume, Mr. Chairman, that in the present
distracted condition of Atmrican interests, opinions,
and prejudices, springing out of our territorial
possessions, that no human intellects will bo
able to decide satisfactorily to the nation the questions
of technical power and right in issue. I assume,
further, that no adjustment of the existing
controversy, hinging exclusively on the one or the
other of the opposing opinions, so warmly declaimed
upon here and elsewhere, will prove acceptable
to the various sections of the Confederacy.
Are we not then called upon, for purposes
of public utility and harmony, to sink differences
on which opinions and prejudices are found to be
so uutractable 1 The plan proponed in one rendered
by usage fmiiiiar here end elsewhere?of
dividing that, which being held in common, cannot
be in union enjoyed, The line chonen has been
selected chiefly for the reason that having been
acted upon twice in Hiurilar emergencies, I have
thought it probable that it will be more easy to
oollcct tho will of the nation upon it than on any
other of a like kind, To the North it gives the
opportunity to express her dissent from slavery.
It aligns her more than half the territory. To
the South it extends the privilege of carrying her
slaves us far north as it Ik likely she will find motives
to take them. It proposes to quiet disputes
as to the security of the title by which she will
hold her slave property in its new home, should it
be carried there, by throwing over it the protection
of uudeniable law.' Perhaps a still greater
good than all these would come to her of it. it
would give her the moral effect of a renewed recognition
by this Government of her property in
her slaves?thus strengthening her confidence iu
the justice of it, nnd discountenancing the lawJess
violations that are, from time to time, being
perpetrated upon the property. To the whole
country it gives that which, Mr. Chairman, it so
THE
much needs?rtpose. Should, on the other hand,
total exclusion prevail, in what relation, then, will
the GoTcrnment appear to twelve hundred millions
of property of its citizens ? It cannot be
lees unfavorable than that of an abandonment of
It?nay, a reprobation as offensive to the feelings
of the proprietors of it as it is depreciating to the
property itself.
And have honorable members who press this
extreme policy weighed the necessary effects of
its adoption by the Government? If it shall become
a law, can it be believed, Mr. Chairman,
that it will be possible for the people of the South,
supposing them to be tolerably informed of the
rights of property in regular government, and to
possess a moderate share of sensibility to wrong
and insult, to maintain that attachment to- the
Union and that desire for its preservation which
are necessary alike to its prosperity, its peace,
and its honor? Happily for the higher destinies
of human nature, she is incapable, in such circumstances,
of so gross an act of self-abandonment.
1 am aware, honorable members, who take the
ground of total exclusion, insist that it is quite
' impossible that any desire can be felt by them to
; degrade or disparage the South, or any other section
of a common Union. Conceding that, what,
| may I respectfully inquire, is the stress of that
i regard which cannot overcome the obstacles, if
any exist, that lie in the way of such terms of
j compromise as these 1 have had the honor this
! day to announce?
And what, Mr. Chairman, is the practical solution,
as it lies in prospect, of the proposition of
the non-extension of slavery to the new Territories?
Is it not, that within the short lapse of a
single generation, perhaps, the white population
residing in the sl^re States, by some process not
yet known in the range of what is even practicable,
shall deport her slaves, or abmdon the couni
?rv f a f Kom I am Qurorn thfit \va urn aflutiroil thnt
, ' ?? ~ - ?
the object of non-extension is not to disturb or
impair the institution of slavery within the
ria?e Sta.?e* Rju'I urge attention tu thu logical,
proximate effect of the contemplated measures j
Aud with how much more ease may not the North |
approach the line indicated of settlement than
the South ? The North, by the nature of her in- j
: ternal condition, as well as her numerical preponderance
in the more populous branch of the
National Legislature, is, nnd must continue secure.
Her power must in every event soon obtain
in the other branch of Congress The South
j is pressed by assaults, and is out of power. The
North is moving on her career of encroachment
i at the suggestion of a sentiment?a sentiment
1 founded, Mr. Chairman, on a speculative and disputed
point in natural rights. The 8outh is
! charged with the preservation of a substance?a
vast and now indispensable form of wealth?a j
widely diffused and most influential element in i
the constitution of her civil and domestic institu- !
j tions and relations.
In looking, Mr. Chairman, over the vast thea- j
tre now appropriated to the display of American |
patriotism and American politics, the eye becomes
iimmed by the stretch of territorial dis- j'
fances. and the mind throbs with the labor of j
comprehending the extent nnd variety of the !
nation's resources. What comprehensiveness of
policy, what prudence of purpose, what moderation
pf..tti"Y>er be demanded in the^ppduet
of our public affairs ? Drawn too sfrin- I
gently together, the weight of the parts would :
crush them. Regarded with indifference, not to '
Bay hostility by the Government, they will infal- '
libly separate and fall away. The grand rewards
of a wise and tolerant system of political economy,
that lie in prospect over the wide-spread and
bounteous lap of the contineut, can never be
reaped by the narrow and angry counsels of party.
The Government demands statesmen, not
casuists, to administer its politics. What, Mr.
Chairman, is the source of all our present perils?
It is the elfort to convert the Constitution of the
country into a school for the propagation of doubtful
creeds of moral ethics. Rut fanaticism, howtinny*
tn/fovitAna to varAuorMcllw irtii.runiinnKln If
J. ...f..,.v.v.v.....v. .v
may ruin, but caniiot govern. It was but a few
(lays ago, that we were called to bear the repro- ;
batiomr f the institution of domestic slavery proDoucccd
here, on the authority of the hackneyed
and mytticll postulate.,-" that all men are born j
equal." 7V,iv, by the way, seems to have become
a sort of oraole whose sybilistic responses are
i quoted for the authority of very much proposed, j
i from time to time, in American politics that is
| odd and startling to human experience. True ;
may be the asserted maxim in some restricted and
' explained senses. Invoked in the sense and for
the purpose contemplated, it is but a weapon
with which infatuation or folly, unrestrained,
might sever the bonds of every conceivable politi|
oal organization which it is in the power of human
nature to endure. If an appeal be taken from
text to commentary, we find that the nuthors of :
both were slaveholders?and, what is more, Mr.
Chairman, slave importers. If we go to the finul
authority of the Creator of rights and natural
Conditions, do we not find the reverse of the
proposition, taken in its broad and common acceptation,
to be the truth ? Not a leatlet that
trembles in the breath of the zephyr on the bough
of the aspen, finds in the eye of the naturalist an
exact measure in all the myriads of its vernal associates:
The equilibrium of natural forces are
! graduated, Mr. Chairman, need It be said, on
I scales of endless diversities. Hut, Mr. Chairman,
we are not c tiled here to the defence of slavery.
We are here to demand only that the character of
property in slaves, which is fixed by the Constitution
itself', be reoognised tut such by tho Government,
the creature of that Constitution, in one as
in another of the dominions of its jurisdiction.
1 have, Mr. Chairman, purposely said nothing
of the alternatives of the adjustment of existing
dissensions ou the basis I have had the honor to
submit, or on some other embracing at least its
principles. 1 refer to them new, and very briefly
alone as sources of additional argument. One of
three results, nil sufficiently deplorable tonwaken
solicitude, must, I respectfully suggest, follow
rnsh nnd intolerant counsels here An effort will
be made to effect, a separate political organization.
Should this succeed, 1 leave the consequences
of it to the thoughts and imaginations
of the committee. Failing that, separate State
measures of a retaliatary kind may he anticipated.
And how, Mr. Chairman, will this condition
of our relations, Federal and State, be endured
? To what may it not lead ? The third
and perhaps the most to be regretted of all, would
he, that, exhausted by their own struggles in the
effort to agree upon some plan of eff ectual defence,
[ the suffering States might sink back into the arms
of those who would be then found no longer disguised
but triumphant and mocking persecutors.
Shorn of equality, wounded in honor, in pride
humbled, in affection Hliennted, and thenceforth
but looking anxiously forward to final overthrow
or fortuitous escape. And did I suppose, Mr.
Chairman, there were one citizen in the Republic
worse than all the rest, who could contemplate
with composure or indifference the prospect of
either of these meluucholy pages in our political
history, I know not, Mr. Chairman, whether
ho should be viewed most with abhorrence or
pity. The young Greek, Mr. Chairman, who
held his life at the bidding of his country, found
the pathw ly of patriotism by the twilight of political
civilization. Shall we. with such momentous
issues of good or evil suspended on our
councils, fail of terms of adjustment so easy, so
accessible, so commended to us by the most sacred
considerations of duty to the country und to
ourselves as are those at our command ?
And now, finally, Mr. Chairman, since the character
of the times gives consequence, in the eyes
of my own beloved State, to the line of the conduct
of the humblest of her Representatives, in
contingencies of our public affairs in view, I must
beg leave of the Committee to say, that 1 have
vcutured to present a mode of quieting the public
discontents with the sincerest desire that it,
or some equivalent of it, may prove acceptable to
a majority of the Committee and to tho nation.
Should all efforts, however, fail to avert the dis
honoring brand of inferiority of privilege and
rank, now threatening the South, by her total
exclusion from participation in the common territories
of the Union, except on an onerous condition,
having no application to otlp r sections of the
Confederacy. 1 shall return from this place, to
unite with others of her sons in council, to devise
some method of escape front evils present and
prospective, which, in my humble judgment, Mr.
Chairman, will then have become intolerable.
Whatever measures may be adopted in that bitter
emergency, with a view to the sacred defences of
security aud honor, will doubtless be right.
NEW JERSEY.
Mr. Iloxey, on the ldth iustant, called up in
the House the resolution on the subject of slavery,
introduced by him early in the sessiou. lie sustained
them in a very animated speech, lie said
I "The whole spirit of the North was being
being broken down by the Northern press; ami,
he was sorry to say, the Whig press?the same
which two years ago sent up a whiningcry?nay,
shrieked?because Congress had adjourned without
providing Governments for the Territories.
Now these same presses nsked the North for
masterly inactivity.' Then they declared the
I Territories would sutler for want of a Government,
now they wished to leave them to the mercies
of the Caniunchee.
" He was sorry to see the leading press of New
Jersey urging this policy. General Taylor, it is
true, had recently beguu it. Now there could be
no question hut that the defeat of General Cass
was owing to the doctrines of the Nicholson letter;
und singular it is, that while Cass was reiterating
i those doctrines in the .Senate, a message was being
read from General Taylor iu the House, advising
I the same policy and the Northern press have been
: NATIONAL ERA, I
advocating the mudc dough faeeism, and breaking
down the spirit of the North."
We understand that the resolutions hare passed
one branch of the Legislature.
THE NATIONAL ERA.
Washington, FEBRUARY St, 1m?
THE CUMPRUMISE
i>J. Resolved. That as slavery does not exist
by law, and is not likely to be introduced into
auy of the territory acquired by the Unite I
States from the Republic of Mexico, it is inexpedient
for Congress to provide by law either for
its introduction into or exclusion from any part of
thesaid territory; and that appropriate Territorial
Governments ought to be established by Congress
ii< all of the said territory, not assigned as
the bouudari'es of the proposed State of California,
without the adoption of any restriction or
condition on the subject of slavery.?From Mr.
Clay'i retolutions.
The article from the pen of Judge Jay, on the
outside of the Era. sufficiently exposes this reso- |
1 ution. It does not assert that Slavery is prohibted
by law. and it entirely overlooks a Truth sustained
by History, that, as a general rule, the
law of Slavery, follows the fact, of its establishment
But, we looted the resolution for the purpose
of correcting a very general misapprehension.
Writers and speakers comment upon the
alleged Compromise in this resolution, as if the
author intended that it should be embodied in
the from of legislative enactment. This is a
great mistake. The concession to the Slaveholders?that
Territorial Governments be established
without the resi-rioti re-dazwr -m nk+icn to "livery?he
intends to make effective by law; but
the concession to the free States?that it does not
exut by law in the Territories, and is not likely to
be introduced there?he intends to stand, as a
mere repression of opinion by the SenateHis own
statement on this point is explicit.
" Now, I have said that this declaration of what
I call these two truths is equivalent to the enactment
of the Wilmot Proviso. I have heard this
asserted, but is that the case? If the Wilmot
Proviso were adopted in Territorial Governments
established in these countries acquired from Meiico,
it would be a positive enactment, a prohibition, an
interdiction as to the introduction of slavery within
them. But with regard to those truths, I had
hoped, and still indulge to hope, that those who
represent the free States will be inclined not to
<>.?< ...* ,i.?n ???,i h.
t remedy dtJficuU to give to theu declarations?the
f orm of a positive enactment. I had hoped that they
would be satisfied with the simple expression of the
opinion of Congress, leaving it upon the buns of that
ojmuon, without asking for what seems to be almost
Impracticable, if not imj>OBsible?for any subseipitnt
enactments to be introduced into (Ac-t/ttt if
Midi Texistotied dlcctn-<!n/.-t> s skull biMtaldssl - d. I
can only *wy that that second resolution, even
without the declaration of these two truths, would
be more acceptable to me than with them."
The distinction he draws is substantial. The
Wilmot Proviso incorporated in a bill would be
"a positive enactment, a prohibition, au interdiction a*
to the introduction of slaverybut the declaration
"that slavery does not exist in the Territories
by law, and is not likely to be introduced
there," he would not have incorporated in any
bill, but left to stand as " a mere expression of
opinion," not amounting to " a positive enactment,
a prohibition, an interdiction as to the introduction
of Slavery!"
After such au explanation as this, given by
Mr. Clay himself, we should like to see the opponent
of tho extension of slavery, that would vote
for the resolution.
THE ADMISSION OP CALIFORNIA.
The opponents of the admission of California,
in the absence of argument to sustaiu them, resort
to extraordinary devices to give a show of reason
to their opposition. They object that the people
of a Territory have no right to organize themselves
into a State, without an act of Congress
authorizing the measure. True?for in our system
a Slot? is a political community, which is entitled
to two Senators in Congress, and Representatives
according to the ratio established In
the Federal Constitution. No one pretends that
this right can be obtained without an act of Conj
gress, which certainly has the power to accept or
; reject the application of any community for adj
mission to the rank, title, and privileges of a State
i of the Federal Union. The language of the Constitution
is intelligible enough : " New Statu may
b- admitted by Congress into the Union." By the
action of Congress alone can they obtain admission,
and this action is left entirely to the discretion
of that body. It may admit or deny admission,
according to its own judgment of what
is right and proper.
But Congress is not bound to prescribe the
mode in which the People of a Territory shall
signify their desire to be admitted as a State
There is no rule in the Constitution ou this subject.
The people of a foreign State, who have
maintained the rights of an independent sovereignty,may
apply for admission to our Union, and
it is for Congress to decide upon the claim. The
application of Texas is a case in point. It was
an independent, a foreign State, with institutions
and a Constitution of its own When it asked
admission to our Union, Congress did not go back
of the application, treat Texas as if it were
unorganized, prescribe how the People thereof
should form a State Constitution, and in what
way present themselves for admission. The application
was at once entertained, and decided
upon affirmatively.
Again The People of a Territory, with a Territorial
Government organized by act of Congress,
may assemble in Convention, agree upon
the form of a State Constitution, and ask ndmis" ??
" SJ?n?? !n(n fkn* ITninn Nnlliintr in the
OIV/41 U? ? ".'X *?" x O ?
CoiiBtitution forbids the net, which, after all, is
but an expression of their own will, not entitling
them to the rank of a State, until it shall be ratified
by act of Congress. The People of the Territories
of Michigan nnd Florida, it is stated,
thus organized respectively their forma of State
Government, and asked Congress to admit them
aa States.
In other cases, Congress has taken the lead in
the passage of acts authorizing the People of Territories
to organize the forms of State Governments.
It is manifest from this brief review, that,
so far as the Constitution is concerned, there is
no rule whatever prescribi? g the anltcr dents or
fireHminarks of an application by any political
community for admission into our Union as a
State?no rule making the validity of its application
dependent upon a prior act of Congress
authorizing (he application?that no inference
can be drawn from precedent against the right of
a people to organize the form of a State Government,
and seek its recognition by Congress, without
any antecedent act by th.t^^ly on the subject,
because, while there are pr^ldents in favor
of the exercise of this right, uone conflicts with
it.
The case of California is somewhat peculiar.
Unlike Texas, it is not an independent, a foreign
State; nnd unlike Michigan or Florida, it has
been provided with no Territorial Government by
C ingress. The Territory was under the sovereignty
of the United States, while the Government
was a il- facto Government, existing from
; ttic nectsaiiy 01 me 010, nuu ny me loiertuwu ui
the People. Hut it id obviou* tint (hit diti'erenon,
so far from mil i tiling Bg linat the action of
the People of California, corroborated ita proi
pricty. Per, if the oititena of a Foreign Sover!
eignty, without prior action on the part of Congress,
tuny take preliminary ineatmrcti, and make
[ application for adniiaaion to our Union, much
more may the citizen* of a portion of territory
under our own sovereignty. And, if the People
of a Territory, under a Territorial Government
i provided fur them by Congrcaa, may, without
! prior act by that body, and in diaregnrd of the
i preaumption that a Territorial Government ia all
j that ia needed in the judgment of that body,
aaaemhle in Convention, form the plan of a
State Conatitution, and aak admiaaion aa a State,
na did the People of Michigan and Florida, with
I much greater reason iuay the People of a Terri
WASHINGTON, D. C.,
tory, unprovided by Congress with any Government
at all, and yet with a population larger than
that of either of those Territories, and requiring
the benefit of order and law more than any other
People, pursue a similar course.
We repeat, however, California is not a State.
She has the plan of a State Constitution; but it
cannot be a State Constitution till she become a
member of this Union. Her People have simply
prepared the plan of a State Government, and
elected the requisite agents. If Congress refbse
to sanction the plan and recognise the agents,
California will continue u Territory, unless she
choose to throw herself upon the right of revolution,
and assume the rauk of an independent
State. If Congress sanction tho plaiaand recognise
the Senators and Representatives she has t
clecUd, she becomes a State of this Union, without
any irregularity whatever, and in exact accordance
with the only provision of the Constitution
on the subject?" New States may be admitted
by Congress into the Union." As to the
inhibition of Slavery contained in this plan of a
State Constitution, we do not hold that Congress
is bomti to sanction it, simply because the People
of California have adopted it. They had a perfect
right to incorporate suc h a provision in their
plap, but it is for Congress to say whether it will
reject or not the plan, for this reason, or for any
other. With Mr. Foote, we hold that Congress
has a right to admit, or deny admission as a State
to, any political community, and that this right
' '
hhouia be exerciseu. uui w|?'?vu?7 .......
rily, but wisely, for good and sufficient reasons
The inhibitory clause in relation to slavery, baring
been adopted unanimously by a Convention
"of the People fairly represented, with * fair
proportion of delegates who had emigrated from ;
the shveholding States, must be deemed a true
expression of the opinions and will of that People,
and m they are more directly and intimately concerned
than any other persons, that expression
should be held decisive, unless it can be shown
to conflict with the Constitution, with the rights
of any of the States, with the essential interests
of the Union, or, what is the same thing, with
J ust ice.
THE OPPOSITION.
It is surprising to observe what feeble objections
are raised to the admission of California as
a State.
" Her boundary is so enormous "?one says. Is
it any larger than that claimed by Texes? And
may not provision be made for the formation of as
many States as Congress and California shall
I A* 1
| SC(! Ul t #
[ But, "her population is such a mongrel mix'
ture:" in miic'u, however, the Anglo-American
j element predominates. Everybody knows that
the great mass of the People there is composed of
American citizens ; and that they know what they
are obout, their Constitution, which puts to
i shame many of our State Constitutions, fully de|
monstrates.
" General Taylor used his influence to induce
' the People to prohibit Slavery/' Very likely,
that a Southern roan and slaveholder, with a majority
of his Cabinet Southern men and slaveholders,
should send out T. Butler King, a Southern
man and slaveholder, to prevail upon the People
to form an anti-slavery Constitution! But
the lion. A. Q. Brown of Mississippi, in a card
published in the InttHiqeiiclr, states the charge
distinctly, and gives the only evidence on which
he founds it, as follows:
" 1 have believed, and now believe, that the Administration
used its influence to induce the people
of California to exclude slavery from that
Territory As a small part of the evidence on
which this opinion is based, I here insert an extract
from a letter of Bayard Taylor, written in
California, and published in the R-ptibhc on the
1 Sth instant,
"'The assertion of the Evening Post, which I*
noticed inthe Tii/mn<?, that theQovernment sought
to keep the Constitution of California silent on
! the subject of slavery, is entirely false. It is and
was everywhere understood herethat our Admin1
- * 1 ? J iU.t Ik.
1st rat ion at w MUDgtou earnest iy umiuu <umu>
i|ua?tiou ?J>ouW 4a aattUd at umor and forever
The only objections which were privately urged
(none were made in the Convention) against milking
California a free State, were on these very
grounds from members of the Locofoco party."
It was understood "?by whom??for what
reasons??on what grounds ? It was understood
"here that our Administration at Washington
earnestly desired that the nuestion should be settled
at once and forever " S*ttl*dkoit f In favor
of slavery, against it, or by saying nothing about
it1 Mr. Taylor's wonderful announcement
amounts to just nothing nt all. We knew all
that he states before he put pen to paper. MrKing
had himself, in a public speech at San Francisco,
earnestly called upon the People " to settle
the ijuestion at once and forever," hut he did not
presume to suggest in what way they should settle
it"
Mr. Brown simply jumps to the conclusion, in
the face of all probabilities, and without shadow
of evidence, that they were advised to settle it by
excluding slavery from their Territory !
We accept the testimony of General Taylor on
this point, lie asserts unequivocally that in no
way, by no means, to no extent, did he attempt to
exert any influence on the determination of the
People of California ia relation to their domestic
institutions?and such, too, is the testimony of
Thomas Butler King.
The project of reducing the boundaries, so as
to set off under a Territorial Government all that
portion of her territory lying south of 36? 30',
is not commended by a single reason. Now, the
question of slavery in regard to the whole of our
empire on the Pacific, though decided against the
slaveholders, has not been decided by the action
of the Federal Government, which they affect to
resist as degradiug and insulting, but by the action
of the People of California, so that, by acquiescence
in this decision, they sacrifice no real
or imaginary point of honor, submit to no real or
imaginary degradation. And the area of the contlict
which they say threatens the stability of the
Union will be vastly circumscribed.
How desirable, moreover, that the population
of our Pacific empire he homogeneous, their institututions
and interests harmonious. Who would
not rejoice, were the domestic institutions of our
Atlantic States alike, giving birth to unity of
character and interests ?
The American settlers in California arc congregated
chiitly north of the line of 3t>? 30' j the
body of the native population lies below that line.
Insulate these under a Territorial Government,
and you separate them from the intelligence, energies,
and impulses, of the f irmer, leave them t^
drag on a miserable existence by themselves,
with their own imperfect civilir ition, generating
ideas, institutions, customs, und interests, iu con
tnci wtui moss oi me ivormern ncr or lMcillc
States. Anil shall we he guilty of this extreme
folly, for the sole purpose of allowing slavery to
obtain a foothold on the Pacific?
But, how is excitement to be allayed by this
notable scheme of dividing California ? W ill the
opponents of the extension of slavery allow a
Territorial Government to be established over
Southern California, without giving it the benefit
of the Ordinance of 1787? Never! The field
of conflict would be widened by the accomplishment
of this miserable scheme of partition, and
the result would be, either a Territorial Government
with the Proviso, or none at all. The Southern
People are not blind. They must see that
the opposition of their representatives to the
admission of California is utterly unreasonable,
and that the propoaal to reduoe its boundaries, if
carried into execution, can have no other effect
thai to aggravate, without the slightest hope of
any l>enefit to them, an excitement which they
now deprecate as full of mischief and peril.
So well convinoed are vre of this, that we hope
there will be no foroed, precipitate action. The
frieuds of the admission of California can afford
to wait patiently. True, the new State is subjected
to much inoonvenienoe by delay, but a full
discussion of the whole auhject of slavery, on the
question of her admission, will tepd to reconcile
the South to the measure. We have right on our
side?we have the numerical power, the popular
FEBRUARY 28, 18?
4 .
sympathy, the explicit declarations of the Administration,
and we shall hive, the sober second '
thought of the South. California, with her present
boundaries and Constitution, will be admitted,
and the delay of a month or two will do no harm,
proridod the friends of Freedom be constantly on
their guard against all compromises.
Pur til* National fcra.
HERO A>'D LEWDER.
BY ANN PRESTON.
Written on writing Steinhausrrs Group of Statuary
at tht Acud'my of Fine Arts, Philadelphia.
Not marble ool<l, not form al?ne,
I ?ee before me now,
Hut tplrit warm* the breathing xtone,
And beam* from lip and brow.
i eland a* in a temple fair,
Afhr fTom mortal eight?
My ipiril breathe* dieiner air,
And bathe* in clearer light.
Not ihe, alone, who bend* above
beamier by that ?ea,
And hi* rapt gate of roicele** love,
Are visible to me!
Oh, Artist! here, at thy command,
E'en epeechle** marble tell*
The beauty of that radiant land
Wherein thy tpirit dwell*.
We ceteh some gleam* of thoee fmr cllinee
Where fuller joj* await?
We hear outtwell fame low, eweet chime*,
Through thy Ideal'* gate.
No ehama and fear enetain or more
That priette**, calm and fair?
The holy trust the reel of lore,
Immortal, pore, are there.
Tbi* marhle peaks a tongue eubliine,
An unconfotiaded speech !
The language known in erery elime,
Vernacular in aach!
Oh, human lore! the heart's warm aun,
'Tie thine for aye to light,
l.ike Hero's torch, tht ware tossed one,
When life ie dark as night.
A purer love, a faith more eweet,
The coming tiuie shall ice,
Anil as their Harbinger we greet
Thi* marble Prophecy
MISREPRESENTATION.
It is difficult to say by whom the Anti-Slavery
citizens of the North are more grossly misrepresented?Northern
or Southern politicians. General
Cass, a few days since, in the Senate, while
endeavoring to demonstrate his consistency on
the Slavery Uuestion, remarked as follows:
" Every man in the North who does not believe
it to be his duty to enter into a crusade against
\\t lid to cover the towrfy >*i'X
and confl igration to aboliih slavery.~>nv-Jered
by a large portion of his fellow citizens as a
<iov?hfac*.?thai ij the cant term?sold by his hopes
: or his fears to the South"
We pronounce this a calumny upon the People
i of the North; and there is not a truth-loving
! man in the free States who will not verify our
assertion, that no portion of the citizens of these
States is engaged, or would be willing to engage,
| in "a crusade against the South." Nor is there a
large portion of the People of the North who believe
it their duty to cover the country with
blood and conflagration to abolish slavery. Even
the small number of Abolitionists represented by
Mr. Garrison, distinguished as they are by the
severity of their denunciations of slavery, are
generally non-resistants, haters of war and bloodshed
and every form of violence. Other and more
numerous classes of Anti-Slavery men, while anxious
to throw the weight of their moral influence
against slavery, cherish no thoughts of violence.
The regeneration of Humanity, they hold, is beat
accomplished by moral forces?through the action
of mind on mind. " Blood and conflagration" may
be the consequences of reaction against oppres!
sion. and in the Providence of God m ?y be made
to subserve the Cause of Progress, hut they are
| not the instrumentalities which the advocates of
Truth select, to promote their purposes. They
know that their true mission is, the pesceftal reformation
of abases : Retribution belongs to Him
whose judgments are always controlled by unerring
wisdom.
No man at the North renlers himself liable to
the charge of " Dou?hfauivm," by refusing to engage.
in a crusade against the South, or even
against Slavery. But when a public man from
| the North, in the Halls of Congress, stifles the
honest convictions of his heart in relation to Slavery,
while every day its advocates are urging its
claims to national favor; when his hopes or fears
or calculations of interest cause him to shrink
from the championship of Human Rights, fiercely
assailed by slaveholders, lead him to the avowal
of opinions or the adoption of a policy calculated
to promote their aeceudency in the Federal councils.
drive him to sacrifice the interests of nonslaveholders
to their schemes for the propagation
and domination of Slavery?then it is, that not
only " a large portion," but the great majority of
"his fellow citizens of the North," brand him
with t&e eptrner. uoh itjacr
It is to be regretted that General Cass, in
striving to vindicite himself against the accusation
implied in this epithet, has seen fit to
impute the basest designs to " a larqe portion of
his fellow citizens" of the North. Who of his
fellow citizens in the North has tasked him to violate
his oath of office, to wage war against the
rights of the South, to turn a murderer and an incendiary
for the purpose of abolishing Slavery?
Who has asked him to violate u single constitutional
guaranty of the rights of any section,
South or North ?
lie docs great injustice to Northern People?
he imposes upon Southern People?and the tendency
of his gross misrepresentation of the former
is, to inflame the passions, deepen the prejudices,
and increase the jealousies of the latter.
J. II. DKALE.
A member of Congress from the ICth district
in Virginia, has addressed a letter to his constituents.
protesting against the schemes of a Southern
Convention, and all projects of disunion. lie
thinks that the passing of ony laws of such a
nature as is spoken of in the resolutions, would be
in violation of the rights of the South, but even in
that emergency, he says
" i do not hesitate to declare that it would be
better to throw ourselves under the protection of
the broad shield of the Constitution and the laws
while they subsist, than to resort to disunion, to
revolution, and force."
The Richmoiul Eni/uirrr is out in serious condemnation
of the course of Mr. Beale, questioning
l?i> right to act independently in such a matter.
The Richmond (Va.) Whif remarks ?
41 But Mr. Meale's exceptions Are more applicable
to the original proposition of the Select Committee,
than to that which has been adopted. This
last was drafted by a Whig, and it takes the sting
out of the other very effectually. It strikes out
the ' j*7y feature?over which many a patriot's
heart has mourned!? and by describing what a
real Southern Convention should be, it strips that
at Nashville of all consequence. We think neither
Mr. Heale nor anylssly else need fear danger
from an assemblage which will have no authority
to bind any one ; and as its members are to defray
their own expenses, and act without authority, we
Apprehend the attendance will be rather thin.
We would nciroely indulge the hope, that the enthusiastic
and disinterested Mr. Henry A. Wise
would venture on an excursion to Nashville, at
his owq proper coat and charges, an! at the hsiard
of contracting tha reputation of a Hartford
< 'onventionist! There are other vehement and
impassioned patriot*, who will be equnlly cauI
tion*!'
THE VOTE 01 MR. DOTVS RES0LITI01.
The following is the vote given last Monday
week, on 4k* notion to lay Mr. Doty'* resolution
in relation to California on the table:
Yiu.i?Messrs Alston. Anderson, A aha, Averett,
| ll?y, Hayly, Beale, Rowdon, Howlin, Boyd, Brack,
Albert O. Brown, Burt, Geo. A. Caldwell, J.
P Caldwell, CUngman, Williamson R W Cobb,
! Daniel, Debarry, Edmmndaon, E wing, Featherston,
Green, Hail, Uham G. Harris, .Sampson W. Harris,
Haymond, Ililliard, Howard, Hubbard, Inge,
Andrew Johnson, James L Johnson, Robert W
Johnson, Jones. Kaufman, Kerr. .La Bare, McDowell,
R M McLane, Finis E. McLean, McQueen,
Mc Willie, Meade, Miller, Millson, More
>0. m
head, Morse. Morton, Outlrw, Owen, Parker,
Powell, Robbins, Savage, tfoddon,8hepperd, Stan- ,
ly. F. P. Stanton, R. II. Stanton, Alexander II. ,
Stephens, Thomas, Jaoob Thompson, John B.
Thompson, Toombs, Venable, Wallaoe. Watkins,
Williams, and Woodward?70.
Nays?Messrs. Albertson, Alexander, Allen,
Baker, Bennett, Binghnm, Blasetl, Booth, Briggs,
Brooks, William J. Brown. Buel, Burrows, Cbes- I
ter Butler, Thomas B Bntler, Joseph Cable, |
Campbell, Carter, Chandler, Clark, Cleveland,
Cole, Conger. Corwin, Crowell, Dickey, Dimmick, | 1
Doty, Dner, Duncnn. Dunham, Durkee, N. Kvans,
Fitch, Fowler, FrefKlley, Fuller, Gentry, Gerry, ;
Giddings, Gilmore, Goodenow, Gott, Gould, Grin- |
nell, iialloway, Harlan, Thomas L. Harris, Hay, i
Hcbtrd, Henry, Hoagland, Houston,Howe, Hunter.
Jackson, D.P King,G.O. King, J.G. King, J.
A King, Preston King, Leffler, Littlefield, Horace
Mann, Job Mann, Mason, Matteson, McClernand,
McDonald, McGaugbey, McKissock, | ,
McLanahan, Meachum, Moore, Nelson, Ogle,
Olds, Otis. Peaslee, Peck. Phtenix, Pitman, Potter,
Putnam, Reynolds, Richardson, Risley, Robinson,
Kockwell, Root, Rose, Sackett, Sawtelle, Schenck,
Schermerhorn, Schoolcraft, Silvester, Spalding,
Sprague, Thaddens Stevens, Stetson, Strong,
Sweetscr, Taylor. James Thompson, W.Thompson,
Thurman, Underbill, Vsn Dyke, Vinton.
Walden, Waldo, Went worth, White, Whittelsey,
Wildrick, Wilmot, Wilson, Winthrop, Wood,
and Young?121.
Miller of Ohio and Robbins of Pennsylvania,
Anlir man fnam fnaa Ktataa TAfinff Affftinftt
i?jv vu.j tuvu ..vui -- . o -O
California.
Tag Spir(t or the Age, published at New
York, continues under the editorial management
of William H. Channing, one of the ableBt,^^it
philosophic, and catholic advocates of the^Jctrines
of Association. It has entered upon its
second volume, and, for the convenience of those
who wish to subscribe, we copy the terms :
One copy for one year ... $2.00
Three copies for one year - - . -S-OuSix
copies for one year - - 9.00
Ten copies for one year ... 14.00
Twenty copies for one year - - 25.00
Subscriptions should be directed to Messrs.
Fowlers & Wells, publishers, Clinton 11 all,
Nassau street, New York.
THE HON. ROBERT C. WINTHROP.
Last Thursday, while the House was in Committee
of the Whole on the state of the Union,
Mr. Winthrop delivered a carefully studied
speech in defence of his official and persona*
character against the attacks of anti-slavery men
on one side, and of pro-slavery men on the
other.
He seemed to be well prepared with smoothly
rounded periods, apt quotations in prose and
poetry, from Burke and the Bible; and his paroxysms
of scorn,' contempt, and indignation, ;
always found highly elaborated phrases for j
their expressions, at just such moments as ;
! served to heighten the rh^tvfical effect.
It vua a scholarly display of wra'-L, c'
however, with due discrimination. The Wash- '
ington Union had fiercely assailed him as a
culprit equally guilty with Joshua R. Giddings ; :
Mr. Johnson of Tennessee had bestowed upon
him the larger portion of an hour, charging him
with unfairness and gross injustice towards the j
South, and attempting to sustain the charge by i
various statements and arguments: Messrs. |
Cabell, Toombs, Stephens, and Morton, Whigs
of high repute from the South, had refused to
support him as the candidate of the Whig party
for the Speakership, and had been at no pains to
conceal their hostility to him : but his Souther*
assailants and enemies he treated with commend- |
able moderation, manifesting a proper consideration
for their feelings, refraining from the applition
to them of the language of rebuke or inTectiTe.
Towards his Northern assailants, his
bearing was imperious. On their devoted heads
he rained the fire of his fiercest indignation. No
sarcasm was too cutting, no objurgation too severe,
no invective too lacerating, no epithet too virulent
for them.
That the accomplished Ex-Speaker could de
scenJ to personalities aimosi wunout a paraiiei
in that Hall, we had not believed. That one so
remarkable for the self-possession, the dignity,
and quiet force with which he had presided over
the deliberations ot the House, could so f.ir lose
the command of himself, as to betray the wounds
which were festering deep in his heart's core,
expose the workings of mortified pride, bitter
disappointment, and implacable revenge, and surpass
even the most unrelenting of his assailunts
in the palpable groseness of his anger, surprised
and deeply mortified us. For, though
one of that class whom he denounced indiscriminately
as calumniators, revilers. demagogues,
destitute of personal character, mendacious, traitors
at heart, political poltroons, we had never
abused the Ex-Speaker, never defamed his character,
never misrepresented his acts, never questioned
hia motives, but, on the contrary, had
almost offended some of our friends by eulogizing
his course as a Presiding Officer, and giving
him credit for constituting one Committee of
the House so as to favor the sentiment of the
North. And now, while wo retract not one word
we have ever said as to his administrative qualities
; we must confess that the speech delivered by the
gentleman last Thursday has very materially
changed our opinions of the man. A polished
exterior is deceptive. |
If anything were wanting to justify the FreeSoilers
in refusing him their support as candidate
for the Speakership, that speech has amply sup
! p!ie<l it.
The speech was adroit, but unfair, and, considered
as an answer to the main charges made
against him by Free Soil men, entirely unsatisfactory.
Cut it is not our purpose to take part in the
controversy between that gentleman and his opponents.
We intended ckittly to comment upon
his bitter abuse of Free Soil lVlen, by whom,
we presume, he means the three hundred thousand
of his fellow-citizens who voted for Martin
Van Buren. He makes no discrimination among
them. They all fall under his vindictive anathemas.
They are all, in the estimation of Robert
C. Winthrop the leader of the Administration
party in the House, a set of calumniators, traitors
at heart, mendacious, political paltroons. Oh,
what a precious Free Soil candidate was he!
Can it be possible that he was willing to be
chosen Speaker by the votes of these mendacious
people, these base calumniators, these traitors at
heart ? He ought to have favored them with his
opinions pending that election. They might have
been won by his frankness.
Very grateful to his lacerated feelings must
have been the disorderly applause which fell on
his ear when he wis indulging in this unmitigated
abuse of Free Soil Men. The editor of the Union,
who had hunted him down as a Free Soiler, was
in ecstasies over this part of the performance;
and the slaveholding members showed, by loud
demonstrations, how deeply they sympathized
with him. It was a glorious spectacle. An exSpeaker,
leader of the great Whig Free Soil j
Party in the House, standing up with daring
1 ?J? ?J ?: ?:? a. ? i ,
QerOlfliU, UUU wiuiJiug mc nuumo ui mu uuunrri
huJ more members, for his magnanimous abuse of
a party represented in that Hail by only nine
members! With what proud emotions his great
heart must hare swelled at being sustained by
some two hundred and twenty Representatives,
not to speak of divers Senators, in his brave
onslaught against a few members, who nre
feared and hated because they dare say what
they think, and do what they Bay. We shall
expect hereafter, that the two old parties, should
they succeed in carrying any point against the
nine tudomifable Free Soilers, will forthwith adjourn
over one day for the purpose of celebrating
their extraordinary triumph !
A word more in reference to this speech. It
contained the first distinct avowal of adhesion to
the policy of General Taylor on the slavery
question, made in the Halls of Congress. Mr.
Winthrop, in elosing his speech, made the following
declaration
I (This speech will not be reported till the Era
shall have gone to press, and we moat omit the
declaration till next week. It justifies the comment
that follows ]
It is obvious that he has renounced the policy
of the Ordinance of 17?7?the organisation of
Territorial Governments with the W^fcnot Pro
V jVOL.
IV.
<
viso, and that he stands in the Honse the Repre
tentative, not of his constituents, but of General
Taylor.
SENATE PROCEEDINGS LAST HONDAV.
The Senate proceedings last Monday were
somewhat interesting After the usual morning
business, Mr. Miller resumed his speeoh, and
closed it.
The resolutions of Mr. Clay were then postponed
till Wednesday, Mr Rusk indicating his
intention to address the Senate.
On motion of Mr. Foote, his resolution in
relation to Territorial Governments was taken
up, and he moved to refer it to a committee of
thirteen members, to consist of six Southern and
six Northern members, to be chosen by ballot,
who then should proceed to elect the thirteenth
member.
On thie motion <]uite an exciting debate arose,
in the course of which the project was sustained
by M essrs Foote, Clemens, Berrien, and Badger,
and opposed by Mr. Dayton of New Jersey. Mr.
Butler also opposed it, but in a manner so orniuous
as to arouse the anxieties of nervous members,
if there were any in the Chamber.
In sapport of the motion, Mr. Foote addressel
the Senate repeatedly, and in language which, we
think, he ought to have been called upon to ex
plain. litre is a specimen:
" As 1 state?i before^ the resolution is so drawn
dp as not to interfere in the least degree with the
resolutions offered bj other Senators, or with the
course of debate. 1 do not expect?and I am sure
that my friend from South Carolina will hardly
expect?that this subject shall be acted upon by
the committee so soon as the next four days; but
they could make a report by Saturday. I trust
for, so h'lp me Heaven, if nothing is done this week,
there trill occur circumstances trfnch, in my opinion,
must inevitably take place, the nature of which I trill
not more than allude to, which mil render all compromi
!< impracticable. I have good reasons for what I say.
I know facts to which I have alluded. I have conversed
villi numbers of both Houses of Congress, and 1
state upon my honor that I entertain not the least doubt
that unless we do something this week, this whole jaAJ
jtct will leave our jurisdiction, awl forever. I am no
alarmist, but I am in the habit of talking more freely
than my friend from South Carolina. I know that I
am in possession of facts in this case. I hare conversed
with many of the wisest men in both
branches of Congress?with many of the sagest
and most patriotic men in this Republic."
Now, here was a plain intimation by the Senator
from Mississippi, that he knew facts which
authorized bim to say that, unless the whole
question of Blavery was settled this week, a would
pass Jorewr beyond the jurisdiction of Congress; that
is, with this week emls the time fox deliberation and
legislation, and with next week will begin the time for
violent methods unknown to the Constitution !
tJoirht such lanauuge as this to be uttered in a
w. e>''? * -w
deliberative assembly ? Ir it does not contain a
threat of the intervention of physical force, then
words have no meaning. The dark hints thrown
out by the Senator point to a plot, a conspiracy,
to set aside the Congress of the United States?
to overthrow by violence the present state of
things. The people of the country will take
notice of this matter. Mr. Foote ought to be
called upon to explain, in clear language, what he
has darkly intimated; and he is not the man to
shrink from any responsibility.
Mr. Butler, even by opposing the motion
labored apparently to multiply evil portents.
" Mr. Butler, i think that the Sneate will
Koai? ma vvitn, uj ikot. f havn tint, hoen fiiflnnaAtl tn
treat this matter lightly. 1 have long since found
that, as 1 am approaching a crisis upon this subject,
I become more solemn in all my deliberations
of the matter. Nor do I wish the debate to be
protracted, with a view to indulge in any inflammatory
declamations. 1 think that such a course
would be unfavorable to a fair understanding and
deliberate settlement of this question. I have
long since come to that conclusion. When the
crisis was at a distance, 1 could indulge in the spirit
of the time; but that time is now past, i am not
one who believes that long, protected speeches
have any effect upon the subject. I look to a
conseuative body to make a f?ir effort for the
final B)uatment of these questions. If we are to
continoe together, let us continue personally on
good terms; and if this great calamity which has
been Intimated to us should come to pasn, I wish
to bike leave of all in good feeling. I have ?*
up my mind, thoroughly made up my mind; and
when 1 have done so, I do not think it is worth
while to declaim on the matter. 1 shall yield to no
compromise that does not recognise the equality
of the States."
Well, this vm dramatic, to say the least.
Colonel Davis of Mississippi advocated the
motion.
"This committee, being organized as it is proposed,
c m never ngreeupon anything unanimously
which will not be accepted. It is not at least
to he supposed possible that they should do so;
and he who holds the balance of power in that
committee m iy fairly be expected to be impartial.
I mill go further, sir. I am willing to go far North
anil far Karl in selecting a man in whom 1 will repose
that confidence, to consider the rights of the South,
undi r the Constitution, fairly considered, because
I believe that there is a man in that section of the
country who will stand by the Constitution, and who
is above all sectional feeling
The allusion may have been to Mr. Webster,
who, the letter-writers say, w in favor of compromise,
willing to divide the Territories between Freedom
and Slavery, by the extension of the Missouri Compromise
line to the Pacific > We give the rumor for
what it is worth, merely adding that in this crisis
we are prepared for almost any revolution in men I
or affairs, however monstrous and astounding, but
we do not believe Mr. Webster will go quite so
far as this.
Mr IVivtnn nnW.t whv tint And the discussion
aum up the matter, and then give it to the jury ?
Mr. Foote, (interposing j It is this very agitation
which will dissolve the Union.
" Mr. Dayton. Upon that matter, there is only
a difference opiuion of between the S nator and
myself. I do not understand that this species of
ngitation and talking will destroy the Union. It
is not to be so easily done. 1 have greater confidence
in the ligament which binds us together. It
will never be talked away.
" Mr. Clemens, (interposing) Will the Senator
allow me to say, that 1 think he is mistakeu ? I
think it is being talked away every day. I think
the ligament which binds the Union together i
to-day is bring loosenrrl every day, and It Is
for that reason that I am ready that this committee
should at once act upon the matter If we
go on talking ns we have done for three weeks
here, it will not he in the power of man to save
this Union.
" .Vlr Dayton. That is but a difference of opinion
between certain men on that side of the Chamber
und certain men upon this. We differ in that
respect."
The Senate at last adjourned, without coming i
to any decision upon the subject.
Whatever the disposition o?Senators from tbe
free States to assent to Mr. Koolea motion, ??c
see not Low, as men respecting themselves, regardful
of the freedom of debate, and resolved to
maintain the rights of their body, they can think
of entertaining it at all, for a long time tijcoine
Yield to men ice now, and there will be no stop to j
the work of intimidation.
We do not believe the project will succeed.
FREE SAIL MEETIM IN LAKE C0U1TV, 0M*L
Pursuant to a call of the Free Soil Central
Committee of Lake county, Ohio, a meeting
held at Poweraville, at which EU D Howe presided.
It was addressed by J L. Balchelder and
J. C Vsughan, after which, the following resolutions
were adopted unanimously:
Whereas our fathers passed through the bloody
ordeal of the Revolution, to secure to the people
of these United States, through the Constitution,
" the blessings of liberty " to themselves and their
posterity and
Whereas the Slave Power is determined to extend
its withering curse into the new Territories
acquired by the late treaty with Mexico, in (be
face of the enlightened public sentiment of this
country and the world: and
\\ hereas, at the present moment, a traffic in t
human flesh exists at the capital of the nation,
and ( regulated and protected by our National
Legislature, to the disgrace of a people who etyle
themselves the freest upon earth . therefore,
Rctolmt, That the traffic la human flesh at the
National Capital (over which Congress possesses
exolusive control) is an outrage upon public sentiment,
a disgraoe to the nation, and a biting sarcasm
upon the profesnions of the American people.
R-tohfil, That Congress can no more create a
slave than make a king, and that it should not do
indirectly what it cannot do directly.
Rttolvtil, That it has the power to keep free
soil forever free, and that it is alike iu duty and

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