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The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, March 07, 1850, Image 2

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[continues from fourth faok]
justice of the measure depended upon the character
of the water?whether frtsh or salt f [ A laugh J
Mr. BOW DON. Did not that argument come
from Ohio?
Mr. CAMPBELL i believe the sentiment
came from Mr. Polk, nnd my colleague [Mr.
Schrmck] dressed it up in plain English, that our
hardy boatmen who navigate the Western rivers,
and the sailors on our lakes, might readily perceive
its tremendous force!
1 now proceed briefly, Mr. Chairman, to examine
the other proposition of the gentleman from
North Carolina [Mr. Cmngman) as to the relative
degree of oivilixation and human happiness in
the 9lavc and free S'ates. The gentleman has
instituted a comparison which, if left unanswered,
may injure the interests of the State which I have
the honor in part to represent, it may deter some
of his prosperous and wealthy people from < migrating
thither, and we find, when they get to Ohio,
they are the unflinching advocates of the principle
of the Ordinance of'87 which has produced a
prosperity of which we do not boast, but of which
we are not ashamed.
Upon the question a9 to what is true hojtpiness
and comfort, there may be some difference of opinion.
it is a very comfortable thing, no doubt, to
have a negro to rub you down when you get up
in the morning, after having been off on a 44 bust''
the night before!?to pour out your sherry at
dinner?10 nring you a ngni wnen you wien iu
to take your evening smoke?or to keep off the
flies as you take your afternoon's snooze! This
is mere animal comfort. In the Northwest, we believe
that the cultivation of the intellect?the advancement
of public morals?are the true sources
of public happiness. Hence, we build churches
and school-houses?found colleges and academies,
establish literary associations and Sunday schools!
1 tnke up the gauntlet thrown down so vauntiDgly
by the honorable gentlemnn, and it is by this
standard that I bring up Ohio, my native State,
the "first-born" under the Or<Hn?uce of '87. and
proudly place her by the side of the Southern
States, to meet her examination, and an unbiased
verdict.
1 take my statistics from the census tables returned
in 1S40. Ohio has nbout on", half only of
the white population of Virginia, North Carolina,
South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Louisiana,
Arkansas, and Mississippi, of the "prosperous
and happy" slave States; yet she sends to
school forty'tivo thousand more children than the
whole of them together
Ohio has nbout the same white population as
North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama,
and Mississippi, united ; nnd she has fi?;htekn
hundred and i 1ktef.n more colleges, academies,
and schools, than the whole fire together,
and sends to school one hundred and thiktvonk
thousand more children
In order to bvicg this test nearer to our immediate
homes, I propose bringing the district I have
the honor to answer for here, into comparison
with the honorable member's " happy " conrtifu
1 - 1 do not bojist oC the intelligence of my
constituents?they arc about on an equality with !
the balance of the State. There is one county in !
the gentleman^ district whose people, 1
he had in his mind's eye, when he was depicting 1
the prosperous and happy condition of the South' I
It ought to be the most intelligent county south of
Mason and Dixon, if we may judge from the vast
number of speeches which have been made for its
special improvement. It is the county of Huncomb!
| Laughter | The statistics show that my
district, composed of three counties, has tiro Inmilrtil
unit for/y-'hrrr colli :;- s and schools. and sends
to them upwards of fiftmt thousand scholars. Bun- !
Combe has one college, nn I the startling number
of on?- it hob school! | laughter] precisely the same
number that you find sustained in several of our
villages by the free negroes! I do not know that
it should be counted as a uhal- school cither, because.
by reference to the other column, 1 sec it
Contains onbj tm scholars !
Buncombe gives one school to every 4 000 of her
white population?tuy district, one to every 275.
My district sends one out of fivoof her white
population to school. Buncombe sends one of 350!
A Voice. You take no account of our private
schools, not returned by the census.
Mr. CAMPBELL. Nor do I take any account
of our private schools. Every log cabin in my
district is a private school-house ! You can find
those there who seldom get to public schools. In
the long winter evenings you will find collected
by the fire-side, the evidences of that increase of
population complained of, a circle of finxen-haired,
hearty boys and girls. The oldest has perhaps
advanced at school to the " rule of three," and has
a class of joutigor ones in simple addition tit
home?calculating, not the value of the Union.
but probably the number of bushels of corn taken
to market during the day. In this wn^r inan^of
brought up, find their way, in the course of time,
to scats in this House. 1 have a constituent, now
iu my mind, who w is born in Kentucky, anil catne
to iny district, which is now his home, who received
his education in one of these private schools
of ours! At the age of sixteen he drove bnggugew
igons with supplies for the army which defended
our frontier. On his return he was crippled in
his wagoning operations. Being confined for a
ycarj he betook himself to study, and at the end of
. that tunc had, without the aid of teacher, become
master of the Latin nnd Greek languages! The
"crack of his whip"' his been heard in both
branches of Congress, and if the Union is not dissolved
too soon, we would like to see how he could
manage the great team of State!
But 1 have heard of these private schools of the
South before. 1 will ?pply nnother test, which
may be more satisfactory and more just!
In the five slave States above named, there nre
of whites, over twenty years of age, who cannot
read or rrrire, 138,000. In Ohio, (with the same
white population.) there are of those who cannot
read or write, 35,000. Showing in the same slave
States with the simc white population of Ohio,
one hundred and three thousand more white adults
who cannot read or write than we do. Your private.
schools, therefore, nre not quite so ifficient as
ours. I will not say that jour scholars are not as
apt as ours, as that might be regarded as "aggressive."
How is it in Buncombe? Her white population
over twenty years old is 3,345. Of these,
there are who cannot read or rrn/e I 35!). Or for
every three, adults who can read or write, she has
two who cannot.
Taking her whole white population, there is one
to six who cannot read or write. In my district
we nave ono 10 mirty-iwo. in me nvo siuve
States above named, rf tbis class there is one to
fourtf n. Iu Ohio, only out to forty-t vo !
In giving thevc statistics their proper force, two
things must he borne iu mind 1st. That the slave
population of the South, few of whom Hre educated,
is not included. 2d. That they have slaves
to perform their labor, whilst they may go to
school, and in Ohio we labor for ourselves.
1 refer the gentlemen who have pressed this inv
stigation upon me, to a table which is the result
of some labor. It will be a convenient thing for
them. They can at any time, by reference to it,
ascertain how hapjiy they are, compared with the
people of my State, with as much precision as
they can ascertain the day of the month by referring
to the counting-house calendar, or how cold
it is by looking at the thermometer. I give the
proportion of the whole white population who,
being over twenty years old, cannot rem! or writ".:
Bunoonibe eounly, North Carolina I-A
Wur?k Carolina 1-8
Georgia | |.|
Virginia ppj
South t'aroKna . i hi
Alabama - *- - 114
MtMla*ip|)i - l-IB
Ohto I 42
It will be observed that North Carolina stands
highest in the scale of human happiness, civiliz ttion,
and refinement, and that the good people of
Buncombe are particularly blest! (Laughter]
If their distinguished Representative here is not
satisfied with this exhibition of his constituents,
in future he may remember the old adage, that
"those who live iu glass houses should not throw
stones!" [Laughter]
Mr. ASIIE. Will the gentleman favor us with
a comparison of the statistics of crime ?
Mr. CAMPBELL. My time is so nearly out,
that I cannot. If it will comfort the gentleman
in his present tribulation, 1 will admit that Northern
penitentiaries show more convicts than Southern
ones. The reason is obvious to everybody,
every w [icr'' n puuisn our rfisciii. you ruioir i/nitr*
to run nt tarty, i | Laughter| At least we have
aeen some recent evi<lenoe of this fuel.
Something about crime was said by the honorable
member from South Carolina |Mr lliftnj
the other day, in explanation, after the member
from Massachusetts |\lr. Mann| had closed. Mis
purpose seemed to bo to relieve Southern people
from the inference of cupidity, raised by the assertion
that they would not hung u slave for a
crime for which a white man w:is punished with
death. 1 le st tied that so far was the assertion
from truth, the fact was that a slave was hung for
sundry offences, which, if perpetrated by a white
man, were not so punished. Now, I hive been
told, that in many slave States, where the slave
is so punished, the law provides that the master
shall be paul for him at public expense I do not
know that this is true.
[Several voices?"It is true.'')
Mr. CAMPUELL. Then the South is not relieved
from the implication of mercenary motives
by the facta.
Sir, when that honorable gentleman or any
other Southern gentleman speaks to this question,
1 wish to direct his particular attention to this
point. Upon what principle of moral right, or of
justice, do you muke this discrimination7 You
denounce us, if wt propose to enlighten the slave,
M 44 aggressors''?you refuse to tesch him your
^ - T
selves?to fix upon his mind the impress of morality,
and his duties to his fellow man?you doom
him to degradation, and ignorance of the right,
and yet hang him for the trrong; whilst the master,
w ho inotrs and is taught what are his duties, is
jiermitted to go unwhipped of justice. Sir, that
all just God, who rules the destinies of the wor Id
will make no such distinctions in our favor, when
in a few brief years we shall be summoned to answer
at the bar of Heaven !
Mr. Chairman, gentlemen from the South insist
upon calculating the value of this Union. We
of the North will not. I regard it as more profitable
to calculate the value of the Proviso tig dust
extending slavery. Gentlemen talk about their
! Southern Convention, and about dissolving t.he
Union. I have nlready shown that this is the old
scheme of a few bewildered men, who perhaps are
led on, ns Mr. Benton informs us, by an unhalI
lowed ambition! It is a matter of deep regret to
nie that some of those with whom 1 deeply sympathised
in former struggles, whose noble efforts in
the cause of their country have commanded our
i admiration, are now disposed to unite with them
in the ''dream of a separate independence?a
dream to bo interrupted by bloody conflicts with
their n ighbora, and a vile dependence on a foreign
Power"?to join them in renouncing the glorious
flag of our country?in destroying the peace of
mankind, and deluging our fertile fielJs iu blood,
4 a In n rt i mint nt inn nf the Union. it C.iunot OCCUT.
We will not contemplate it. Coolly and firmly
determined to carry out the great principles of
our fathers?unawed hy the storm which may
threaten?we will follow the advice of the great
and good Washington, ' discountenancing whatever
may suggest even a suspicion that it can in
any event be abandoned, and indignantly frowning
upon the first dawning of every attempt to
alienate any portion of our country from the rest,
or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together
the various p rta.*' Sir, the aittmji' may
be made, but the whole North, with thousands iu
the South, will resist it to the iast.
The prntl.-ui.HU from Nui tli Carolina, [ Mr.
Clinkman.| with a coolness hy no means creditable
to his patriotism calculates it as a matter of
dollar* and cuts f You do not find the Yankee
making such calculations; and why? Because
it won't pay?it won't pay even the expense of I
slate pencil. He has run the matter over iu his
head, and considers it a scheme which it is impossible
to carry out. He knows it cannot be accom
plished. and he would as soon think of calculating
the costs of a railroad to the moon! But the
honorable gentleman has. no doubt, worn out
many sl ite pencils in the cause, and has given us
the benefit of bis figures 1 I have no time to
expose the fallacy of his conclusions, if if were
necessary.
A few words as to his proposed "northern
boundary " of the contemplated " Southern Confederacy.''
He bids high for "Old Kentuck,"
and makes the Ohio river the dividing line. The
* ?? '-<* kA A.A? IrnaatT \ iKnf
genriemm rorgu!, |u hc c?r.
are strong natural ties which unite Ohio and
Kentucky. Their citizens never can, ilu-y never
mil. I*rtrm? foreigners to inch other ! The hardy
sons of Ohio have united their destinies for life i
with Kentucky's fair daughters We are one
people, ritai)V\n?uk i tn*y ?x&tjr say that when
the struggle comes, if come it must, Ohio and
Kentucky will he found as they were in the hist
war with Cireat Britain in defence of our frontier,
shoulder to shoulder under the flag of the
Union, bearing as their motto, On* country?one
Constitution?one destiny! "
The gentleman bids for Kentucky to join in
this unhallowed plot. What is his bid? Kentucky,
being a stock-raising State, is to lucre a
monopoly of the Southern market ! The old
Northwest?Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan,
Nc?H'e to be shut out from the immense benefits
of the Southern market! 1 do not suppose the
gentleman regards Kenttickians as fools, because
they have not made many speeches here; but he
underrates their btisine-s faculties very much if
he thinks they would be willing to exchange the
New England market for tbeir products for that
of Charleston. They know that the rule would
work both ways. And when the Northwest is
driven from the South with her pork, her beef,
and her Hour, I suggest for the consideration of
members from Louisiana, that there might be a
falling oft in the exports from New Orleans
which arc now paraded to show the Vast resource:t
i of the Sowh !
I should like to be present, Mr. Chairman, |.VIr.
Linn Boyd being in the chair,| in your District,
when the brave sons of the "dark and bloody
ground" should be assembled to hear the first
i disunion speech. What would be their feelings
; on hearing as an argument for disunion, that by
shutting out from Mobile the pork raised by their
i brothers or their sons in Ohio and Indiana, the
j value of Kentucky pips would be increased ten
WtK* VwM. WW would your people ilu. with ,
of the District, and set the dogs on hitn 1
The gentleman wants Maryland, too. If hecan
get Maryland, he will make Baltimore the New
York of the South. Well, sir. if Maryland thinks
it best to take this sort of "street paper" without
any endorsement or mortgage security, she had
better suspend her Baltimore and Ohio railroad ;
we of the great Northwest would he compelled to
take the Pi'tshurg route!
Mr. Chairman, i will not pursue the nbaurdi
:? c it i? -,n?v i.
urn ui lur iir^uiiicin n n aiv,u imic ?/v v u vuucu tu
favor of disunion. Whenever the proper time
comes, whenever there are any " overt nets,-' arguments
more potent than mine will be furnished
by the ' Commander in-Chief" at the other end
of the Avenue. "Old Whitey" nips the grass
on the public grounds, and will be in good plight!
1 have shown some of the reasons why I am in
favor of the Proviso of the Ordinance of 1787. I
designed going at large into an exhibition of its
practical effects For want of time, 1 will relate
an anecdote which is calculated to impress them
upon the mind.
1 have a constituent who has been an eye-witness
to the rapid progress of that Territory to
which our revolutionary fathers first applied it.
He is a native of the ' Old Dominion," and at the
age of sixteen fought in the battles of Eutaw and
Guilford Court-House. The Northwest Territory
was then a vast, unbroken wilderness,uninhabited
save by the savage and the wild beast. No keel
had ruffled the smooth surface of her magnificent
lakes and rivers. 1 ler boundless forests were untouched
by the woodinnn ! The sod of her vast
prairies was unbroken by the agriculturist! In
1787 it was decreed that this soil should never be
polluted by the foot of slavery ! In '89 he left
his friends, and with his ritio upon his shoulder
cast his destiny there. In that year he taught, in
a log cabin on the banks of the beautiful Ohio,
the second school of the Northwestern Territory Subsequently
he aide i to "carry up the corner" of
the first log cabin, where now stands the great city
of Cincinnati! In 1802 he was a member of the
Convention which framed the Constitution of Ohio,
and aided in embodying in it the clause prohibiting
slavery. Sir, that man still lives to witness its
fruits. Four millions of freemen are happy t here,
with no fears of insurrections to trouble th em in the
stillness of the night?the lamentations of no slave
to disturb their repose. Instead of the single hut,
surrounded by savages, thousands of colleges,
academies, ehurchis, ami school-houses, adorn the
land, and tens of thousands of merry children acquire
in them those impressions which will make
them useful to their country and prepare their
souls for eternity. Sir, I relate this anecdote to
challenge gentlemen to point me in the history of
all the world to any country, in any age, where,
in the lifetime of one man, such progress hns
been made, nnd for the purpose of ]s>intiug to
inese iiiuuiiuitma u.-r> ..-.4?i ?. ?k. r.tw.ai?>
wisdom, and sagacity of those who formed the
old Continental Congress of 1771! That individual,
although aged, still lives, nnd is still physic
illy able to protect the family of a native of that
Noil who is absent from his home to urge, as a
solemn duty, the passage of the s irae provision for
the Territories which our posterity must oeuupy
llefore high Heaven, let me say. tlmt dn'y, regardless
of consequences, will tie discharged
That person will urge upon nil to keep up the
lights of liberty enkindled by our fathers ; that we
may bedirctrd by them in the advancement of
incisures wnicn Will secure ine nigiirm ucgrev 01
perfection of which man in his (Mien condition is
susceptible in this life ; ntid when " its fitful
dream is over," n place in that land wheresorrows
and oppressions never come.
MTTEI.L* I,I VINO AUK.
CVONTKNTS OK No *KH ? Price, twelve and * bait
/ cent*.
1 ( urrer Bell's Shirley ? Etimburgh lirriitr.
'J Natural History of Alan ?(Jvu'irrli/ lltrirw.
it. White Ladies' Pise* ? I'ltombert'? .lauinul.
t Condition of the Jem in Ktfvpt ? lb
fi. A Day's Kieunlou.? ITnknmrn.
I). Winter S.?euerv -r/niitui* H-gi*ter.
7. Cape of Uood Hop* ? f'ommerrial Ad Ctrl i iff.
8 A Scsne ill Court?I. luisrille f'ourirr.
) A Naturalist's Note Hook Hoovers. ? Eimei't Maratine.
With Poetry and Notices of New Hooks.
W*sHiwaTo?, Utctmbet V, 1845.
Of all th? Periodical Journals itevotsd to litaratiir* and
aeienee, which abound In Kurope and ill this country, this
tiki appeared to ms to be the inoet useful It contain* indee.I
tl.e exposition only of the curreut literature of the
English ian<n?<e; hut this, by i?? Immene extant and
e.unprehensi.in, iiuv ii ies a portraiture of the human mind In
the ulrnoat expansion of the present age
J. g ADAMS.
Published weekly,at sit dollars a ysar, by
k i.i r pkli. Jt co.,
I orner of Trcmont and HrumAeld streets, Boston
irr K..r sale by JOSEPH SHILl.l NUTON, corner of
| Kour and .i ball street and I'euus) Iv.uiia avenue, Washing|
ton.
JOHN W. Nok I'll.
A TTOKNEY and Counsellor at I.aw, andtieneral land
a\ Agent, Kails of St. Autbouy, Miuursida Territory
I Oct. II.?jr
HE NATIONAL EEA,
I THE NATIONAL ERA. ?
WASHINGTON, MARCH 7, ISM. 0
ii
THE SPEECH OF MR. CALHOUN. ?
w
Mr. Calhoun appeared in big seat last Monday,
where he received the warm greetings of nutner- tl
ous friends He is reduced to a mere skeleton, lj
and his face wig deathly. His speech was read h
l>y Mr M ison of Virginia The Senate w is full; ft
the ladies thronged the floor ; the galleries were f
crowJed. The speech contained no new state- c
inent or argument, but was rather an abstract of (
what Mr Calhoun has been in the habit for many u
yeirs past of siyingaud predicting. We saw no g
indications of any extraordinary sensation or iin- t
pression produce.! by it. a
All our readers will be curious to read the j
speech ; and, crowded as the Era is, we hare do- e
terniinei to publish it. It is divided into two (
1 portioi s The first, attempting to show what it t
is that endangers the Union, to trace it to its {
cause, to explain its nature and character, we in- t
sort in this number. The other portion, discuss- t
iDgthe.juostiou, <r How ctn the Union be saved ' }
will appear in our next. \
Mr Webster will address the Seuate to-day. t
on the whole (juration. Messrs. Seward, Hale, j
anJ Chase, have also indicated their purpose to t
speak. ^ J
CONGRESSIONAL SPEECHES.
The speeches published in the Era to-day. are
all remarkable, anJ will be read with profound
, iuterest. They eomniauded the attention of Cou- '
| grees, and will command the attention of the
People Between one hundred and two hun- | 1
dred thousand copies of them have been issued '
here in pamphlet form, and are new Hying over 1
the country. Order? for the speeches of Messrs '
Campbell. Bissell. and Stevens, may be ?ent to j '
the printers of the Era.
? ? i
THE PAST WEEK '
Has not been market! by much excitement The '
debates in Congress generally were without much 1
interest. The absence of Mr Koote from the '
Senate, on account of sickness, lessened the attrac- ! '
tions of that body, as a theatre for dramatic en- '
tertainment. The feelings of the Southern mem- '
bers in both Houses have apparently undergone ' '
a slight change for the better. There has been '
less menace ; we have had more argument. Mr 1
Toombs' speech was very fair an.^1 temperate '
Mr. McWillie's was extravagant, but without
weight. The Northern members. Col. Baker of ' j
Illinois. Mr. Sackett of New York. Mr. Vandyke <
of New Jersey, sustained themselves creditably. ?
The speech of Mr. Parker of Virginia was good- I ^
tempered.
The letter-writers were busy, and discovered '
that a challenge h id passed bet ween Colonel , '
Davis of Mississippi and Colonel Bissell of llli- |
tiois; but that, through the intercession of the 'f
President, the challenge hnd been withdrawn, and <
bloodshed prevented. All the public was permitted t
to see was a short correspondence in the Union
between the two military Congressman, in which
Colonel Davis asked Colonel Bisscll whether he
meaut to r. fleet upon the Mississippi regiment
Colonel Bissell wrote out the remarks he had made
in debate concerning that regiment, and stated
that he had done justice to the dead, without disparaging
the living. So this matter went over.
As to the end of the world, which was to take
place last Mouday, according to the letter-writers, j
the world suffered a disappointment. People had
come from a distance to see w hat was to he seem
and were dazzled with the crowds of pretty ladies
in the Senate Chamber and galleries of the 11
House, not in their ascension robes, but in gar- j 1
mi nts brilliant as sublunary wealth could make j '
them. 1
It is stid that one of the Senators has kindly i
granted a reprieve to the North of one week, f
probably in view of the late meeting of the devout J 1
Hall. ~ " (1
GENERAL CASS AND HIS DOCTRINES.
The late speech of General Cass on theTerri- j '
torial Guestion has attracted but little attention ,
in the country. Neither friends nor enemies
seemed to be much impressed by it. It has provoked
no criticism, excited no discussion (
In Congress it has been the subject occisionally
of unfavorable auiniadversions, in a quarter,
however, which could hardly have been anticipated
by its author.
By Southern Democrats chiefly have its positions
been questioned. Messrs. Brown and Sed
don in the House, Davis and Clemens in the Senate,
hare formally entered protest against the assumption
that Congress has no power to institute
Territorial Governments, and that the people of
a Territory have the right of governing themselves.
Some have tried to show that the late argument
of the General went beyond the doctrines
of the Nicholson letter?that it involved principles
dangerous to the interests of Slavery?and,
while doing this, complimentary allusions to
Mr. lluchanan have escaped them, indicating that
they deemed him entirely conservative and safe
in his views.
These things could not escape the observant
eye of one who had done so much to propitiate the
good will of the South, and wished still to be held
high in its favor ; and. a few days since, in a debate
that sprang up in the Senate incidentally,
he took occasion to speak of himself, his course
towards the South, and the treatment he had received
from some of his friends in that quarterHe
intimated that his political existence at the
North was terminated?that he had fallen a victim
to his opinions and policy ou the Territorial
Uuestion but Southern gentlemen were not
yet satisfied?some of them would tolerate no ! ,
public man who did not embrace precisely their ^
views respecting the abstract question of Slavery.
Slavery is the hardest of all taskmasters. The
man who thinks of sitisfying all its demands, ,
should sit down a long time,and count the cost. j (
We observe in the report of the debate to which
we have alluded, a reference to Judge Mi-Lkin
in such a way as to convey the impression that
lie fully sustained the l>octrines of the Nicholson
LiMier. A f\*Jl Kia sr<vMr?* tn rr 1 #'
the Proviso during the time antecedent to the
composition of the Nicholson Letter, Mr. Cass
proceeded as follows:
" In examining the Constitution with reference
to the whole matter more narrowly than I had
ever done before, I wis startled In/ the ronvictUH
'Jul' no authority was granted in that instrument to
Coil/firs* to legislate 01 rr lit- I'm il vi u s ; ami thai,
couseiiuentli/, there was no power to tnis.s the Wilmtt
Pioi iso. iNot satisfied w ith my own impressions,
and being unwilling to take such a ground without
proper consideration, I determined immediately
to couvcrse with some person fully conversint
with the history of the legislation and the
judicial decisions on the subject, lu looking
about for that purpose, it immediately occurred
to nie that au eminent Judge of the Supreme
Court, (Judge McLean of Ohio,) from his position
and associations, ms well as from his residence
in the West, could give me better information
upon this subject than any other person. Anticipating
that some discussion might soon arise
that would render this explanation proper, I applied
to that gentleman some days since, snd requested
his permission thu.? jmhluly to refer to
him, should I deem it mcsuiry. This he cheerfully
granted and I now tnake use of his name
with his own consent. I immediately repaired to
him and stated my doubts, as well as the circum- .
stinces which give rise to them. I need not re
pent the conversation here. It is enough to say
tViut hf risnhrmnl niu muressions. and informed
me that, in an article published in the National
Intelligencer a day or two previously, and which 1 1
had not seen, I should find his views fullv set forth
That article has since been republished in other I
papers, and has attracted a good deal of attention,
as it deserved; for it is powerfully written. I !
speak, sir, solely of the >vw.? it pr<*?en/.?
of tk'. pottrr of Cohifren to Uqislnle for thr Tnri- '
tour*. The question of Slavery which it discusses
I do not refer to. After reading this article,
my doubts ripened into convictions, and I took
the ground to which I shall always adhere, that
the Wilmot Proviso is unconstitutional And
you have nov, sir, the history of my course upon
this subject."
WASHINGTON, D. C
We have in thia paragraph a distinct statement ! CI
aat Judge McLean confirmed the " impression " W
f General Cass, that " no authority was granted an
i that instrument (the Constitution) to legislate tb
ver the Territories, and that, consequently, there j re
as no power to pass the Wilmot Proviso!" on
The opinions of Judge McLean are given in sii
tie article to which General Cass alludes, pub- or
shed in the National In'eltigmcer, and to which co
e referred the latter for a full exposition of them- or
dr. Polk, it was known, would veto the Wilrnot au
'roviso, and there w as d inger that Slavery would
reep into the Territories, and be recognised by va
Congress. The question argued in the article was, ha
Can Congress Institute SIaveryTheJuJgear- at
;ued that it could not. and his argument rested on an
he denial not of " any authority' in Congress to wi
legislate over the Territories." which is the im- H
)res?ion of General C*ss, bu', of any yycijic i;ra>it L,
if power in Congress to establish a Territorial of
Government. The sole grant of power which rela- en
ed to the subject, empowered Congress simply to of
egulate the property of the United States?"to
nuke all needful rules and regulations respecting wl
he territory or oth^ i'Ropkrtv of the United E
States"?and this power ought to be exercised as h<
veil within a State as a Territory. The power te
o organise a Territorial Government was im- Si
>lied, not specific , and should be limited to those fe
neaaures necessary to effectuate the specific | t?;
jrant of power Congress might, therfore, organ- rt
ze a Goverument which should protect the
and purchased, and provide for the administra- ci
iion of justice among the settlers, but. unless it fc
were contended that neither of these acts could S
tie accomplished without the institution of sla- "
rery, there was no cousiitutioual mode for its in- tl
rod action It was impossible that any strict con- "
itructionist could resist the force of this reason- tc
ng. unless by raising the plea that the slavehold- ti
?r ntulcd no larr to maintain his property in his w
ilaves, when he passed beyond the bouuds of the L
local law of his State. But this was effectually p
toticipsted by the writer, who clearly showed p
that it was the settled doctrine of the Supreme
Clourt of the United States, and of the country, 1,
that the relation of mister and slave w is depend- 1<
sot upon local law; and, when the slave esciped <ay
any means to a State where such relation did n
lot eiist, he was free, unless under a general law v
le might be recaptured by his master, but that b
here was no principle in the law of nations, or in
he common law, as between sovereignties, which, p
luthorized such recapture. The conclusion ar- p
ived at by the writer was all-important j,
" If free territory he idmifterl. ai*rt Com>itsi have 0
ior power to institute shivery within it, th* territory
nasi remain free, until the jieople shall form a Stn'e
Uoveranient; thin Iht i/nest 1011 may nris>. in t(i? s
/vise of this jmwer, whether slavery shall I
Mt admitted." c
Wp Vsnvp irivpn > fiir abstract of the nrcumenf. (
Yorn which it will be seen that General Cass was p
>y uo means justified in asserting that his im- j,
jression"?that no authority was granted to Congress
to legislate over the Territories, and that, ,
consequently, the Proviso was unconstitutional?
vas confirmed by Judge McLean. Not a won! in
he article of the eminent Judge gives any counenance
to the statement and that he entertains
>r has expressed at any time views in conflict
rvith those stated in that article, no one will preend.
It will not do for General Cass K/, introluce
J udge McLean as an endorser of hi * notions
soocerning the unconstitutionality and inexpedi>ncy
of the Wilmot Proviso; nor had he any
mthority for even implying such endorsement. (
THE PRESENT STATE OF THE Ql ESTION. !
One year ago the free States were united in
rnpport of the anti-slavery policy of the Ordilance
of 1787; every one of them, excepting 0
lows, stood committed by the resolves of its Legis- 0
ature. An Ex-President of the United States j,
lad thrown the weight of his name and influence g
igainst the Slavery-Extensionists, and was presented,
as a candidate for the Presidency, from g
dons of unwavering devotion to the Wilmot Pro- t
riso, on the part of the Whig and Democratic t
parties of those States. i
It was during the predominance of the l'ree ,
Soil Sentiment that the present members of Con- t
jress were chosen, and in almost every instauce,
so far as the North and West were concerned
J I
Lheir election depended upon their avowed or un
Jerstood adhesion to the policy 01 tne wiunoi
Proviso.
It was expected therefore that this Congress
would be under the control of the Free Soil Sentiment,
and promptly adopt vigorous measures to
satisfy its demands. But, ita action has utterly
disappointed this just expectation On the antislavery
question, its tone is lower,its purposeless
energetic, Its policy less sagacious and decisive,
than the tone and purpose und policy of any Congress
that has been in session since the introduction
of the VVilmot Proviso. Through a series of bad
movement on the part of Northern members, of
adroit movements on the part of Southern men, aided
by letter-writers in Washington, and panic makers
everywhere, the Slave Power tLreatens to obtnin
complete ascendency in the Hulls of Legislation
and carry its measures in defiance of the oftexpressed
determination of the twelve millions of
freemen who have detnunded that Free Territories
be kept Free. Not since the commencement
of the Free Soil agitation has the cause of Free
Soil been exposed to such peril. Let us review
rapidly the series of movements by which this
Congress has been brought to its present condition.
The Democratic members from the free States
came to Washington, without any acknowledged
head ; without any understanding as to what
ought to be their policy in relation to the organisation
of the I louse. The nlaveholding members,
who had ninde nil necessary arrangements, kindly
took charge of their brethren from the North and
West, prevailed on them generally to go into caucus
with them, bound them there hand and foot
and, despite all their antecedent pledges to main
l.aiti A4UWA nf K'rpt* S5<?il nMitrcil UiPtn fn
' ? ;? * v
uise and sustain, as the controlling element in the j
organix ition of the Mouse, the Principle of Sla- .
very-Extension. (i
The Whigs, in caucus assembled, while they (
U eu?l?t.9 ??? uUt* pro tc.sk nub* ^
mittcd to them by a few extreme members of the
Party, agreed upon a candidate, who, as he has
since himself avowed, was utterly hostile to the ^
agitation of the Slavery Uuestion, and who was |
willing to abandon the policy of the Wilrnot Pr?viso
for the policy of Nun-Action.
These falsa movements ou the part of the members
from the free States, revealed their weakness c
We felt at once that, as partus, they had not the t]
sagacity nnd firmness to conduct to a favorable
issue the formidable struggle against SI iveryExtension.
And their opponents were not slow
to take advantage of their facile temper. They
pitched their pretensions high they took care
to make the Pro-Slavery Sentiment controlling in r
every committee that might be called upon to act y
an the subject they pre-occupiod the tloor with s
ipceches coolly calculating the valueof the I'uion j
ind threatening violent resistance to any act they
might Jeem prejudicial to their interests
Root's resolution followed. The members of
the free States, having yet eouie remembrance of
their constituents, refused to lay it upon the ta v
hie, but had not nerve enough to resist a motion '
to adjourn, which threw the resolution over for c
leveral weeks. 1
Meantime, blow followed blow in quick succes- 8
nion. (
General Taylor sent in his message, concern- e
ing Kiecutive action in relation to California. 1
Jtrongly deprecating the agitation of scctioual is- t
sues, advising the admission of California as a t
State on its application, but recommending Con- n
gress to abstain from all action in rehtion to the t
reet of the Territories, till they should form State 1
Governments for themaelves. And in favor of I
this policy, was thrown the whole weight of the f
Whig Administration
Neit we have the ao-called Compromise of Mr j
1, MARCH 7, 1850.
lay, whose word is law to * Urge portion of the V
'hig party, North and South , and he delivers tl
i elaborate speech in support of it, calling upon w
e representatives of the free States to take the a
aponsibility of abandoning the Wilmot Proviso &
i the ground that circumstances had changed &
ice their election. No member from the North t<
West rises in opposition?none attempts to a
unteract the influence upon the constituency,
representatives from the free States, of such an C
thorify. g
Mr. Bi'chanan, who is thought to hold Pennsyl- | ti
nia, the Key-Stone State, in the hollow of his , t
nd, now appears on the stage. One of the Sen- ! r
ors from that State is sufficiently taken care of? n
id the Democratic Representatives are seized 1
ith a profound dread of ngitation Busy in the T
alls of Congress, he plies his friends in the v
pgislature at home, prevents there the utterance n
any sentiments in favor of Freedom, and through F
lissaries faithful and untiring gets up meetings g
his devoted followers against the Proviso.
With the Administration urging non action, b
ith Ilenry Clay advocating compromise, with b
it-Secretary Buchanan trembling for the Union, t
iping for the Presidency, working for the ex- ii
usion of the Missouri Compromise, the free v
Late representation staggers, gives way, is de- n
ated. Root's resolution is laid upon the table c
9 9a - a a? C a!au?K/iLlpiN
f a majority 01 iwcaiji-mc, ?u-? j
joice that they hare killed the Wilmot Proviso!
Letter-writers in Washington do their part to
ipple the North. " There is an organized plan
r dissolving the Union"?" Sixty men from the t
outh in Congress are resolved on Disuuion"'? e
The metes and bounds of the United States of i<
le South have all been determined upon"? 1
Southern members are preparing to go armed c
> the Capitol, to break up Congress and revolo. 1
onize the Government!" So they write; and 1
bile Washington is calm, while the Halls of i
.egislation grow drowsy with the perpetual drop- c
ing of Buncombe orators, New York, Philadel- 1
hi:*, and Boston. <|uake with alarm j
The Spirit of Trade begins to tremble. It
>oks at its ledger, And calculates the pecuniary
>ss of Disunion. Stocks are sensitive. Capital <
innot endure the idea of civil convulsions "The 1
lillions due us in the South will be repudiated? I
re shall lose our trade there?our factories will 1
e crippled?this agitation must stop!" '
Winthrop, who represents the Mercantile In- '
erost of Boston, announces his adoption of the
olicy of the Administration. Wkdstkr, whose
lusiness it is to look after the interests of the
o'tou spinners, holdi (.T^nsultations with Southern )'
aen, and considers schemes of compromise The
hop-keppara of New York assemble to save the '
Tniun, and, forgetful of everything but their 1
raft, resolve in favor of the resolutions of Henry 1
'lay. And some of the good people of Philadelhia,
who have been taught to look to the slave- j
loldersas the natural guardians of the Democra- : '
y, fearful of losing the advantages of such guar- j
ianship, meet together, publicly confess their '
ins, ami make most ample promises to do all that j ?
he 8011th requires. j 1
Is it any wonder that, nmidst such inlluences, j '
tepresentatives ami Senators from the free 1
hates should falter ? And yet a moment'sretlec- 1
ion should dispel their alarms. What, if Borne 1
f the capitalists of Boston are frightened ? Do
\>j constitute the People? The population of
v'tw York is about four huudred thousand?aud,
ut of this, some six or eight thousand were found
tilling to support Clay's so-called Compromise !
The rest of the four hundred thousand sympahize
doubtless with the twenty-five hundred
housand People of the State in their fixed hosility
to the extension of slavery. And, as to
'hiladelphia. are we take to take the movements
f a few Hunker politicians, under the leadership
f servile demagogues attached to the fortunes of
Ix-Secretary Buchanan, as an indication of the
entiment of the People there ?
No! The great heart of the People of the free
Itatus is sound. The masses are unchanged in
mIui re^fc^ctipg our Territories. No
hrents can intimidate, no compromises cajole
hem. They expect their agents to represent
heir spirit, to execute their purpose. They may
ie disappointed, deceived, betrayed?but, thank
3od, they have the power to punish traitors, and
hey will not be slow to use it. Nor do we despair
of the present Congress. We hope there
nay be virtue enough in the House to resist all
irojects of compromise that shall favor the exension
of slavery. Of all absurd schemes, that is
irecminently absurd which proposes to settle at
mce, now and forever, all the questions growing
mt of the relations of slavery to the General
government. The attempt to carry such a scheme
inly increases irritation, multiplies points of colision,
heaps up obstacles to the adjustment of
my single question. The dictate of common
lense is, to deal with these questions one at a
ime, beginning with the most urgent and the
nost practicable. We know this interferes with
he calculations of some of the extreme pro slavery
politicians. Their great aim is, to maintain
in equilibrium of power in the Senate between
he Free and the Slave States. Why strive for
vhat is impracticablet Why peril the Union,
vhy stake the existence of their domestic institu- 1
ions, on an impossibility ? Even the organixa- i
ion of a new slave State, and its admission into 1
he Union, ut the same time California Is admit- 1
ed, cannot achieve this. The equilibrium is al
eady destroyed. Delaware, nominally a slave
!tate, to all yitcnts and purposes cooperates with 1
he free, so that these have a majority, which '
hey cannot fail to maintain. And, in a few
ears a large number of new free States will be
mocking for admission, while every year the '
laveholding interest is decreasing in Maryland, l
Virginia, Kentucky, and Missouri. It is better 1
or all sections that it should be so A perpetual
quilibrium in the Senate between non-slavehold- t
ng and shareholding States, would be productive *
f perpetual jealousies, discords, and sectional 1
ollisions. Whenever the non-slaveholding States 1
equire a decided predomiuanoe, there will be an i
nd to dangerous sectionalism, and yet the South
rill not suffer in a single interest. For the
Manter of the South will still be able, through
is alliance with the Farmer of the West, toconrol
the financial and commercial policy of the
lovernroent, both being equally interested in the
eduction and tinnl removal of all restrictions on
omraerce.
We repeat -we still hope for the prevalence of
Common Sense and Sound Sentiment in the
alls of Congress?but, let Presidential aspirnnts
;o home and mind their business?let demagogues
esse to plot?let letter writers quit the trade of
lanie-making ? let the shop-keepers of the city
f New York, who have )>cen frightened by Ilcnlett's
Herald, attend to their counters?let nnm110th
committees and schemes of wholesale comiromise
be frowned down?ami let the members
if both Houses, without reference to Wall street
r State street, address themselves to the task of
ettling according to the will of their constitutes.
delil>erately exprrssed, and their own conictions
of Hight, all these questions respecting
ihvery, just as they m ly arise in a pructi.'al
orm.
HI MORS OF THREATENED VIOLENCE.
letter writers in Washington sent off last
reck divers letters to the North, announoing that
he following Monday, Southern men would proeed
to the Capitol, armed with deadly weapons. hen
and there to take vengeance on their advertries,
break up Congress, and revolutionixe the 1
Jovernment. Others, not in possession of this 1
xtraordiuary intelligence, were full of dark ,
lints, and, should they tell all they knew about i
he secret carrying of weapons by the members, i
he country would be shocked! The Southern
uetnbers by their silence gave countenance to
hese foolish reports, apparently willing to be
ibelled as conspirators, so that the country might
>e duly impressed with their daring courage and
ormidable power. ,
Can it he poeeible that these gentlemen sup- |
toee that they can frighten Northern People? i
Vere these rumors to obtain general credenoe, I
10 effect would be very different from what
jme of the letter writers and their employers
nticipate. They would see exasperation, but
ot fear. Northern men would be steeled against
om promise, acd not a few of them would prepare
i take part in the scenes which it Is said are !
bout to be enacted here.
But, suoh rumors are ridiculous. Members of i
loogress are a rery peaceable, well-beharcd set of
eutlemen. We see no indication of a disposition I
0 use bowie-knife or bludgeon. They take j
biugs easily, Bit three hours a day, improre evey
opportunity furnished by the decease of a I
iember, for a holyday, and adjourn orer from
Thursday or Friday till Monday, every week. I
The last week was absolutely flat?both Houses
rere dreadfully dull ? the chief enjoyment of
lembers seemed to be, airing themselves on
'ennsylvania avenue. We have never seen Conress
or the city less excited.
We hope the good People abroad will remeiner
two things?1st, that certain newspapers live
y the circulation of extraordinary, exciting, asounding
news and rumors; and, 2dly, that there
1 always a tremendous competition among letter
rriters, as to who shall promulgate the latest and
lost startling intelligence, and the most sigoifiunt
portents of coming events.
THE m\ COMPROMISE.
Rumors have been afloat of a new compromise,
he result, it is said, of consultation among influ.
ntial Senators from all sections, including Dan- ,
el Webster It was alleged at one time that he j
md agreed to propose the extension to the Pacific
oast of the Missouri Compromise, but if he ever '
.?u.ir?l? nn i?loa iKa n.l monition of hi?
>etter nature must have induced him to abinlon
it. That Southern members have been in
sousultation with him, and that some of them n
ooked to him for aid in carrying through s. ni
rrand scheme of adjusting the whole question of
Slavery, is well understood.
Last Thursday, Mr. Bell of Tennessee introluced
the resolutions published below, as affording
the basis of a compromise between the two
$reat interests?Freedom and Slavery, lie intimated
that he was not their author, but a mere
compiler, the propositions having undergone the
examination of at least a dozen Senators.
His remarks, accompanying their introduction,
were liberal and good-tempered, lie admitted
that the usage of admitting a free and a slave
State together, roust soon be dispensed with?that
while already he could count some ten new free
States that would ere long be applying for admission,
three more slave States would wind up the
account for Slavery.
It will be observed that the Texas annexation
resolutions of 184f> are made the basis ofthis
proposed compromise.
His propositions, in brief, are?to limit the
State of Texas by the Trinity river on the west,
tnd the Red River on the north; to provide for
the immediate organization into a State of so
much of her territory as lies south of the 31th
parallel of north latitude and west of the Trinity
river; to purchase for dollars all
the unoccupied territory claimed hy Texas, lying
west of the river Colorado, and extending north
to the I2d degree of north latitude ; to provide
for the organization into a State of that portion
of the territory as far north as 34?, when it shall
nave tne requuuie popuiauuu , iu nicurpurmu ?m
of the ceded territory north of 34? with New
Mexico, which is to he ndmitted as a State iuto
the Union, when it shall hare formed a State
Constitution, hut which, meantime, is to hare a
Territorial Government without restriction as to
Slavery; to organixe a Territorial Government
without any restriction as to Slavery for the
whole of the territory between New Mexico and
the State.of California; to admit at once that
State with its existing boundaries and Constitution
; to make the formation of State Constitutions
n<-r?mer ny uiv 1 -j i??. rUpondAM*
upon the prior consent of Congress; and to secure
them the right, after such consent shall have
been given, to adjust all questions of internal
State policy for themselves.
The questions respecting Slavery and the
Slave Trade in the District of Columbia, the
inter-State Bluve trade, and the reclamation of
fugitives from service or labor, are not embraced
in this plan of settlement, Mr. Bell announcing
his willingness to submit them separately to
the discretion of Congress.
By annexing the territory on the Rio Grande,
below the 34th degree, in dispute between New
Mexico nnd Texas, to the unappropriated domain
purchased from the latter, the assumption iH that
it will become Slave Territory, all of which will
hereafter form a State, slaveholding as Mr. Bell
supposes.
On the other hand, all the territory of Texas,
and that claimed by her north of the 34th degree)
is to do incorporated wun new lviexico. wnicn is
free territory, and which is to be admitted as a
State, frett as Mr. Bell supposes, when it shall have
formed a Constitution. He does not, however,
propose to make this certain, but would leave
this Territory as well as that west of New Mexico
and east of the State of California, open equally
to Slavery and Freedom, by giving them Territotial
Governments, without any restriction as to
Slavery. In other words, his compromise provides
for the organization of two slave States,
one now. another hereafter, for the organization
of two Territorial Governments without the
Wilmot Proviso, for the admission of one free
State, and for securing to the People of any
Territory in forming a State Constitution, the
right to institute or exclude Slavery at their own
discretion.
We need not say that it involves an abandonment
by the free States of the anti-slavery policy
jf the Ordinance of 1787. We should I'ke to
have an amendment moved to the -4th and 5th
propositions, striking out the words, " without
any restriction as to Slavery," and inserting in
lien thereof the words, "in accordance with the
principles of the Ordinance of 1787."
compromise: ok the; question ok slavery.
Mr. Bki.i. rose for the purpose of submitting to
the Senate the following series of resolutions
Whereas considerations of the highest interest
to the whole country demanJ that the existing
and increasing dissensions between the North and
the South, on the subject of slavery, should be
speedily arrested, and that the questions in controversy
be ndjusted upon some basis which^hall
tend to give present quiet, repress sectional animosities,
remove as far as possible the causes of
future discord, and secure the uninterrupted
enjoyment of those benefits and advantages which
the Union was intended to confer in equal measure
upon all its members and whereas it is manifest,
under present circumstances, that no adjustment
can he effected of the points of difference
unhappily existing between the Northern and
Southern sections of the Union, connected with
the subject of slavery, which shall secure to
either section all that is contended for, nnd that
mutual concession upon <|uestious of mere policy,
not involving the violation of any constitutional
right or principle, must he the basis of every
project affording any assurance of a favorable
acceptance: and whereas the joint resolution for
annexing Texas to the United States, approved
March 1st, IMS, contains the following condition
and guaranty, that is to say "New States of
convenient site, not exceeding four in number, in
addition to said State of Texas, and having sufficient
popnlation, may hereafter, by the consent
of said State, be formed out of the territory thereof,
which shall be entitled to admission under the
provisions of the Federal Constitution ; and such
States ns may be fbrmrd out of that portion of said
territory lying south of 36?:t0' north latitude, commonly
known as the Missouri compromis e line,
shall be admitted into the Union with or without
slavery, as the people of each State asking admission
may desire, and in such State or States as
shall be formed out of said territory north of
said Missouri compromise line, slavery or involuntary
servitude (except for crime) shall be prohibited
:" therefore,
1 Rnolivd, That the obligation to comply with
the oomlition and guaranty above recited in good
faith be distinctly recognised, and that, in part
compliance with the same, as coon as the people of
Texas shall by an act of their Legislature signify
their assent by restricting the limits thereof with In
the territory lying cast of the Trinity, and south
of the Red river, and when the people of the
?^1
VOL. IV.
residue of the territory claimed bj Texan, lying
south of the 34th parallel of north latitude and
west of the Triuity, shall, with the assent of
Texas, adopt a Constitution republic ?n inform,
they be admitted into the Union up n an equal
footing in all respects with the origin d States.
2. Rtfloetl, That if Texas shad agree to cede,
the United States will steep', a cession of all the
unappropriated domain in all the territory claimed
by Texas, lying west of the Coli rado. and extend,
ing north to tne 12d parallel <>f north latitude,
together with the juriediction and sovereignty of
all the territory claimed by Ttxea north of the
34th parallel of north latitude, and to pay therefor
asum not exoeeding mi lions of dollars,
to be applied in the firat place to the extinguish
ment of any portion of the existing poblic debt of
Texas, for the discharge of which the United
States are under any obligation, implied or otherwise,
and the remainder aa Texas shall require
3 Resolved, That when the population of that
portion of the territory claimed by Texas, lying
south of the 34th parallel of north latitude, and
west of the Colorado, shall heeqr.al to the ratio of
representation in Congress, under the last preceding
apportionment, according to the provisions of
the Constitution, aud the people of such territory
shall, with the assent of thenew State contemplated
in the preceding resolution, h ive adopted a
State Constitution republican in form, they be
admitted into the Union as a State, upon an espial
footing with the original States.
4. Resolvtd, That all the territory now claimed
by Texas lying north of the 34th parallel of north
1 ititude, and which may be ceded to the United
States by Texas, be incorporated with the Territory
of New Mexico, except such part thereof as
lies east of the Rio Grande, and south of the 34th
parallel of north latitude ; and that the territory
so composed form a State, to be admitted into
the Union when the inhabitants thereof shall adopt
a State Constitution republican in form, with the
consent of Congress; but, in the mean time, and
uutu congress snail give sucn consent, mat provision
be made for the government of the inhabitants
of said Territory, suitable to their condition,
but without any restriction as to slavery
5. Resolved, That all the territory ceiled to the
United States by thetreaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo,
lying west of said Territory of New Mexico and
east of the contemplated uew State of California,
for the present constitute one Territory, and for
which some form of Government suitable to the
condition of the inhabitants be provided, without
any restriction as to slavery.
6. Resolved, That the Constitution recently
formed by the people of the western portion of
California, and presented to Congress by the
President on the 13th day of February, lbr>0, be
accepted, and that they be admitted into the
Union as a State, Upon an equal footing in all respects
with the original States.
7. Resolved, That in future the formation of
State Constitutions by the inhabitants of the
Territories of the United States be regulated by
law ; and that uo such Constitution be hereafter
formed or adopted hy the inhabitants of any Ttrritory
belonging to the United States, without
the consent and authority of Congress.
y Resolmd, That the inhabitants-%? any Ter
rilory of the United States, when they shall be
authorized by Congress to form a State Constitution,
shall have the sole and exclusive power to
regulate and adjust all questions of internal State
policy, of whatever nature they may be, controlled
only by the restrictions expressly imposed by the
Constitution of the United States.
9. Resolved, That the Committee on Territories
be instructed to report a bill in conformity with
| the spirit and principles of the foregoing resolutions.
EUROPEAN CORRESPONDENCE.
Herlin, January 22, 18.r?0.
To thr. Editor of thr National Era :
The scenes have been once more shifted in the ir
grand drama of the German Revolution. The
| King of Prussia now makes his entry on the
j stage, his mask oil', and in the full splendor of
i his royal rohes. His time, he thinks, foreoneealJ
ment is passed. Away with vacillation, with
' weakness of resolution ; let these churlish demo|
crats see that I am every inch a king. When a
deputation of citizens waited last year on the
Prince of Prussia, to hand him a petition for the
abdication of the King, and the voluntary renun!
ciation by the Prince of his rights to the crown, he
answered them with his hand on his sword and
the air of a tragedy hero?" Know, subjects, that
the members of the royal house of Hohenzollern
will die, sword in hand, sooner than surrender
their God-given rights." His brother, the in
vouawui or the throne, is not inclined to fight or
to die, but to temporize and negotiate. His lion's
skin is not large, but he ekes it out with the fox s
tail. The time had arrived, however, when he
could no longer deceive: he must swear or refuse
to swear to the new constitution. Even in this
embarrassing dilemma, he could not altogether
forget his cunning. He proposed fifteen amendments,
which annihilate the constitutional form
r\f C/.vornmo.it nrntoafinir at the wimp time that
his conscience would not permit him to do otherwise,
and that his opinions being knowD, (?) persons
would suspect his intention to overthrow the
constitution, unless he proved his devotion to it
by proposing these amendments. These adopted,
he can swear, with a good conscience, to observe
the constitution. This is probable ; for then the
Government would be as absolute as before
March, 1818.
The King's message of the 7th of January
makes an epoch in the history of the present
reign. Under what circumstances is it sent to the
Chambers?
The King had dissolved the Diet of 1847, and
the Diets and Assemblies of 1848 and 1849. Koch
time a ditferent pretext was put foiward. Last
spring, it was that the electoral law was too liberal,
and that the bourgeoisie should monopolize
the political power. "1 will publish an electoral
law," said he, "which will place the power in the
hands of the rich bourgeoisie, and the Chamber
chosen under it shall revise the constitution as it
may please. I will sanction what it does, for the
Prussian Royalty must hereafter repose on the
bourgeoisie." The King and his ministers vied
with each other in protestations of their sincerity.
They had often deceived the people, but as to deceiving
the bourgeoisie?ah. that was too horrid
to be possible!
A large portion of the bourgeoisie fell into the
trap. One fifth of the whole number of electors
took part in the elections. The rest, consisting
principally of democrats, refused to vote, protesting
against the repeated acts of faithlessness and
violence on the part of the King.
The new Chamber entered on its functions
The alliance between the King and bourgeoisie
was complete. Since the 7th day of last August,
me two ?.nanioeri nave oeen umgenuy eugitg<-<t
in revising the constitution. The meralters, influenced
by the cajoleries, the threats, the intrigues,
and the bribery of the Court, for bribery
is practiced here almrst openly, have struck out
of the K ing's constitution nearly all the guaranties
of liberty. All that they have wanted was to preserve
the outward appearance of a constitution d
foim of Government. They have been as servile
as possible within those limits. The Governmeut
budgets have been voted nlmost without an examination
; the loan of v! 1,000,000 has been accorded
the army haa been absolved from taking an oath
to aupport the constitution, and required to swear
obedience to the King.
All the arbitrary ordinances of the Government
have been approved ; the destruction of the
independence of the judiciary has been ngreed to;
the penal laws and courts have been placed at the
mercy of any General who may choose to declare
the state of siege; the peculations in the public
treasury have been overlooked, the falsehoods in
the royal address, in regard to the stats of the
finances, generously hid from public view, fn
short, they have done all that worshipping subjects
could do for their king " t'ie J1"***
God/'
What did they mk in return 1 Nothing but
the relief of the bourgeoisie from certain burdenr.
Heretofore, the nobility have been exempt, in a
great measure, froui taiea. Their large country
estates pay nolhbg to the treasury. The evil ia |
nnrmoui It costs the bourgeoisie a good m my
millions annual!/. The taxes which the Tauiiiy
of Count Arnim alone should pay, amount annually
to something like fifty thousand dollars, of
wkioh not a single cent is paid. The last King
promised, in 1811, that this state of things should
oease at a very early period. I lis promise was
forgotten, for kings always forget promises when
they have not the edge of a sharp axe in perspective.
The bourgeoisie wanted the promise re

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