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The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, March 07, 1850, Image 3

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NO. 166.
deemed, and the nobility taxed with the rest of
the King's loyal eubjecta.
Then the real property of the country has
been so locked up in entails and trusts that it
has not been easy for the bourgeoisie to get hold
of it. And when they do, it is hampered with
the relations claims of the old feudal lords.
The Chambers, then, in the name of the bourgeoisie,
demanded the means of protection ugaiust
the owners of noble estates; nnd advised the
King not to jeopard society itself by flying in
the face of nil reforms in the administration,
which course would cause another revolution!
They thought it best to appease the great mass
of the people by a few unimportant concessions.
They insisted on nothing, however, for the people.
The King had humored the Chambers in their
notions until the decisive moment came for taking
the oath to the new constitution cr compact between
the King and the bourgeoisie. He had
improved the mean time, however, to get the central
power of Germany into the hands of Prussia
nnd Austria, and to perfect the league of the
princes and nobles of Germany. He was quite
ready to declare a rupture with his simplehearted
The declaration of the royal hostility to the
bourgeoisie was solemnly proclaimed in the message
of the 9th inst, dated the 7th. The King
demands in this document?
The destruction of the liberty of the press :
The abolition of the Burgher Guard ;
The perpetuation of the old entailed estates,
and the privilege to the nobles of creating new
The renuciation by the Chambers of the right
to refuse the taxes ;
The creation of n Chamber of Peers, with the
power of vetoing all the proceedings of the Second
Chamber j
The privilege for the King of creating new
Peers, at pleisure;
The striking out of the constitution all that
?? ?>/> fnmntiAii bv law of electoral
were reprieved, and informed that their punishment
had been commuted by the imperial mercy
into imprisonment for life for some of them, for a
term of years for others, with subsequent degradation
to the ranks These conspiracies soem to
be naturalized in Russia as well a? the insurrection
Among the peasants which breaks out in one place
as soon as it is suppressed iu another.
TLe Austrian ministry has published several
constitutions for the different provinces. I hey
are received with some favor, as being better than
the people expected. The general principles of
these constitutions which 1 have read are the
following : The affairs of the province to be managed
by a Diet composed (in Lower Austria) of
23 members choseu by property-holders paying
500 florins or more of taxes ; 25 members chosen
! by the towns, and 20 members by the country
population ; the qualification of au elector being
the payment of annual taxes varying from 5 to 20
florins, according to their loo&lity ; suffrage direct
and oral: Diet to meet once a year, and continue
in aeaaion six weeks unless dissolved by the Emperor
; the Emperor to be dictator of the laws in
the interval between the sessions of the Diets. It
is possible that the Imperial Diet may be convened
at Vienna next year.
The weather here is extremely cold. The
thermometer used here is Reaumur's. It stood
this morning a little below 21? below zero, which
! corresponds to about 15? 30' bolow zero by the
j Fahrenheit thermometer. Everything is frozen
up. The snow is eeveral feet deep on the plains
I ..< t> i?
m WOSkJ prcvrui 1 v ; ?
districts for the Second Chamber;
The right of the Kicg to enact laws at pleasure,
subject to be repealed by the united Chaml-ers,
but not to be called in question, before such
repeal by the tribunal, and above the reach of
the Second Chamber alone ;
The erection of a Star Chamber Court for the
trial of traitors and persons prosecuted by the
Government for political offences ;
The exemption of all officials from the jurisdiction
of the courts, and from prosecution, unless
by the previous consent of the Government !!
Can you conceive anything more astounding in
the shape of arrogance? The bourgeoisie is
aghast with horror, and speechless in its consternation.
It can scarcely realire in conception the
depth of the treachery. lie is faithless even to
bis friends. The members of the majority, in the
Chambers, are in the saddest perplexity. They
have been enticed iuto a labyrinth from which
they see no way of escape. If they obey the
royal order, they forfeit the respect of their constituents;
but how to refuse obedience! There
lies the rub Can they stand upright after
having towed so"fong? Can they now he indepsmteht
a fin 7 vlteen so servile? Their
predicament is a perplexing one.
I called up ? meeab' r 3 fey evnings since, to
learn the state of the question. When I entered,
he was lying on a sofa, wrapped in a dressinggown.
and with a handkershief bound st>out his
head. He sprang up, and shook me by the hand.
" Glad to see you. You hive heard of our situation.
Oh ! I would give half my fortune to he
in America at this moment. And if ever I get
safe out of this cnrs?<l 1'erlin, you won't see me
here again in a hurry." Shortly after, he broke
out again with ' Now tell me, frankly, do yon
think we can vote this Chamber of Peers with
honor safe?" 1 mention this, to show the state of 1
f.eling among the members. Whether they will
vote for the amendments, cannot he foretold. The
dehites commence to-morrow The committees of
both Chambers have reported against the acceptance
of the more important amendments.
Whether the Chambers rote them or not, tjie
separation between the King and bourgeoisie is
sealed. 1 Ie has taken an irretrievable step. As
in France the thrones of Charles X and of Louis
Philippe fell before the allied forces of the bourgeoisie
and the people, so will it be in Prussia.
The King will probably write his name, before he
dies, simply Frederick W. Ilobenzollern ; that is,
if he does not lose his head. lie seems to strive
to win the fate of Charles I, and may succeed
Some years ago he had the love and confidence of
the people Now he is hated; and the phrase
" he lies like the King," has passed into a popular
apothegm. When the waves of the people swell
once more over the palace, the King would do
well to run, as his brother did in March. His
bowing,smiling, jocoseness,and promises, will not
save him, as they did before. He has all the pliability
of a willow, and the character of a Hindoo,
ns Macaulay describes It, in his essay on Warren
Hastings?supple, wily, treacherous, persevering,
and plausible.
The dtmocracy here abides its time quietly,
prudently refuses to exhaust its strength by useless
efforts, but prepares for the great struggle
which will come, as soon as things are ripe for it.
The chief difficulty of the leaders is to restrain
the impetuosity of the mass of the party.
What the fate of the F.rfurt Parliament will
be is still in darkness. The elections for the
lower House are held this month ; and the probability
Is, that the Gagern party will hare a large
majority. This party is in favor of accepting,
without revision, the Constitution offered some
months ago by the King of Prussia. This is because
they fear that any revision would give a
pretext to the King for some new treachery. The
democrats hold themselves aloof from the elections.
They will not vote, although the Gagern
party is moving every spring to make them take
part, and thus compromise themselves.
Mr. Radowitz has returned from Frankfort, to
be present at the discussion of the message It is
supposed he will be the spokesman for the King
in the second chamber.
The Prussian ministry has at last taken
ground publicly against the Duke of Mechlenbourg
Scbwerin, and the liberal constitution of
that Duchy, and in favor of the nobles. The
Duchy is now occupied by Prussian troops, under
color of a treaty stipulation, and is to be forced
to submit to the decision of the Commission of
the Confederation at Frankfort, The Duke and
his ministry appear to resist, but there is great
reason to suspect their sincerity. Why should
they have agreed to admit Prussian troops into all
their forts and towns, if they had not intended
to betray the people? They knew the views of
PruRftia. I haTe heretofore praised the Duke of
Mecklenbourg Schwerin, as the only prince in
K.urope whose word could be depended on. I Ms
painful to be obliged to retract all this, hut the
evidence is too strong, and he too has been an accomplice
in foul play. This might hare been expected,
from the fact that he is a nephew of the
King of Prussia. The stock is a bad one
You will remember that the King of Pru?sia
erected, some months ago, the different trades into
corporations. This is producing its effects. The
bookbinders have just sent in a petition, asking
the King nnd Chambers to prohibit booksellers
from binding hooks for themselves, or from selling
hooks not bound. The granting of the petition
is a corollary from the ordinance of the King.
There is little news in the rest of Germany.
The tribunal of Federal Arbitrators at F.rfurt
is to consist of twelve judges nnd a president.
This last is to be named by the Kiog of Prussia,
six are to be elected by the College of Princes,
and three by each of the Chambers.
The King of Hanover has withdrawn bis representative
from F.rfurt, nnd refuses to neknowledge
the authority of the F.rfurt tribunal. He is
supported in this coarse by both Chambers whose
members are democratic, but unwilling to contribute
to the increase of the power of Prussia
A rpnnrl Iiam ItPt n oirculntMl <?f nn intpntinn ftn
the part of the King of Saxony to abdicate in I
favor of his nephew. The Dreeden papers say
there is not one word of truth in this.
At the recent election in Oldenburg, the democratic
party carried everything bef re it Out
of 31 members elected. 30 belong to the advanced
party This is one out of many proofs that
the democrats arc not in a state of lethargy.
They have never done so well before.
The Hchlefcwig 1 loletein difficulty will prol>ably
l?e soon settled in favor of Denmark. The Frankfort
Commission {/that Austria and Prussia) lins
already recognised Count Hulow. as the ambassador
of the King of Denmark in his capacity of Duke
of Ilolstein and I-auenburg Every step of the
Governments seems to point to the fact, of a secret
good understanding between the different Courts
of Europe.
The Austrian minister of war has ordered the
staff of the army in Hungary to prepare a history
of the campaigns against the Magyars It will be
written, of oourse, with a view of rescuing the
Austrian arms from the disgrace of their repeated
defeats. The book will scarcely have the confidence
of the puhlio.
ft turns out to he true that there was a conspi.
racy last year at St. Petersburg. It seems to have
been a repetition of that of lu2f?. A great
many of the oonspirators were young men or noble
families, officers in the army, civil employees,
and sons of rich bourgeois. Some professors were
implicated. The Ht. J*urnsi aaya that
after an investigation of live months, twenty-one
were condemns! to death, the reat being either
pardoned or sentenced to slighter punishments,
such as being degraded to the ranks as oommon
soldiers, sent to Siberia for a while, or banishrd
to some town in the interior. Ry the order of the
Emperor, all the preparations were made to put
the 31 to death. They were led to the scaffold before
the crowd, and the dread instruments of death
placed before them; but at this moment they
many of the valleys have disappeared entirely,
the snow is so deep. Such a winter has not been
known for many years. It would seem that the
sp'rit of revolution has, in despair of upsetting
Governments, attacked the seasons.
Yours, &c. W. II.
Wednfday, FebrttaET 77, 1S10.
Mr. Seward presented the memorial of the citi|
zens of the Valley of the Rio Grande, praying
j Congress to erect a new Territory, to be called
the Territory of the Rio Grande, in the section
east of that river and Bouth of New Mexico, dis1
tinct from the province of Texas. It was referred
; to the Committee on Territories, and ordered to
! be printed.
After the transaction of the morning business,
the Senate proceeded to the consideration of the
resolutions of Mr. Clay.
Mr. Ronton then made a full statenunt of the
laws of Mexico iu relation to slavery. He first
read the following decree of the Presilent Guerrero
in 1829, from a book printed in the oily of
Mexico in the year ISIS, the 11th volume of the
Laws of Mexico, published officially under the
orders of the Supreme Government
In English ; 4< Day 11.? Decree. of the Governmnt
iu virtue cf extraordinary powers.
" Abolition of Slav rv in the Republic.? 1 Slavery
is abolished in the Republic. 2. Consequently
those, are. Ct^e who until now bar*been considered
j as slaves. J When the circumstances of the treasury
permit it, the owners of slaves shall be Indemnified
in the wsunet prescribed by the laws
u (Circulated th'saw day from the D'jmrtment cf
Relations. and jmhhOod in the Proclamation of th<
Jt was an executive decree upon a legislative
subject, and its validity was questioned. Two
years afterwards, the General Congress, iu renrtto
r\P f liiunwoi ?* naouoil flirt fnlln\U! nrr
1 CTVJIJJt, 1.UC in IB VI UUV1.V..., r<?v.. .?v .v..v...?e
In English; "9. All the laws, decrees, regulations,
orders. and instructions, issued by the Government
in virtue of its extraordinary powers,and
which are of legislative cognizance, w ill be subject
to the qualification of the General Congress, remaining
from this time without force until their
revision by the Chambers."
Mr. Benton said?
This act is cautiously drawn. It does not annul
the decree of the 15th September; it does not
confirm it. It admits its validity up to that time,
but suspends it until the General Congress should
act upon it. This aotion took place?took place
iu April. 1837?and I will now read the act which
was then passed. It is in the same authentic collection
of the laws of Mexico?Arrillaga's collection?from
w hich I have already read, and is volume
thirteenth of that collection. At page 270 of
this volume, under date of April 5th, 1837, we
find this act of the General Congress.
In English : "Day 5.?Slavery is Abolished in
the R> public. without any exception.
" 1. Slavery is abolished, without any exception,
in the whole Republic. 2. The masters of slaves
manumitted by the present law, or by the decree
of the 15th of September, 1829, (Recopilation of
that month, p. 213,) shall be indemnified for their
value, \avi rhstertsaeenos,) uncording to the estimate
which shall be made of their personal qualities;
to which effect there shall be named a competent
person (tin jwrito) by the commissary general, or
whoever occupies his place, and another by the
roaster: and in oise of a disagreement a third,
who shall be named by the respective constitutional
alcalde, without any recourse from this
determination. The indemnification of which
this article speaks shall not have operation with
respect to those colonists of Texas who may hnve
taken part in the revolution of that department.
u \Otrculatetl the sa me day by thy Minister of thy
Interior, and published in Proclamation of the 7th.")
Mr. Benton next produced an authentic copy of
the Constitution of Mexico, of the year 1813,
printed under the lioense which the law requires.
In article 9, title 2, of this constitution, and under
the head which treats of the rights of the inhabitants
of the Republic, and at the head of the enumeration
of those rights, stands this declaration;
In English. "1. No one is slave in the territory
of the nation, and any introduced 6hall be considered
free, and shall be under the protection of
the laws"
This is the declaration of the Constitution of
Mexico, and applies both to the present and the
future. It declares that there are no slaves in the
territory of the nation, and if any are brought in
they shall be free.
Finally, Mr. Benton produced a Spanish Law
Dictionary of Kscriche in Spain, and of San Miguel
in Mexico, of as high authority in both
countries as the Law Dictionary of Jacob is with
The Spanish edition is full upon the subject
of slaves and slavery definitions the Mexican reprint
of the same work (18.17) omits the head, and
says, under the head " esclavitudit is not necessary
to occupy a couple of columns with slavery
and the slave trade?that the trade was abolished
by treaty with Great Britain, and slavery itself
hv the laws of the Rcnuiilic??nd then sneaks of
Guerrera's decree of 1829, and of the confirmatory
act of 1837, in these words :
In En<;i.imi. "The decree of the 15th Septem- 1
her, 1829, gave liberty to the slaves then in the
Bepublic, with indemnity to their owners or possessors.
that property might not seem to be attacked
and finally, in April, 18.(7, a new law has
bern published on the abolition of slavery."
This is the historical account of the abolition
of slavery in Mexico. The reprint was in the
year 1837, and therefore could not mention the
constitutional declaration of ISl.t.
Mr. Benton proceeded to tpiote from 1 lumholdi's
Essay on New Spain, and from the Law Dictionary
of Escriohe, to show that African slavery never
did exist in New Mexico in the form in which it
now exists in auy State of this Union.
That there were differences in the Mexican law
while it existed, snd that to such a degree that it
nearly prevented slavery in Mexico ; and that, if
that law was now in full force in New Mexico and
California, not a single slaveholder in any State of
this Union would c.irry a slave there except to set
bim free. These differences went to the facilities
and the rights of manumission, and arose from the
opposite policy of the two countries; in the United
States to discourage emancipation, in Mexico to
promote it.
He first read from Humboldt, ss follows
In English: " Moreover, the slaves, who happily
find themselves in very small number in
Mexico, are there, as in all the Spanish possessions,
a little more protected by the lawa than the
negroes who inhabit the colonies of other European
nations The laws are always interpreted
in favor of liberty. The Government desires to
ee the number of enfranc hised augmented. A
slave who, by his industry, may have procured
money, can compel his master to enfranchise him,
by paying him the moderate sum of 1,.'?00 or 2,000
livres. t%300 to $100 ) Liberty cannot be refused
* negro under the pretext that he cost the triple
in purchasing hiui, or that he possesses a special
talent for cxercising a lucrative trade. A slave
who has been cruelly maltreated acquires thereby
hia enfranchisement according to the law, provided
alwaya the judge embraces the cauae of the
oppressed. One may conceive that this bencfi
'nt law is often eluded. I saw, nevertheleas, in
Mexico itself, in the month of July, 1803, the example
of two negressee, to whom the magistrate,
who exerciaed the functions of alcald* of the court,
gave their liberty, because their mistress, a native
I woman of the islands, had covered tbem with
| wounds made with scissors, pins, and knives."?
I P?I? 133, 134.
The kingdom of New Spain is, of all the
colonies of the Europeans under the torrid xone,
cat to which there are the fewest negroes; one
may almost say that there are no slaves. One
may go all over the city of Mexico without meeting
a black fkce. No house is there served with
slaves. Under this point of view above all,
Mexico offers a great contrast with Havana, with
Lima, and Carracus."?jao
I Is then reed from the Law Dictionary of Escriche,
as follows;
In Kngluh: " The master makes his own whatever
his slaves gain and acquire, by whatever
title; and if he puts them at the head of a shop,
stall, or other establishment whatsoever, h: shall
be obliged to attend to and fulfil all oontracts j
< they may make, as if himself had entered into
them "?7. tit. SI, Port 4.
" The master who may be above the age of four- I
teen years may liberate his slave by teatiimeut; I
| and he who may be above the age of twenty, may
liberate him by instn ment. or before the judge, j
or even before friend*, with the aid of five wit- j
| neases; moreover, the minor of twenty and over
| sixteen may give liberty, with consent of his
guardian, to bis child had by a slave woman, to
his father, mother, brother, and teacher,or to his
nurse, or to the person who shall have brought
him up, or whom he shall have brought up, and
to bis foster-brother, to the servant who may have
raved him from death or from dishonor, to him
whom he may wish to make extrajudicial admintrator
of his goods, being of seventeen years, and
to the slave woman with whom he may propose to
marry."?Lanr 1, tit. 22, Pari 4.
" If two or more masters have a slave, either of
them may liberate him. giving to the others the
i just price which belongs to each ; and even a third
party may purchase him for the purpose of setting
him free."?/>?* 2, ttt. 22, Part 4.
" The slave shall deserve his liberty in the four
following cases: 1. If he shall inform on the
ravisher or forcer of a virgin woman; 2. If he
discovers the maker of false money ; J, If he shall
: uiscover a military eniet wno abandons his port;
4. If he shall inform on the murderer of Lis master.
or shall avenge hia death, or discover treason
bgainst the king or the kingdom. In the three
first cases the king shall give the price of the
slave to his mister."?Law 3, tit 22, Part 4.
"If the master publicly prostitutes his slave
woman, she is thereby freed, and he cannot recover
her. or have any right over her."?L'in> 4, fit.
22, Part 4.
" Finally, n slave will recover his liberty by
contraction - >* - parses, ir tj
receiving snored orders, with the knowledge and
consent of his master; as likewise by prescription,
when in good faith be shall he called a free
man for ten years in the country where his master
lives, or for twenty years in another, or without
good fai h for the space of thirty."?Laws f>,
C, 7. tit. 22, Purl 4.
Mr. Benton closed his exposition as follows
I conclude this exposition of Mexican law in
relation to slavery by producing the definition of
that word in Sp nish law. For this purpose I
quote from the same law dictionary, Escriche,
where we find it thus: " Escluntud: El estado dt
un hotuhre //'/< ts projirwdad dr otro con! TO fl drrrfho
nutura!" In F.nglisb : "Slavery ; tit- condition of a
man who is ih< prapt rn/ of another against natmal
itiihtP 1 quote this definition for the purpose of
showing thut, unJer the laws of Spain, in force
in Mexico, slavery was held to he against natural
right?therefore, not derived from nature, or
Divine law, hut founded in municipal law, and
only existing by positive enactment?and, by
consequence, that no argument in favor of slavery
in New Mexico or California as an imlitu'io^pf
Divine origin, or of any origin iu any place, iolwpendent
ot positive 1??. can derive any countenance
from Spanish law. Further than this I do
not to go h) prevent I limit jpyre.'/ to the three
points, which, 1 believe, 1 have established ; first,
that slavery was abolished in California and New
Mexico before we acquired those countries ; s>tand
11/, that, even if not abolished, no person would
carry a ulavp to these countries to beheld under I
uimk low iLtvilit tViot nn uluvoi v r*on Iippp tflpr !
..v..? ..... , ........y, ... ....v. J ...... "... exist
iu either of those countries, except by virtue
of positive law, yet to be passed. The practical
application which I make of this exposition
of law is, that the Proviso, of which wc have
heard so much, is of no foroe whatever?unnecee,
sary in any point of view?and of no more effect,
if passed, ihau a piece of blank paper pasted on
the statute book.
Mr. Rusk obtained the floor and addressed the
Senate on the resolutions of Mr Clay. Without
concluding his speech, he gave way for a motion
to adjourn.
Thursday, Fshruaky !28.
Mr. Hell of Tennessee introduced a series of
resolutions for the adjustment of the Question of
Slavery, nnd by the courtesy of the Senate spoke
nearly an hour in explanation and Bupport of
|See Resolutions under editorial head |
Mr. Bell did not know that any strong desire
bad been expressed in the Southern States for
the formation of a new Slave State, but he thought
the measure would be a healing one.
It had been the usage hitherto, when practicable,
to admit a Slave State and a free one together?it
was bis desire to have the same thing
done now : but the South did not exnect that if
could long be continued. Nebraska ami Minne ???.
wAiitd soon apply for admission Oregon
would furnish tour new .Slates. California and
New Mexico would give us four new States, if
not six. And where was the equivalent to the
Slave States to be found 7 In consenting to the
focnation of a new State in Texas, the North
would violate no seutiment or principle cherished
there ; for Texas was already slave territory.
In regard to the provision for the prospective
admission of one more State from the territory
of Texas, he remarked?
"Whether slave or free, to be determined by
the people. It will probably be a slave State.
In regard to which I have to remark that the apprehensions
of the North on the subject of the
rreation of new slave States need not be excited
by the reading of this resolution. When admitted,
it will be the last of its race. It will and
must close the account, in my judgment, of slave
States, then and forever, or for as long as this
Union lasts. If this proposition should be adopted,
and this Territory be admitted into the Union
as a State, there will then have been three slave
States carved out of the territory belonging to
Texas?Texas and the two new slave States now
proposed to be admitted. This number, you will
recollect, Mr. President, falls far short of the
calculations of Southern gentlemen ; of the advocates
of the annexation of Texas, when that question
was presented to the American people. Pour
or five slave States, it was estimated, might ami i
would be carved out of that territory. Four i
slave States might be carved out of that territory, i
because there is a country extensive enough, rich
enough, fertile enough to sustain a population <
that would authorize its division into four States ; i
but, with the arrangement now proposed, it would <
be impossible that such a project should be ever i
entertained. The people of these two States 1
will not consent to hare their lsnindarles cut
down so as to reduce them to the condition of i
medium-sized States of this Union. They expect i
to be, and will maintain the prospect of being, I
Urge and populous States of the Union There- t
fare, sir, there can be no prospect of the further f
admission of slave States into the Union at any |
time" i
ilia neit proposition?to incorporate all of the <
territory belonging to or claim d by Tex is above i
the 341h degree, with New Mexico, included the
surrender of two and a half degrees of slave territory
to free, aud this waa a full equivalent for i
whatever free territory, in dispute between Texas
and New Mexico, below that liue, might, he i
thought, be incorporated with slave territory. I
Mr itell proceeded to explain his proposition I
in detail, expressing his firm belief that Nlavery <
could never exist in New Mexico, and advocating 1
esrneatly the admission of California. What he i
might do. were the question of the admission of ?
California presented alone, he would not aay. I
On motion of Mr Hamlin, the further consideration
of the President's Message on California 1
was postponed till Tuesday next Mr. Clays
resolutiona were then taken up.
Mr Rusk concluded the sptecb commenced ,
Mr. Walker moved to amend the second resolution,
so that it would read as follows ,
" H'\oh >d) That an ulivory does not exist r>y ,
law, but hoi htt.u (iholwh'd and jnohdnhd, to?-th'f |
irvh iff ilo'r. trodr, hi.'I cannot |is not likely toI i
l>e introluccij into any of the territory acquired
hy the United States from the Republic of Mixico
irohout poiitiiv fHorim>oii1 it is inexpedient for i
Congress to provide by law either for its introduction
into, or exclusion from, any part of the i
eaid territory," 6ic. I
The Senate then adjourned.
Fivlay wan gpent by the Senate in Kxecutive ,
session. I
Moni>ay, Ma ki ii 1, 1S50. ,
No business of importance was transacted
during the morning hour. '1 he Senate proceeded
to the consideration of the special order of the
day, being the resolutions of Mr. Clay, on which
a written speech, by Mr Calhoun, was read by
Mr. Mason of Virginia; after which, the Senate
adjourned. I
Tt'ksday, Maech 5, 1S.OO. I
During the morning hour, Mr. Foote announced
that he should call up, on Thursday, after the
speech of Mr. Webster, his motion for the appointment
of a select committee of thirteen.
While on the floor, he took occasion, with great
emphasis, to disclaim for himself and fur many of
the Southern Senators, all concurrence with two
declaration* made by Mr. Calhoun yesterday.
They were, hia announcement of the neceaaity of
an amendment of the Constitution, so as to restore
the South to an equality of political powar in
Congress; and his assertion that tvery portion of
the North was hostile to the South. Mr Calhoun,
who appeared in hit seat while Mr. Foote was
speaking, replied with some warmth, but Mr.
Foots repeated hia disclaimers.
|It was evident that, in the jodgment of Mr
Foote and the Southern Senators generally, Mr
I Calhoun bad gone too far; and they manifested
a disposition to relieve themselves of responsibility
for his extreme grounds |
The President's message relating to California
and Mr Beutou's motion were then taken up, and
Mr. Hamlin addressed the Senate at length in
support of the claims of California.
hoi us of reniesektatiy w*.
Weunx.sday, FKeat'ABY 27, lh'Mt.
Mr Johnson of Tennessee, by unanimous consent,
introduced a bill, of which previous notice
had been given, to provide a homestead of 160
seres of the public domain to every man who is
the head of a family and s citizen of the United
States, and to every widow who is the mother of
a minor child or chiliren, who may become the
permanent occupants and cultivators of the soil; j
which was read twice by its title
Referred to the Committee on Public Lands.
Mr. Moore sail he had at an early day in
the session given notice of a bill similar in character.
He asked the unanimous consent of the
House to permit him to introduce it now Consent
was given, and he iotroduced a bill to discourage
speculation in the public lands, nnd to
secure homes thereon to actual settlers and cultivators;
which was read twice by its title, and
referred to the Committee on Public Lands.
Mr. Asbmun, by unanimous consent, intro- j
duced a bill, of which previous notice had been
^iven, to reduce the rates of postage, and to ubol- '
ish the franking privilege, as follows
Section I. Re ii nmcted by the Senate nnd House j
of Representatives of the Unit'd States of America
m Congress assmtbled, That from and after the
first day of July next, the rates of pos'ng,- upon
letters, when prepaid, shall be uniform, snd all
such letters, passing through the mail, shall be
charged by weight, as follows Letters weigbing
not more than half in ounce two nnnic
than half an ounce, and not more than one ounce,
four cents; more than an ounce, and not more ,
than nn ounce and n half six cen'a , more than an
ounce and a half, and not more than two ounce* <
eight cents ; anil four rents additional for every
ounce of greater weight; all letters conveyed Ly ,
tnail-steamers between Oregon or < 'altfornia, and i
ports of other parts of the United States, five j
times the above rates; and on all letters which ! |
are not pre-paid, the postage shall remain as now
established by law. I
Ski . 2. Be it further marted, That it shall l?e
the duty of the Postmaster General to provide <
suitable letter-stamps for the pre-payment of post- i
age, of the several denominations, of two cents,
four cents, six cents, eight cents, and of such <
other denominations as he may deem expedient, ]
and cause them to be furnished and kept for sale *
in each of the Post OHices in the United States |
aud any deputy postmaster, w ho shall fail, by his ; |
own nrglict, to have the same for sale to any per- >
sou applying therefor, shall be liable to a penalty 1
of five dollars for every such failure, to be recov- h
ered by the person so applying Audanypfrson j
who shall counterfeit, alter, or forge, any letterstiinip,
or who shall, knowingly, have in his possession
any false, forged, t r altered letter-stamp,
with intent to use or utter the same as genuine, t
shall be deemed to be guilty of felony, and be I
punished by fine not exceeding live hundred <
dollars, or by imprisonment not tpo/v ti<nrt five I
years 1
. Sec :i B-' i! further rnact'd. That if by reason ;
of this act the compensation of any deputy post- :
master shall be reduced lelow the present rate,
the Postmaster General is hereby authorized at
his discretion to increase such compensation, as
far as justice and the interests of the Department 1
may require, having regard totbe amount of labor
and character of the service performed, provided
that the whole amount of compensation in any
year shall not exceed the amount allowed at the
same office in the fiscal year ending the first day i
?f T . n *wl *>1, ? ...... .
nhall be established. the Postmaster General may ]
fix the amount of annual compensation of the i
deputy postmaster at a rate not larger than is allowed
at existingoflicesreiiuiringtheHameamount j
of service.
Skc. 4. B>' U fvrth'T awclfil, That the franking !
privilege, except so far as it may have been con- I
ferred by Congress upon individuals as a mark of 1
respect and honor, is hereby abolished; and the j
postage of all documents published by either
House of Congress, and all communications to I
and from members of either House, mailed during
the session, including speeches delivered
therein, and all communications to and from the
officers of either House upon public service, shall i
be paid out of the contingent funds of the re- I
spective Houses, under such regulations as each 1
House shall prescribe for itself; and all commu- | 1
ideations to and from the several Departments of
Government, properly chargeable to the public
servioe, shall be marked as such, and the postage i
thereof be paid like other contingent expenses of ]
the Departments. <
Skc. !>. B' itjurthnr nwcftd. That if the receipts
or tho Piml Office Vwrlwdtnir Ibe smnnnl ljsld <w
account of the postage it Congress and the Departments,
shall be inenllioient to defray the expenses
of the Poet Office Department with the
present extent of mail accommodations, and such
further extension thereof as may be made by
Congress or the Department, the deficiency shall
be paid out of any money in the Treasury not
otherwise appropriated ; Provided, That the entire
aggregtte expenditure of the Post Office Department,
exclusive of the salaries of officers,
clerks, and messengers of the General Post Office,
and the contingent fund of the same, shall not
exceed the annual sum of five millions of dollars.
The bill was read twice by its title, and referred
to the Committee on the Post Office and Post i
The House resolved itself into Committee of ]
the Whole on the state or the union. <
Mr. Toombs, being entitled to the floor, moved 1
to lay aside the President's annual Message, and i
take ap his Message in relation to California. 1
The motion was agreed to. 1 le then yielded for |
a moment to Mr Doty of Wisconsin, to allow him ]
to offer the following ' ill: i
An act to mlmit the State of California into the Union.
Whereas the people of California have formed '
for themselves a Constitution and State Govern- f
rnent, and applied for admission into the Union 1
as a State; and whereas the said Constitution !
lias been officially communicated to Congress, and
ut republican Therefore, !j
Section 1. lie 11 enactnl, frc.t That the State of
California, with the boundaries described in the "
aid Constitution, shall be one, and is hereby de- n
ilsred to be one of the United States of America,
ind admitted into the Union on an equal footing J
ivith the original States, in all respects whatever
Nk 2. The said State of California shall never ^
nterfere with the prinmry disposal of the soil *
within the same by the United States, nor with "
inv regulations Congress may makeforsecuringthe c
it le in such soil to bona-fide purchasers thereof, *
ind no tax shall be imposed on the lands, the r
property of the United State*; which said pro- "
risions are hereby declared to be fundamental
onditions upon which the said State is admitted N
into the Union.
Mr. Green (the floor being further yielded by ,
Mr T) offered an amendment, whi'-h was not
read, proposing the Missouri compromise line
Mr. Toombs then addreased the Committee, in "
i temperate, argumentative speech, in support of 0
:he claims of the slaveholders. He was followed ||
l?y Col linker of Illinois in a speech in support
if the Wilmot Proviso snd the Union. Mr Mc- '
[.one of Maryland next obtained the floor?made *
in argument in favor of Non-Intervention, and "
ippealed totbe Democracy of the North to stand M<
>y this platform with their brethren of the South. ^
Mr Coored secured the floor, the Committee j5!
irose, and the House adjourned. 1
I HCRMIA v, Flail aK v 28, I8.K), p,
Mr l'ort offered the following resolution which d
sns agreed to. tl
Reiolcd, That the .Committee on Military si
Affairs be instructed to Inquire into the justice c<
a ml propriety of refunding to the State of South
Carolina the money paid by that State to her '<
Iroops who served in the Florida war; snd that ti
Ihev report by bill or otherwise. g
On motion of Mr. Preston King, If wis tl
fW-W, That the several propositions submit- tl
led to the consideration of the Committee of the p
Whole on the state of the Union, in relation to
he admission of California into the Union as a tl
State, be printed. e'
Mr. (ierry submitted the views of the minority ft
of the Committee on Naval Affairs upon the tl
memorial of George W. Killings; which was laid w
<-?> ?-Ha ah.I Aw/iawml ?a Kft ririnttfk) ! IX
uu inc wmr au<i viuvicu ? ?v
The Mouse then resumed the consideration of
the joint resolution in relation to tb? um of
water-retted hemp in the United Stnten Nary,
and the amendment* thereto, reported from the
Comtnmitte* on Naeal Affairs, on which a motion
had been made to refer the resolution and amendment
to the Committee of the Whole on the atate
of the Union, which wa* [ending on Tuesday last
when the Mouse pawed to other business.
After debate by Meaarf Strong, White, Stan- t
Ion of Tenneeaeee, Morehead, Gerry, Stanton of
Kentucky, and Bowlin,
On motion of Mr. Thompson, of Mia*, the
(Iou*e resolved itself into Committee of the
Whole on the state of the Union, (Mr. Boyd, of
Kentucky, in the chair,) and reaumed the oonsid- '
eration of the special message of the President of
ths United States, transmitting the Constitution
of California
Mr. Conrad, being entitled to the floor, occupied
it for an hour in expressing his view* on the
subject of Slavery in the Territories.
Mr Parker followed, and also spoke an hour on
the same subject.
Mr. Sackett next obtained the floor, but gave
way to a motion that the Committee rise, which
being agreed to,
The Committee roe* and the Mouse adjourned
. C., MARCH 7, 1850
Friday, March i, 1850.
l'hi I iotlM^ W*?nt inln r'Aninilli4A i\f lli? \V Knl<?
on the Private Calendar. Fourteen billa were
ordered to be reported, on many more being objected
to were passed over; the Committee rose
and the House adjourned.
Mom day, March 4, lb-'io.
Mr Jack?on of (Georgia, elected in the place of
T. Ilutler King, appeared find look his scat
The Speaker stated that the first busineas in
order this morning wis th" consideration of the
following resolution, offered bj Mr I>oty, on
Monday, the Wh February
R'solrtrf. That the Committee on theTerritorirs
be instructel to prepare and report a bill providing
for ihe ndinission of California into the Union
on an equal footing with the original States, with
the boundaries and limits defined in the Constitution
of the said State of California, which was
communicated to the House with the special message
of the President of the IJnitid States, on the
13th of February instant; thesaid bill to embrace
no subject or matter relating to territory without
the said limits of the proposed State of California
Mr. l>oty said The House having on a previous
day unanimoualy permitted me to introduce, j
before the Committee of the Whole, a bill for the
admission of California intothe IJuion. containing
the entire object sought by this resolution, aud
that bill being now first in order on its passage. I
withdraw the resolution. The only purpose of 1
my resolution is accomplished hy the bill , tbo |
measure has gained time by its introduction, and
there would therefore he a manifest impropriety
in pressing the consideration of the resolution .
upon the House, to the delay of the public buai- |
ne^s In ita present shape the subject is opm to
debate, and to such am ndments as gentlemen may
propose ; and when the time shall rome for the
final vote, it will be on the admission of the State, j
with her Constitution and her boundaries as
claimed by her.
I desire also to sty, that the demand which was i
UVqlt* for thp prc.viyp.* tee-1 "*>? for
purpose of preventing debate, hut atrietly in nc- j
imrdnnee with the pnrMee of the I louse, to ot.t >ln '
Ihe immediate consideration of the proposition i
d'he ?ffect of it was to ndjoura the debate to the (
bill itself, w hen it should be reported by the Committee,
and to which I thought the debate ought <
to be confined. <
Mr. Ooty wis interrupted by Mr. Inge, who |
objected to his proceeding with his remarks, and
the resolution was then withdrawn t
The House went into Committee of the Whole j
)n the state of the Union, and took up a tall in t
relation to the port of Baltimore, which was i
tgreed to, and laid aside to be reported Tin Com 1
mittee then resumed the consideration of the |
President's tnessige cot corning California, on 1
vhich speeches were made by Messrs Saekett and i
Vandyke on the Northern side of the question, <
>nd McWillie on the Southern The Committee I
ose, and the House adjourned i
Tuesday, March r>, Ife.'iO
The House, in Committee of th? Whole, having ?
tnder consideration the California .juration, \1r.
fall of Missouri made a stroug argument in favor | |
f tbe admission of the Territory. Mr Cabell of ,
h'lorida theu obtained the tloor. end spoke on the
arty aspects of(the .Slavery Uuestiou
SPEECH OF Jllll\ C. (\\LIHH'M.
In Rknatk, Monday, Mari II 4, lsr<0.
mr. DAM1EK TO 1 HE I MO\ lis Mil III'.
Mr. CALHOUN rose and said :
indisposed as 1 have been, Senators, I have felt
t my duty to express uiy opinions on the great
|uestion which has agitated the country and occupied
your attention. I am under particular obligations
to the Senate for the very courteous tinnier
in which they have afforded me an opportunity j
ji ueing neuru lo-uay. i nia nopeu it would nave
oeen in my power during the Inst week to have '
lelivered my sentiments upon this subject; but I
nab prevented by being attacked by the prevailing
mid, which retarded the recovery of my strength. (
feting under the advice of friends, and appro- I ,
tending it might not he in my power to deliver |,
ny sentiments before the termination of this de- (
>ate, I have reduced what I had intended to say i
o writing. Without further remark, I will ask ]
he favor of my friend behind me | Mr. Mason | to ,
read it for me.
Mr MASON. I shall comply very cheerfully
ivith the request of my frieud from South Caroinn.
The manuscript reads thus:
I have, Senators, believed from the first that the
igitation of the subject of slavery would, if not
prevented by some timely and effective meamire,
end in disunion. Kntertuining this opinion, 1
have, on all proper occasions, endeavored to call
|v*o nttnntlnm / !? *!? / j?.?s?ko
which divide the country, to adopt some measure
to prevent so great a disaster, but without success
The agitation has been permitted to proceed, with
almost no attempt to resist it, until it has reached
a period when it can no longer )>e disguised or denied
that the Union is in danger. You have thus
had forced upon you the greatest and the gravest
question that can ever come under your consideration?
Ilow can the Union be preserved 7
To give a satisfactory answer to this mighty
question, it is indispensable to have an accurate
and thorough knowledge of the nature and the
cnarncier or me cnnse r>y wntcn tne union is endangered
Without such knowledge it in impossible
to pronounce, with nny certainty, by what
measure it can be saved?just as it would be impossible
for a physician to pronounce in the case
af some dangerous disease, with any certainly, by
what remedy the patient could be saved, without
uroilar knowledge of the nature and character of
:he cause of the disease. The first question, then, !
presented for consideration in the investigation i
propose to make, in order to obtain such knowledge,
s?What is it that has endangered the Union ?
To this question there oan be but one answer '
bat the immediate cause is the almost universal '
liscontent which pervades all the States compos- (
ng the Southern section of the Union. This
videly extended discontent is not of recent origin. '
t commenced with the agitation of the sluvery '
|iiestion, and has been increasing ever since. "
I'he next question, going one stop further back, |
j? What hits caused this widely diffused and uluoat
universal discontent 7
It is a great mistake to suppose, as is by some,
hat it originated with demagogues, who excited 1
he discontent with the iutention of aiding their n
lersonal advancement, or with the disappointed v
mbition of certain politicians, who resorted to it
s the means of retrieving their fortunes On the
ontrary, all the great political influences of the j*
ection were arrayed against excitement, uud exrted
to the utmost to keep the people quiet. The ^
reat mass of the people of the South were divided,
s in the other section, into Whigs and Democrats,
'be leaders and the presses of both parties in the '1
iouth were very solicitous to prevent excitement "
nd to preserve quiet, because it was seen that 1'
lie effects of the former would necessarily tend *
a weaken, if not destroy, the political lies which *'
nited them with their respective parties in the p
ther section. Those who know the strength of
arty ties will readily appreciate the immense '
iree which this cause exerted against agitation, J*'
ud in favor of preserving quiet. Hut, us great '
s it was, it was not sutlicienlly so to prevent the 1
ide-spreud discontent which now pervades the
pctlul). 1vo buiiiV cuuhrf iur uerjier aim mure
owerful than the one supposed. must exist, lo ac- J1
unit for discontent mo wide and deep Thequeson,
thro, recurs?What is the cause of thin ditintent
' It will he found t? ' < ?
rople of the Southern State*, iih prevalent uh the
iscontent itself, tlmt they cannot remain, us
lings now are, consistently with honor and
ifety, in the Union. The next question to he
naidered in ? What hue caused tliia belief?
One of the causes ia, undoubtedly, tu he traced
> the loiig coutinued ngitatiou of the alive queson
on the |*trt of the North, and the many ug- i
ressiona which they have made on the rights of
he South during the time I will not enumerate
Item at present, an it will he done hereafter in its
roper place.
There ia another lying hack of it with which
lis is intimately connected, that m?y he regardJ
as the great and primary cause. That is to he
>und in the fact that the equilibrium between
ic two sections in the Government, ask stood i
hen IheConstitution was ratified and the Governlent
r>ut in action, has been destroyed At that
me, there w.ia nearly a perfect equilibrium be- u
seen the two, which afforded ample means to h
ich to protect itaelf against the aggression of the t
Iher, but, a* it now alnnds, one aection hue the t
xclusive power of controlling the Government, 1
hich leaves the other without any adequate n
mans of protecting itaelf against ita encroachment o
nd oppreaaion. To place this subject distinctly be- o
>re you, I hare, Nenatora, prepared a brief ata- t
iatical statement, showing the relative weight r
f the two sections in the Government under t
be first census of 17!t0 and the lust census of I
SIO. a
According to the former, the population of the '
Jnited Ntates, including Vermont, Kentucky,and I
1'enneaaee, which then were in their incipient a
ondition of becoming Ntates, but were not acually
admitted, amounted to 3,9v9 HT7. Of this c
lumber, the Northern Htatea had 1 ,!?77,8!>9, and >
he Nouthern, 1,9.12,07??making a difference of (
inly 95 - '7 in favor of the former HUtea. The f
lumber of KUtee, including Vermont. Kentucky, *
nd Tenneeeee, was sixteen ; of which eight, in- t
luding Vermont, belong to the Northern section, il
ind eight, including Kentuoky end I'euueeeee, to f
he Southern?making an equal division ef the o
lUtee between the two sections ouder the Drat oeu- t
ua. There waa a small preponderance In tbellouse fc
of Representatives. and in the electoral college,
in favor of ihe Northern, owing to the fact that,
according to the provisions of the Constitution,
in estimating Federal rAfm'iera, five slaves count
hut three ; hut it was too email to affect sensibly
the perfect equilibrium which, with that exception.
existed at the time Such was the equality
of the two sections when the States composing
them agreed to enter into a Federal Union Since
thin the equilibrium between them has been
greatly disturbed
According to th'* last census the i ggregate
population of the Unites! States amounted to
17 063 3.'?7, of which the Northern section contained
9,72* !)20, and the Southern 7.TU remaking
a difference, in round numbers, of
2,400,(MM). The number of States had increased
from sixteen to twenty-six, making an addition of
ten States In the mean time, the position of
Delaware had become doubtful ns to which section
she properly belonged Considering her ns
neutral, the Northern States will have thirteen
and the Southern States twelve?making n difference
in the Senate of two Senators in favor of the
firmer. Aoeording to the apportionment under
the census of 1*10, there were 227 members of
the I louse of Representatives. of whom the Northern
States had 1T?. and the Southern States (considering
Delaware as neutral) *7?making a difference
in favor of the former in the House of
Representatives of is The difference in the
Senate of two members added to this xives to the
North in the electoral college a majority of .V).
Since the census of 1*10, four States have been ,
added to the Union?Iowa Wisconsin, Florida,
and Texas. They leave the difference in the Senate
as it stood wbi'u the census was taken; but
ndd two to the side of the North in the House?
making the present majority in the House in its
favor of .70, and in the electoral college of *?-'
The result of the whole is to rive the Northern
section n predominance in every department of
rhe (iovcrninent, and thereby concentrate in it
the two elements which constitute the Federal
I i?f S.'|? ?**? %?
jority of their population. estimated in Fed em I
number*. Whatever section concentrates the
iwo in itfclf possesses the control of the entire
I5ut we are just at the close of the sixth decade,
mid the commencement of the seventh The j
cern-us is to he taken this year, which must add
rreatly to the decided preponderance of the
North iu the House of Representatives and in
he electoral college. The prospect is, nlso, that
igreat increase will beadded toils present preponler
inee in the Senate during the period of the de\ide
by the addition of new States. Two Terri
orics. Oregon and Minnesota, are already in
progress, mnl strenuous etl'orts are making to
tiring in three additional States from the territory
recently conquered from Mexico; which, if successful,
will add threeotherStates in a short time
lo the Northern section, making live Slates; and
increasing the present number of its Stabs from
Ifiei n to twenty, and of its Senators from thirty
o fnrty. On the contrary, there is not a single
l'erritory in progress in the Southern Reetion,
itid no certainty that any additions! State will
he added to it during the decade. The prosper',
then, is, that the two sections in the Senate.
~houi't the efforts now in ,de til exclude (tie South
from I hf newly-acquirtd Territories succeed, will
s.'.iud. before the eii'l ot its* iVee-me, 1 w<nty-<>tie
Northern States to fourteen Southern, (consider
iug Delaware as neutral) anil forty-two Northern
Senators to twenty-eight Southern This great
increase of Senators. added to the great increase
of rnetnhers of the House of Ilepresetitatives ht><1
electoral colleges on the part of the North, which
must take place uutler the next decade, will effectually
ami irretrievably destroy the ri|tiilibrium
which existed when the Government commenced.
Had this destruction been the operation of
time, without the interference of Government, the
South would have no reason to complain ; but
such was not the faet. It was caused by the legislation
of this Government, which was appointed
ns the common agent of all, and charged with the
protection of the interests and security of nil.
The legislation hv which it has been effected may
he classed under three heads: The first is, that
series of acts by which the South has been excluded
from the common territory belonging to nil
af the States, as the members of the Federal
Union, and which have hail the effect of extend
iug vastly the portion allotted to the Northern
section, and restricting within narrow limits the
portion left the South ; the next consists in adopting
a system of revenue nud disbursements, by
which an undue proportion of the burden of taxation
has been imposed upon the South, nnd an
undue proportion of its proceeds appropriated to
the North ; nnd the last is a system of political
measures by which the original character of the
Government has been radically changed I propose
to bestow upon each of these, in the order
they stand, a few remarks, with the view of showing
mm 11 is owing to me action 01 mis tioverntnent
that the equilibrium between the two sections
has been destroyed, and the whole powers
of the system centred in a sectional majority.
The first of the series of nets by which the
South was deprive*! of its due shnre of the Territories
originated with the Confederacy which
preceded the existence of this Government. It is
to be foond in the provision of the Ordinance of
1787. Its effeot was to exclude the South entirely
from that vast and fertile region which lies between
the Ohio and the Mississippi rivers, now
embracing five States ami one Territory The
next of the scries is the Missouri compromise,
which excluded the South from that large portion
of Louisiana which lies north of .1(1 deg .'to
min., excepting what is included in the State of
Missouri. The Inst of the series excluded the
South from the whole of the Oregon Territory.
All these, in the siting of the day, were what are
called slave Territories, and not free soil, that is.
Territories belonging to slavehobling powers, nnd
open to the emigration of masters with their
daves. Ily these several acts, the South was excluded
frotn 1,238,0V5 iijuare miles, an extent of
country considerably exceeding the entire valley
>f the Mississippi.
To the South wuh left the portion of the Territory
of Louisiana lying south of 1(1? .'10' and the
mrtion north of it included in the State of Mislouri?tho
portion lying south of .'(6? .10' incluling
the States of Louisiana nnd Arkansas, aud
he territory lying west of the Utter ami south of
10? 10' called the Indian country. These, with
he Territory of Florida, now the State, makethc
vholo VSIjlOI square miles To this must be
idded the territory acquired with Texas If the
rhole should lie added to the Southern section, It '
rould make an increase of T-'.'vWo, which would
lake the whole left to the South G00,0'JX Hut 0
large part of Texas is still in contest between *
lie two sections, which leaves it uncertain what ^
ill he the real extent of the portion of territory *
Imt may be left lo the Mouth. '
I have not included the territory recently or- ^
uired by the treaty with Mexico. The North in
taking the moat atrcniioua efforte to appropriate ?
if whole to beraelf, by excluding the South from '
very foot of it. If ebe ahould auoceed, it will add
? that from which the South haa already been
xclnded .'iV?>,07h fojuare milca, and would increase J1
lie whole which the North haa appropiiated to
eraelfto 1,701,OV.'!, not including the portion that
lie nmy aiicoeed in excluding ua from in Texna N
'o Rum np the whole, the llnifrd Statea, ainee
liey declared their independence, have acquired "
,.17*1,040 acjuare milea territory, from which 1
lie North will have excluiTr?i^tlio_Noulli4 "
lion Id auoceed in monopolizing the newTf^ac<| uired !'
'erritorioa, about three-fourtha of the whole, ,.
aving to the South but aliout oue-fourlli
x. a. ..x * ** ""u iusi n m ue. .
rnyed the equilihrlum between the two eectiona ?
l the Government. _
The next le the eyntem of revenue and die- tl
lurtementa which haa been adop'rd liy the Gov- f
rnment. It ia well knowu that the Government j,
aa derived ita revenue mainly from duliea on |,
nporta. I ehall not undertake to aliow that auch ,j
utiea inuat neceauarily full mainly on tlve ex- t(
orting Statea, and that the South, aa the great _
xporting portion of the IJuion, haa in reality ,
aid vaatly more than her due proportion of the n
evenue; because I deem it unnee-Miiry, aa the (|
ubjrct haa on ao many oeeaaiona been fully dia- j
uaaed. Nor ahall I, for the name reaxtona, under- (
1KP 10 nnow inw a i*r grrnmr iNiniun ui me jj
evcnue huM horn disbursed at the North than it* ?
ue tthare* and that the joint i(Tort of these causes ,,
an been to transfer a vast amount from South to v
<lorth, which, under an equal system of revenue |,
nd disbursements, would not have la-en loet to ?
er If to thin he added, that many of the duiea
were imposed, not for revenue but for proter |
ion?that is. intended to put money, not in the c
Treasury, hut directly Soto the pocket* of the n
mnufscturers?tome conception may he formed r
f the immense amount which, Iri the loug course ?
f sixty years, lout heen transferred from South p
o North. There are no data hy which It can he r
Htiinate<l with any certainty, but it ia wife to eay a
hat it amounts to hundreds of million* of dollara t
Jnder the moat moderate eatimate, it would be f
utlieient to mid greatly to the wealth of the (
Worth, and thus greatly increase her population, ,
iy attracting emigration from all quarters to that (
ection. j
This, combined with the great and primary ,
a urn-, amply explains why the North haa acquired (
t preponderance over every department of the .
ioveroment by lie disproportionate increaee of (
>opuUtion and Mute*. The former, aa has been ,
hown, baa inoreaeed in ftftv years, 7,400,000 over
hat of the Booth. This increase of population,
luring so long a period, la satisfactorily acoounted
or hj the number of emigrant* and the increase
f their descendants, which have been attracted
o the Northern aeotion from Europe and the
loutb, in consequence of the advantage* derived
from the causes assigned. If thej ha<l not exist e<l?if
the South had retained all the capital
which hu heen extract)d from her by the fiscal
action of the Government, an<l if It had not been
excluded by the Ordinance of 17S7 and the Missouri
Compromise from the region lying: between
the Ohio and the Mississippi rivers, and between
the Mississippi and the Rocky Mountains north
of .'tot1 .*10'?it scarcely admits of a doubt that it
woul 1 hare divided the emigration with the
North, and. by retaining her own people, would
hare at least equalled the North in population
under the census of 1HI0. and probably under
that about to be taken. She would also, if she
had retained her equal rights in those Territories.
have maintained an equality in the nnm
ber of States with the North, and hare preserved
the equilibrium between the two sections that existed
at the commencement of the Government
The loss, then of the equilibrium ia to be attributed
to the action of this Government.
Rut while the-e measures were destroying the
equilibrium V*tween the two sections, the actiou
of the Government was leading to a radical change
iti its character, by concentrating all the power of
the system in itself. The occasion will not permit
m? to trnea the measures by which this great
change has Item consummated. If it did, it would
not l>e diilicult to ehow that the process commenced
at an early period of the Government; that it proceeded.
almost without interruption, step by step,
until it nbsorbed virtually its entire powers, but
without going through the whole process to establish
the fact, it may be done satisfactorily by a
very short statement.
That the Government claims, and practirilly
maintains, the right to decide in the last resort
as to the extent of its pow ers, will scarcely be d#
nied by any one conversant with the political histoiy
of the country. That it slso claims the
right to resort to force to maintain whatever
power she claims, against all opposition, is equally
certain Indeed it is npfwrent, from what we
daily hear, that this has become the prevailing
> / ? y j-ii />f iK? f ?ir.
inunity. Now. I ask. what limitation ran possibly
be yUeed upon the powers of a Government
claiming and exercising such rights? And, if
none can be, how cin the separate Governments
of the States maintain and protect the powers reserved
to them by the Constitution, or the people
of the several States maintain those which are reserved
to them, and among others the sovereign
powers by which they ordained and established,
not only their separate State Constitutions and
Governments, but also the Constitution snd Government
of the United States? Hut if they have
no constitutional means of maintaining them
against the right claimed by this Government, it
necessarily follows that they hold them at its
pleasure and discretion, and that all the powers
of the system are in reality concentrated in it. It
nlso follows that the character of the Government
has been changed, in consequence, from a Federal
Republic, as it originally caine from the bands of
its franiers, and that it has been changed into a
great national consolidated fkemooraey ' has,
indeed, at present, all the characteristics of the
la.f ter, and not one of the former, although it still
retains its outward form.
The result of the whole of these, ctuseg combined
is that the North has acquired x
asceudeuey over every department of this Government,
femt.through it a. *ontn>) .nr*r all tic
powers of the system. A single section, governed
by the will of the numerical tnaj ?rity, has
now. iu t'aet. the control of the Government and
the entire powers of the system Whit whs
oune a constitutional federal Itepuhlic is now
converted, in reality, into one as absolute as
that of the Autoerat of Russia, and as despotic
iu its tendency as any absolute Government that
ever existed
As, thtn, the North has the absolute control
over the Government, it is manifest, that on all
questions between it and the 8outh, where there
is a diversity of interests, the interest of the latter
will he sacrificed to the former, however opprcssive
the effects may be, as the South possessi
s no moons by which it can resist, through the
notion of the Government But if there was no
question of vital importance to the South, in reference
to which there was a diversity of views
between the two sections, this state of things
Illlglll DC enuurcij, wunoui tu? im/nrn in ursiruc1
ion to the South, ltut such is not the fact.
There is ft ?(UO.ition of vital importance to the
Southern section, in reference to which the
views nnil feelings of the two sections are as opposite
and hostile as they can possibly be.
I refer to the relation between the two races in
the Southern section, which constitutes a vital
portion of her Hocial orgtnization. Kvery portion
of the North entertaius views and feelings
more or less hostile to it. Thoso most opposed
and hostile regard it as a sin, and consider themselves
under the most sacred obligition to use
every effort to destroy it. ludeed, to the extent
that they conceive they have the power, they
regiM tnemseives as implicated in the sin, and
responsible for suppressing it by the use of all
and every means. Those loss opposed and hostile
regard it aa a crime?an offence against humanity,
as they call it, and, although not so fanatical,
feel themselves bound to use all efforts to
effeot the san e object; while those who are least
opposed and hostile, regard it us a blot and a stain
on the character of what they call the nation,
and feel themselves accordingly bound to give it
no countenance or support. On the contrary,
the Southern section regards the relation as one
which cannot be destroyed without subjecting the
two races to the greatest calamity, and the section
to poverty, desolation, and wretchedness; and,
accordingly, they feel bound, by every consideration
of interest aud safety, to defend it
This hostile feeling on the part of the North,
towards the social organization of the South,
long lay dormant, but it only required some
cause to act on those who felt most intensely that
Ihey were responsible for its continuance to call
it into action. The increasing power of this
Government, and of the control of th#Northern
section over all its departments, furnished the
sause. It was this which made an impression
m the minds of many, that there was little or no
restraint to prevent the Government from doing
what it might choose to do. This was sufficient
if itself to put the most fanatical portion of the
\orth in action, for the purpose of destroying
lie existing relation between the two races in the
The first org mixed movement townrds it romnenoed
in ISfbl. Then, for the first time, socieies
were organized, presses established, lecturers
ent forth to excite tne people of the North, and
ncendiary publications scanere<i over tne wnoie
loiith through the mail. The South was thorughly
aroused Meetings were held everyrherc,
and resolution* adopted, calling upon the
Jortli to apply a rented/ to arrest the threatened
til, ami pledging themselves to adopt measures
ir their own protection, if it was not arrested,
kt the meeting of Congress, petitions poured in
rom the North, c tiling upon Congress to abolish
lattery in the District of Columbia, and to prnihil
what they railed the internal shite trade
letween the States, announcing, at the same time,
hit their ultimate object w is to abolish slavery,
lot only in the District, but in the Slates, ami
hrougboiit the Union. At this period the numicr
engaged in the agitation was small, and pos
eased little or no personal influence.
Neither party in Congress had at that time
ny sympathy with tluuii or their cause. The
aeiuberstf aarh fiarty presented their petitions
Hfeitt reluctance. Nevertheless, as small
nd contemptible as the party then was, both of
he great parties of the North dreaded them
['hey felt that, though small, they were organieil
in reference to a subject which had a great
nl a commnnuing influence over the Northern
ilml. Kuch party, on that account, feared to opose
their petitions, lest the opposite party should
ike a<lvantage of the one who might do so, by
ivoring their petitions. 1'he effect was, that
oth united in insisting that the petitiona should
e received, and that Congress should take juris
lotion of the subject for which they prayed To
istlfy their course, they took the eitraordinary
round that Congress was bound to receive petilons
on every subject, however objectionable it
tight he, and whether they hsd or had not jurisIction
over the subject. These views prevailed
n the Mouse of Itepreaentntives, and partially In
he Ken ate, uud thus the party succeeded in their
rat movements In gaining what they proposed?
I><midon in Congress, from which agitation
ould be extended over the whole Union. Thin
ran the commencement of the ngitation, which
inn i'Ter aince continued, and which, ae in now
cknowledged, ban endangered the Union itself.
An for myself, 1 believed at that early period,
f the party who got up the petitions should suceed
in getting Congress to take jurisdiction, that
gitation would follow and that it would, in the
nd, if not arrested, aestroy the Union. 1 then
o expressed myself In debate, and called ujkiu
oth parties to take grounds against assuming juisdiction,
but in rain. I lad my voice been heeded,
nd had Congress refused to take jurisdiction, by
he united votes of all parties, the agitation which
ollowed would have been prevented, and the filiation!
zeal that gives impulse to the agitation,
ind which has brought us to our present perilous
sondition, would have become extinguished from
he want of something to feed the flame That
was the time for the North to show her devotion
K> the Union ; but. unfortunately, both of the great
parties of that aection were so intent on obtaining
jr retaining party ascendency, that all other oonliJerations
were overlooked or forgotten.
[to iik rosrLi'DSD in ora next.]
i.ako run oil.
LARI WaNTKI).?t.'ash paid fur eecm, mast,aadslep t?4
Ui 1. Apply lo
TIIOMAN KMKKT, Lart Oil MaantaMerer,
iaa.-JO. n Water street, near Walnut,Uaelaaail.O.

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