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[cO!*Trj?l:RD FROM 1 01 HT1I PAUE.] Since the swearing to the Constitution, the ! Chambers have continued their labors. Thej ars now entirely uuable to resist the King in anythinft he demands, but con'rive to show their ill J temper in various ways. For instance, last week, j when the ministry iusisted on the Chambers passing without notice the matter in dispute, as to the jurisdiction of the Erfurt tribunal over the difficulty in Mechlenbnrg Schwerin, the Chambers declared by a large majority in favor of the tribunal. But this ill temper is transitory. In all important matters they do as they are bid. This may be seen by the votes on these important laws?that on clubs, that on the prsss, ami mai me communes. in lue nrsi, ninny i restrictions arc laid on the right of assembling, such as giving previous notice to the police, admitting the p lice, heavy penalties for seditious I language, he : in the second, the newspapers j hereafter commenced are subjected to the necessity of depositing a certain amount of money with the | Government, as security for their sobriety of language ; a daily must deposite four thousand dol- j lars, and others in proportion. Papers now in existence are to be subjected to this clause, on con- J demnation by a trihunsl for language calculated j to excite. And here let me say, that a German paper is little calculated to excite by any quality except its long-win iedness and stupidity, the sense being to the words as a grain of wheat to a bushel of chaff. You shall hunt for it all day, and not find it?and if you do, it is not worth the search. There is but one political journal in Berlin, which can say a thing plainly, and knows when it is said. I refer to the Nu!tonal. By the third law?that on communes?the electoral franchise is taken from all in the country who do not pay two dollars annual tax, and from all in the large cities who do not possess an income varying, according 10 the size of the city, trom two to three hundred dollars. This cuts off at least onethird of the people from the right to vote. The leading object of interest in Berlin, at the present time, is the trial of the 42 members of the Assembly of la?t year, for encouraging the people to refuse the tax. The court-room is crowded daily, and a great impression has been made on the public mind by the debates. It is not easy to foresee what the result will be. The Government is determined to convict, but it is likely that the greater part of those indicted will be acquitted Verdicts of "not guilty" have recently been given, in similar cases, at Bromberg, Wierbaden, Breslau, and several other places The Government is anxious for the introduction of its Slur Chamhtr court for political offences. Several of the jurymen, in the case now pending here, have petitioned the King to grant an amnesty for all past offences. The petition was H itly rejected, the bninister answering that his Majesty had granted two amnesties already, and the democrats behaved no better before than after. Tha Habeas Corpus act has been proinul- , gatetl. fts provisions are* r>efrer than those r?i j similar laws in several of ihoUniteti the law be faithfully administered, it will form an epoch in the history of tho practice in Prussia. Heretofore there has been none at nil, but the Government arrested at pleasure, und frequently left a person in prison several years without a trisl. A ministerial crisis is now pending in Hanover. The King wishes to bind himself closely to the policy of Austria; the ministry, on the contrary, wishes to keep free from all eug igement with other Powers The result may bffimportant in the his lory of iNorta Germany. An article in a Hanover paper on the I,i!>nm at Frankfort has excited a great deal of attention It is siid to^ie frotn the pen of Strove, the Prime Minister. He says that the four Kings, as the Kings of I5av >ria, W urtemberg, Hanover, and Saxony, are called, will never consent to the prolongation of the Interim, i unless important modifications of its powers and nature be made. What these are he does not say, but he hints that the great States of Prussia and Austria have taken the lion's share, in dividing the power. The ir'tr <pi stion continues to occupy the public attention. The probability seems to be. that w >r will not be commenced against Switzerland, unless the conservatives in Fr uce get the victory at the 10th of March elections. If the result of the vote is, that the President and his supporters cm hold down the masses in France, it seems pretty well resolved on that Switzerland must be attacked, overrun, and reduced to the situation she held in 1S1G. The complaint against the harboring of fugitives is said by Switzerland to be a mere pretext put forward for use in France. The real demand is, that the old Government by Fantons shall be re-introduced, and the democracy put down. The Swiss Government has long ago offered to do sll inits power to give satisfaction in respect to the fugitives. Those still in Switzerland are closely watohed and .?re not permitted to engage in any plots or intrigues. There are many more fugitives harbored in Franco and Kngland. Why are not they attacked ? The Ast"m'tle* Nitionnlt of Paris, a good authority ou such matters, says that the attack has been defnrruil until ilia lOfli nf \1 ,r.?h J it the maun tiuie. lVusm id preparing for w ir. The Chambers have just granted mi extra credit of eighteen millions, to meet on expected increase of army expenses during the present year. The question, however, is still involved in mystery." The olouds may lift from it before the departure of the next steamer. Yours, ko. W. 11. BENNETT'S SALOON. We recently called the attention of our readers to the beautiful Daguerreotypes taken by Dennett, at his gallery on Pennsylvania avenue, near 7th street, and we now take pleasure in noticing the splendid manner in which he has fitted up his reception and sitting-room". Wo are confident that no similar establishment in this, or in any other city, can surpass it in the elegance of its appointments. The reception and exhibition room is furnished with appropriate furniture of the most elegant and costly description, and resembles the boudoir of a fashionable lady more than a public reception room. Immediately in the rear of this room is a private pirlor intended for the express accommodation of ladies who are in waiting for a sitting, and who prefer seclusion to the bustle of a show room. The sitting-room in the story above is in perfect keeping with the rooms below, and is furnished with all the necessiry appliances for the production of perfect d igucrreotypes. The light by which portraits are taken is introduced from the roof of the building, and so arranged that the lights and shades of the picture are produced with unusual strength and distinctness, thus rendering the likeness more correct and life-like than those taken by the ordinary mode. Taken as a whole the establishment of M r. Dennett is one of which our citizens have reason to be proud, and we are sure the enterprising proprietor will receive that encouragement, his enterprise aud taste so well merit.? Washington Newt. The Lowell Courier says that the rush for California from that city aud vicinity seems to be as great as ever. Forty emigrants started in one train, to take the steamer from New York. U.uite a number went from the different corporations, and others who have for some years been iu business there. BLACK WOOD'S VI A/.l N C \ Al? Til K BKITIKll i tRTULl REVIEWS. OWIN(? to the Into revolution* unit counter r?voltiHone union* the nuti -us of Knro|M\ which lime followed each other in such .Click mirooesiun, an 1 of which ' the nut is nut <j>t '' the leading peridicalsof Britain lime he- one invested with a de rve of interest hitherto unknown. They occupy it mid tie ground between the busty, disjointed, mid necessarily imperfect rce >rd* of the uewspaper*, mil the elihrate and ponderous treat * * to 1>* furnished liy the hint rim st a future day. Th? American publishers, therefore, deem it proper to call renewed attention to these pert idlest*, and the very low prices at which they are ottered to suheeri tiers. I he following is their list, vis : THE LONDON UUAKTBKLY REVIEW, THE EDINBURGH REVIEW, THE NORTH BRITISH REVIEW, THE \\ ES T.MINSTER REVIEW, and BLACKWOOD'S EDINR'GII MAGAZINE lit 1 it three peri totals are contained theviews, moderately though lirmlv eapr?- ,1. ,f nle three great parties iu hug land?Tory, Whig,m l lladi vtl." Blackwood and ths" Iondon Quarterly " an- l ory . <he " K.linhurgh Keview " Whig, and the "Westminster Keview" literal. The "North British Keview" i wis it. estahllshement t> the last great ecclesiastical movement iu Scotland, and is not ultra iu its views downy <>u? ot ih- grand depari wen's f human knowlodge: it was originally e litH i,y I?r.? halmi*-*, and now, alnce his doath, is o in iu? I hy his suu iu law, l>r Banna, associated w th Sir Uavld Brewster. Its IBi-rsry character Is of'be rery highest order The " Westmliist?r," though tip, under thai title only, Is published in Kngland uudrr the title it the - t-?reign Quarterly and Westminster " it bring in tart a union of the two Keviews firmer iy published and reprinted under separate titles It has therefore 'lie a I van tags, hy this comb; nation, of uniting in oue work the hert features ul both, as heretofore issued. The shore Periodicals are reprinted In New York Immediately on their arrival by the British steamers, In a beautiful clear type, on flue white pai?-r, and are faithful copies of the originals? WfwA-ww/'? Maguttn* being au easel (Wo-eiinile of (be Edinburgh edition. TKKMS. For sny one of the four Kcriews, # i mi per annum. For any two of the Keviews, fi.tri do. For any three of the Keviewe, 7 (HI do. For all four of the Keviews, H HI do. For Hlackwuod's Magnine. 3.1*1 do For Blackwood and three Keviews, 9 HI do. For Blackwood and the four Keviews Bum do. Faytneut* to he made iu all cases in advauce. CLt'BHinMf. Foor ooples of any or all of the above wnrke will be sent to one address, on payment of the regular subscription for three, ths fourth copy being gratis. Keuiittaneeg aud communications should be always addressed. postpaid or (ranked, to the publishers, I.KONAMI S< <?TT A r<?., Mar 91. 70 Fulton St., Ntw York, entrance 1 Bold St. TI ? ? *,; ; THE NATIONALJERA. I WASHINGTON, MARCH 21, 1850 III R FOREIGN CORRKSPONDEME. The reader will find two highly interesting letters from our Foreign correspondent. The one of latest date is commenced on the 1th page. COMMUNICATIONS. It is of no use for any one to send us communi- j cations now. We cannot publish them. Scarcely can we find room for ourselves ; and even advertisers have been crowded out once or twice lately, j by Congressional speeches. Were the Era ten times larger than it is, we could fill it with communications already accumulated in our iiiecon * ? W I holes. PROCEEDINGS OF CONGRtSS ON TUESDAY. The House, after the transaction of the usual morning business, and after the disposition of some matters on the Speaker's table, resolved itself into Committee of the Whole on the state of ths Union, and took up the Deficiency Appro| priution Bill. In the Senate, Mr. Badger closed his speech on Slavery. He denounced the Wilmot Proviso, but admitted, as we understand, that Congress litis the power to pass it. H> did not think its passage a sutiicient ground for a dissolution of j the Union, but he predicted the worst consetjuenj ces from it. Mr. Hale followed him, but, after speaking some time, give way for a motion to adjourn. His speech, as well as that of Mr. Giddings, 1 will be published in our next; und we intend to follow thein with something on the Southern side. REVIEW OF THE WEEK. THE HOUSE. Response to Mk Wkbster.?Since the issue of our last number, we have hud the pleasure of seeing a full report of the speech of the Hon Oriu Fowler of Massachusetts, delivered in the House of Representatives, on the | 11th insf. Being the first voice from Massachusetts after the great effort of Mr. Webster, we were curious to learn how far it would respond to his sentiments Some of the Representatives ihst State, w e knew wcmbl suMain hiro. k?'a a is quite *un??':J2 rrliihtr anyi will. The speech of Mr. Fowler is sound, sensible, ~ - d ? r% an.l ! f I a a V. tii a 11 j tKaf nanto aT it UUU Tlguruuilj uuu IV ICJ wutivuo iut*v io v? #v are intended to furnish a reply to certain portions of iMr. Webster's argument, Mr. Webster had said that the Proviso incorporated in a territorial bill for New Mexico would be a taunt to the South?and that, New Mexico needed no Proviso to keep her free Mr. Fowler does not appear to be in the least convinced by such authority. He says: " The complaint, that, by applying it to New Mexico, wo taunt the South, conies with no good grace from the counsellors of a free Republic. I am resolved to apply the Proviso to that territory?not to injure any one's feelings, nor to wound any one's pride?but because it is constitutional and right, an 1, us I judge, eminently a prudent and practical measure. The application of this principle to the Northwest Territory was a prudent and practical measure. I believe its application to California at d New Mexico will be no less so. Without the application, Illinois? noble Illinois?would have been a slave State She did but just escape being so. with the Proviso upon her. If it be not applied to California and New Mexico, in my opinion, they, in no long time, will be slave States. I will, therefore, vote to apply it to both of them, and to all other free territory, whenever, and as often, as the occasion occurs. "The syren song of no Wilmot Proviso for New .Mexico, is calculated to bring in that Territory as a slave State. The only hope of freedom there, is in the application of the Proviso in the first organic law. The idea that slavery is limited by mountains or plains, by soil or climate, by occupation or by latitude, is an absurdity. Were slavery allowed in California or New Mexico, any one conversant with the history of the last sixty years will see that those countries would be overrun with slavery in a twelvemonth. The honorable member from Virginia, | Mr. 1 ?? .1 ? 1 ('..mblw .lool iruu in hi?4 uttA(>p)t j DICttUC. | Uohhj uvwuvu, . . " ' But tor the fear of robbery under the forms of law *ther?? wwW be at least fifty thousand slaves in California by the first of December It is the best field for such labor now in America, and it would be invaluable to us as a means of thinning the black population. When people say that the climate and productions are unsuited to slave labor, they are either endeavoring todeceive, or are deceived themselves.' " I am willing?yea more. I am resolved?to use the first, the second, and every occasion, to apply the Proviso of '87 to every acre of free territory we now possess, or may possess. I wo*l I apply it to territory, lie where it may? to Greenland, Nova Zembla, Cuba, Yucatan, the Arctic and the Antarctic regions, and to the Torrid '/one?to any and every part of the earth's surface, if it belong to the United States. "If a bill for organizing any territory is reported to this House, without the Proviso, while I have the houor of a seat in it, I will move and vote for its insertion. livery member has a right to his own judgment This right belongs to others?it belongs to me. I have formed my judgment of the value, and necessity, and constitutionality of the Ordinance of '87, deliberately?I have avowed it frankly. And now, alone or not alone?sink or swirn?live or (lie?let who will abandon it, I will adhere to it. 1 will adhere to it in all places?at all times? under nil circumstances. In no case will I participate in extending the slave power into free territory. No, never! In no case will I pariioipite in withholding the Ordinance of '*7 from free territory. No, never !" Ukaction.?Mr. W. A. Gorman, a Democratic member from Indiana, the next day in the House, delivered a speech very different from that just noticed. His great theme was. Non-intervention. This w is the doctrine on which the Democratic party bud gone into ilio contest, the last presidential election; and, ho might have added, the doctrine on which it had been defeated. There was some truth, however, in his remark that all parties with but few exceptions were now giving in their adhesion to this policy. Some truth, we say?for certainly it is the policy now insisted upon by General Taylor, Henry Clay, and Daniel Webster. On thin fact Mr. Gorman made an appeal to the Democratic party to rally as one man in support of the Baltimore Platform. We doubt not the appeal will be responded to by too many True, the Democrncy in nearly all the free States stands committed by legislative resolves, and the declarations of State Conventions, to the Wilmot Proviso, but we obsorve in every direction signs of wavering. For a time, the prospect was fair of a regeneration of the entire Party nt the North, but llunkerism is regaining its ascendency. The spirit of reaction is busily at work. The I lemocrats in the Peunsy lvania Legislature have openly renounced, as we understand it. the policy of Slavery llestriction In the Michigan Legislature they abstained from re-affirming their resolves. The Democratic State Convention of Connecticut not long since formally rejected the Wilmot Proviso, as did the Ohio State Democratic Convention last January. These are signs of defection and apostacy not to be mista- I ken. llow far the political lead, rs who are devo- | ted to this work of reaction, will be sustained by the masses, remains yet to be seen. Meantime j they find co-workers in Congress, among whom j Mr Gorman seeuis anxious to obtain some notori- ' ety His speech was a small specimen of stuuip oratory, characterized chietly by devotion to the South, and hatred of Free Soil. The following choice morsel was received with a smile, almost, Irom some of the few Southern men who listened I to him I said to my constituents, and 1 say here today that this Proviso ' was conceived in sin, und brough' f,rth in iniquity,'by Martin Van Buren, through a deep-seated desire to avenge his disappointed ambition. P ?u intended to defeat Lewis Cass and the Democratic parly Yes. Mr. Chairman, this 'son or York; that the great Democrat in party had nursed, reared, and caressed, und iuto whose nostrils they had breathed the breath of political life, when he came to foil maturity, 'turned to a serpent, and stung his political benefactors to death.' w IE NATIONAL ERA Brief Notices.?Mr. Butler, a Whig member from Connecticut, followed Mr. Gorman, in an earnest, a direct, and straight-forward speech, in favor of the restriction of slavery, referring for his arguments, not to party expediency, but to Truth and Right. The rest of the speeches in the House last week on the Slavery Cluestion were delivered by Mr. Disney of Ohio, Mr. Hebard of Vermont, and Mr Morse of Louisiana. Mr. Disney is a highly respectable gentleman, but as a politician, he may be said to-be a perpetual amen to <i?neral Cass His speech was an argument in favor of the doctrines of the Nicho!-' son Letter , but we are informed that be avowed. __ 1.. U Via iniantlAM 4/a fnn tVlA in conciuuiug 11, um iuicuiiuu iv ivic lv. ... Wilmot Proviso. Whether in bo doing he would misrepresent his own opinions, we know not, but he would certainly represent fairly the views aud wishes of his constituency. There can be no mistake as to the public opinions of the citizens of all parties of Hamilton county. Mr. Morse, a Democratic member from Louisiana, is a native, if we mistake not, of New England. He is now one of the most ultra pro-slavery men. His speech was as sombre as that of MrCalhoun. He spoke of the alienation of the two sections of the Union, springing out of the aggressions of the North. " When before,-' he asked, "did the people of the two sections look upon each other with dislike? Formerly, the youth of the South were educated in the North. Now they do not go there, because of the dislike of the North to the South. I will not go over the array of melancholy facts showing that the sections are now essentially alienated in feeling." Insanity may reason logically, but it is sure to make false assumptions. These Southern disunionists manifest this characteristic of mania. They are forever mistaking fincies for facts. Formerly the youth of the South, Mr. Morse says, were educated at the North now they do not go there because of the dislike of the North to the South! Just after we had real this remark, we picked up the Richmond (Va) Whig, in which occurred the following paragraph . " The following young gentlemen from Virginia hove been graduated at the Jefferson Medical College at Philadelphia: Zebulon M. P. Anderson, Henry O. Austin, Isaac T. Sallow, Nathaniel Barksdale, James P. Bott," &c., 6tc. It goes on to enumerate sixty-three young Virginia graduates tnis year oi ttve, jenerson College?ami it must be remembered that this is but one of the medical institutions of Philadelphia, and that the old Pennsylvania College has a far larger proportion of Virginia students. Mr. Morse was quite as accurate in this statement as in the following, which he thinks furnishes another instance of the alien feeling of the North. When wrong is done abroad to the rights of any American citizen, the South were reudy to draw the sword for his defence. A few years ago, this feeling existed at the North with reference to the slave property of the South. Mr. Van Huron had once obtained indemnity (Mr. M. was understood to say) from England, on account of her violation of those rights Since, Amerioan slaves have been liberated by the English Government ; but no statesman will now venture to risk his popularity by preasing a claim for indemnity on their account." The truth is, a series of claims was made by our Government, at successive periods, on England, for indemnity for slaves wrecked or driven by stress of weather on the coasts of the West Indies, where they were liberated. The latest negotiations on the subject were conducted by Mr. Webster, under the administration of John Tyler, and for his state papers, arguing the right of property in slaves and the justice of indemnity, he received the high approbation cf John C. Calhoun. Indemnity was conceded by Great Britain for slaves liberated in British ports, before the abolition of slavery in her colonies, but denied once for all, in peremptory terms, for slaves liberated in her ports after the act of emancipation. As her laws now know no slavery or right of property in man, within the whole circuit of her dominions, her fixed rule is to regard and treat all human beings within her jurisdiction, no matter how introduced there, as free persons, incapable of sustaining the relations of property, or of being valued in dollarH and cents. Hence, our Govern ment butt discontinued such claims as Mr. Morse refers to. Hut were not tho facts in relation to Great Britain as we have stated them, with what pretence of truth could liw. Morse blame tho North, when from the time Mr. Webster wrote his letters to Lord Ashbnrton, the Government has been administered by slaveholders, and for most of that time by Democratic slaveholders ? Mr. Morse contended, as nearly all the Southern politicians have contended, that on the acquisition of territory from Mexico, the Constitution of tho United States became at once operative there, and as the Constitution guaranties the rights of the slaveholder, it effectually set aside whatever local laws of the territory might contlict with it. This is the prevailing doctrine in one half of the States of this Union, aud yet Northern politicians, anxious to please the South, and keep up their party arrangements, or afraid of the chivalry, and yet no less anxious to satisfy their Northern constituents, declaim against the Proviso as unnecessary, a mere useless abstraction, because slavery is already excluded from the Territories by their local laws ! Movements in the House.?The proceedings of the House are as yet without much interest. Members speak, not with any hope of convincing, but to satisfy their constituents. The debate on the California question is evidently exhausted, and had the Northern members nerve and skill, or were the Southern members actuated by right feeling*, the question would be brought to a close, by the admission of the new State. The opposition against this measure rests upon no ground of principle. The Richmond (Va.) H'Aqr says? " On principle, then, we cannot see how the admission of California can be resisted. As to delaymt; its admission for the purpose of coercing the settlement of the whole subject of shivery, that is a different question."' That is the secret. Southern members, though convinced that there is nothing in the action of the Chief Executive nothing in the proceedings of the People of California, that should prejudice their claims to admission, that they stand fully justified in the position they have taken ; that they hive all the requisites of a State; and) though they can urge no valid reason ugainst their recognition, still resist, that they may coerce a settlement, as it is called, of the whole slave question! To remand California to a territor.il condition would be no gain to them The people thus maltreated, if they Jul uot set up for themselves, would only regard with increased disgust n system which bad beeu strong enough to replungc them into anarchy. To admit California us a State, would he no sacrifice of Southern pride, hut it would be in accordance w ith Southern principle. What do Southern men gain by delaying a decision 1 Increased agitation. But should they succeed in coercing a settlement, as it is ctiled, what would it amount to ' Bass the slave-catching bill of Mr. Butler, an 1 not one more fugitive will be caught, while thousands more freemen will I* rendered deadly hostile to the claims of slavery Kitublish Territorial Government for New Mexico without the Proviso,and you simply enact that the slavery agitation shall go on. The Free Soil party would receive fresh accessions, and the places of the Doughfaces would be speedily supplied by men. What a demand to make on the North ' By admitting California, no Southern man would sacrifice his honor or his principles; but he insists, as a condition to his toleration of this measure, so just, so reasonable, so truly American, that the Northern members shall ronom.ee their honor nnd principles He will not even accept non-action, which is virtually leaving the question to be decided by the People of New Mexioo. in organiiing a State Constitution. This might , WASHINGTON, I). | compromise the Interests of Freedom?it could involve uo sacrifice of honor or principle on the part of the South. But the Southern members reject it, and will be satisfied with nothing less than a formal renunciation by the North of the Wilmot Proviso, or the policy of slavery restriction, and it is to compel this that they resist all action in behalf of California. Will Northern members sell their principles, and submit to this base humiliation, to purchase I tho admission of a State, whose recognition ought never to have been contested ? We shall see. It is asserted by the Unitoi, on the authority of a distinguished Senator, that there are 1 IS members in the House in favor of a sort of compromise bill, i in which every claim made by si iveholders, and 1?* * * -1 1? ?? is to be in- > niuitrio uj u^u-o.j ?, -' troduced. It is thought that some Northern or Western Democrat may more in Committee of the Whole a substitute for the California bill, embracing in addition a Territorial Government for New ' Mexico without the Proviso, and a sectiou providing for the more efficient reclamation of fugitives; that, as the yeas an 1 nays cannot be called in ! Committee of the Whole, the substitute may be . | adopted; that the 'omnibus' bill may then be re- j J ported and adopted without amendment, under j the operation of the previous question. The previous question cuts off all amendments . and, as a shareholding speaker would occupy the chair, he would recognise the member who should demand it. In this way the friends of freedom would be entrapped, and reduced to the alternative of all or none?that is. of voting for the admission of California. with all the miserable appendages to it, or voting against the whole. Such is" the game that may be played. We shall keep our readers advised of every act in the drama. Meantime, it may be well enough to say. that though in Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, accommodating members may escape the responsibility of the yeas and nays, they can be oompelled to walk through tellers, under eyes that will not wink at any movements that look like treason to the people. I SENATE. Hut two formal speeches were delivered last week ita the Senate, on the great question. Mr I'urney we did not hear. Me in not a man of mark, and his speech, delivered to a thin audience, produced no impression. Mr. Douglas occupied portions of two days, in a speech characterized by much ability, presenting many just views, and advocating witbrgTe&t force the admission of California. Me admitted that he had at first been opposed to the present boundaries of California. He should have preferred two States, both of which would have been free; but, after deliberating a long while on the subject, he had come to the conclusion that it was now too late to propose any alteration of the boundaries. Mr. Douglas took occasion to insist upon the , obligatory force of legislative instructions, in opposition to the views presented by Mr. Webster, and to this part of his speech we listened with unalloyed satisfaction. When a Senator finds j himself instructed by the Legislature which elected him, in relation to his action on any question, and when he has reason to believe that I such instruction is in accordance with the will of j the majority of the people of his State, he is bound on every principle of a Representative Government, to obey instructions; or, if his conscience forbid, promptly to resign. To do otherwise, is to usurp power, and to defeat the end of a Democratic Representative Government, which is, to secure the execution of the will of the People. Mow are the people to govern, if their agents assume the responsibility of disregarding their will ? Aside from these formal speeches, the proceid- j ings of the Senate have been important. IJy , reference to our Congressional record, it will be seen that the unreasonable usage by which AntiSlavery petitions have hitherto been disposed of, by laying the question of their reception ? the table, has been overturned. Petitions praying for the prohibition of slavery in the Territories, agaiust the admission of any more slave States, and for the establishment of jury trial in the case of alleged fugitives from service or labor, have been received and referred, several members from ! limuhnlilinir Static vntincr for the rpcTition and hut one Senator from the North against it. Daniel Dickinson of New York enjoys that unenviable distinction?"The Bayard of the North," as Mr Davis of Mississippi grandiloquently styles him Mr. Foote's motion for a seleet committee of thirteen to compromise all matters relating to slavery, is at last regularly before the Senate, but under such circumstances that it cannot be pushed to a speedy decision. The motion is to refer to such a committee the resolutions of Mr.Bell, and to this motion an amendment is pending, providing that said committee shall not be authorised to take into consideration the subject of the admission of California. The only effect then, of the movement so far, is, the introduction of another series of general prop >sitions, on which the whole question of slavery may be debated. The desire of Mr. Benton an I some other leading Senators is, to keep the q ifstion of the admissiou of California distinct frun all other subjects, so that it may stand upon its own merits. This is sensible, and were it the aim of Senators generally to expedite business, they would concur in this policy, and pass a bill immediately for the admission of the new State. It will he observed that Mr Cass availed himself of the motion of Mr. Foote, to make a speech somewhat discursive iu its character, upon the general question o! slavery. He attacked some of the positions of Mr. Calhoun, but it will not be overlooked that hi repeatedly made admissions which afford grouid for the inference that there is no demand of fae South Carolina Senator, even an amendment o. the Constitution so as to secure equality of poli ical power between the two sections, which he might not be induced to vote for, in oertuin con ingencies. The truth is, the veuerable gcntlenan is frightened He believes all he hears about a dissolution of the Union, lie seems to be i.i a state of perpetual trepidation, lest the stars in jur politic il system should suddenly start from their orbits, rush madly against each other, and :haoe and old night should come again. The sptech of Mr. Calhoun clearly took ground beyond tie wishes of the Southern Senators generally. .t left no room for compromise. It mado charges which, if true, justified disunion, and it laid do?n conditions to continued union, impossible to le complied with. Mr. Foote of Mississippi was th>' only Southern Senator w ho had the courage to put the true construction on thespeech. and then to pr test against it; and in so doing, he disclosed the ict that he spoke for the great majority of the Senators from the South. Why should they put Mr. Foote forward to bear the brunt of a contint with the formidable South Carolinian? Why dil they not openly declare their dissent ? Mr. C tlhoun is feared more than any other member of tLe Senate, lie seems to be considered as the embodiment of the Sla*e Power. The Southern men hare pot themselves into his hands, and now. when they tiud that he is conducting them rapidly to revolution, they are anxious to extricate themselves from his leadership, and yet shrink from Mke attitude of opposition to him, lest they should be suspected of disloyalty to tho South. Hut they must decide speedily whom they will serve?John C.Calhoun or the Union. Unionism and Calhounism have no more affinity with each other than light and darkness. No man could concoot such a speech as Mr. Calhoun delivered, unless he aimed at disunion. He knew that an amendment of the Constitution, so as to secure an equality of political power between the North aud the South, or any other two sections of the country, was impracticable, that two thirds of each branch of Congress would never reoommend such a measure; that three-fourths of the States would never oountenance it; and, therefore, In stating such an amendment as an ; indispensable condition to continued union, he must have baen providing a reason for disunion. ' C., MARCH 21, 1850. There are Senators who belieTe this: why do they not charge it upon him 7 The protestations of such a man of attachment to the Union, we regard as idle. Mr. 8eward, we thought, went out of his way, and spoke without reason, wheo he assured the country that he bad found no member of the Senate in favor of a dissolution of the UnionSuch charity is superfluous. THK COUNTRY. The speech of Mr. Webster meets with unnni- i mous applause from the Southern press, but with only partial approbation from the Northern. The Charleston Mercury, the organ par eminence of the Slate Power, compliments the speech as," noble in language, generous and conciliatory in tone, and in the matter having one, broad and powerful tendency towards the peaceable and honorble adjustment of the existing controversy." It views the effort with " admiration and delight." "Not that we wholly agree with him?not that there are not many points of disagreement?but nowhere has he urged his opinions offensively; and when he reaches the true grounds of the present controversy, be marks his way so clearly, and treads so loyally on the plain track of the Constitution and pledges of the Government, that the dijficulty is not to agree, hut to disagree nith him. With such a spirit as Mr. Webster his shown, it no longer seems impossible to bring this sectional contest to a cloee; and we feel now, for the first time since Congress met, a hope that it may be so adjusted." The press of the South, without distinction of party, indulges in similar laudations. At the North, opinionii* dir'dad The correspondent of the Philadelphia North American praises, while the editors faintly suggest dissent. The New York Tribune odndemns the speech, in plain language. The Albany Evening Journal praises the orator, but cannot concur in his peculiar sentiments. The Boston Atlas Btrongly dissents, as does the Boston Journal; but the Courier, which has always been lavish in its abuse of the South, and the Daily Advertiser, fully sustain him. Other Whig papers in Massachusetts show a disposition to approve. They seem to be under the impression that Webster is entitled to do their thinking for them. It is enough that Daniel Webster has spoken?he must be right! The religious press, which exerts powerful influence in New England, holds a different tone Its voice is that of strong disapprobation. Not one of the religious papers, to our knowledge, has commended his speech. If the Moneyed Interest be all-powerful in Massachusetts, then is -M". W'V*" iefei Thn/ ha* no heart, no principle It fVars not God, it regards not man. It looks at Moral Questions, it tries Political Questions, in the light of pecuniary considerations. If, on the other hand, Conscience and Consistency should bear sway in Massachusetts, the political fate of Mr Webster is sealed. The problem has yet to be etdved, though the Southern papers predict the result tvith great confidence?a confidence by no means ill-grounded. "We have never." .-uys the Richmond (Va.) Extimni'i, " entertained a serious fear for the Union, because we have always felt certain the Northern people would not stand the ground they have taken, and because we knew that the South would." This is the estimate generally placed by the Sotuh on Northern firmness. And docs not the conduct of Northern representatives amply justify it T While Mr. Webster receives the high commendation of the Nutional Intelligencer, the Washington Rijntblic, the Washington Union, the united Southern press, and a large portion of the city press of his own State, the Washington Union and the Republic, (General Taylor's own organ.) are rivalling each other in their abuse of Mr. Seward and his speech. The Republic, in an editorial two or three columns long, denounces him in unmeasured terms. It objects particularly that Mr. Seward should recognise the law of the Creator of all things, us a higher law than the Constitution of the United States. It is impious, in the judgment of General Taylor's organ, for an ! American statesman to admit the supremacy of | the Divine law ! The Senate ought to take the subject into consideration. Perhaps it might re| buke this profanity by requiring its chaplain, in reciting the Lord's prayer, to amend it with a proviso, as follows. " Let thy will be done?rRovinrn it do not conflict irith the Constitution of the United S'ahs." We think this would embrace the idea of the R-jnddic, and be a very pertinent rebuke to the blasphemy of Mr. Seward. It also objects to the following declaration ' It seems to me I Mr. Seward) slavery had laid I :t,. nattfllttvinr* Vv o r?, I iinnti mran I f amJ tka I no (laimjunn U..UV. ?uu luc were courting less freely than its wont in my veins, when I endeavor to suppose such a compromise has heen effected,' &c. The Republic is absolutely horror-stricken at this declaration, which it seems to regard as profine, in view of the fuct that the Saviour of mankind manifested no delicate sensibilities of this kind! " When," says the R> public. "he grows chilly in contemplating slavery in this country, he certainly displays a much greater degree of sensibility upon the subject thau the Saviour of mankind did. who spent his days upon earth when the world was full of slavery; than the Creator of the world, whose steward the Senator is, evinced, when he sent his angels to talk with men, appeared to the inspired writers in their rhapsodies, and talked fnce to face with Moses. We are not a sectional propagandist, as all who read this paper will hear us witness; yet we must be permitted to say that a Senator whose blood freezes in his veius in contemplating an institution which neither the Creator nor his only begotten Son took exception ngainst, should have better vouchers for his authorized stewardship of either than a speech in which he asserts that California, with her gold and Caucasian races, would, under certain circumstances, set his blood in circulation with the certainty of a general thaw." We doubt not that the Rt public, as in duty bound, in view of the peculiar relations of the Grand Lama, whose high priest it is, believes that Slavery is au institution justified by the most orthodox theology , but it will find it rather difficult to propagate this pure faith among the numerous subscribers whom it has picked up at the North, on the strength of its being a central organ of the Whig party, and not a sec'ional advocate In its unqualified praise of Mr. Webster, in its unqualified condemnation of Mr. Seward, we are to find the position of the Administration. Mr. Webster represent* the conservative portion of the Whig party?that which rejects all ideas of nroirress and reform, if thpv affect the price of stocks. Mr. Seward is of the liberal section of the party?that which allies itself with progress, and regards Questions of Personal Rights above Questions of Expediency ' or Property. The Administration, in casting itself into the arms of the former, follows its instincts, and carries the South with it; but is it strong enough to dispense with the aid of the liberal section?of the Progressive Whigs? The Republic seems to think so;?perhaps they may conclude that they can dispense with the Republic. The two old parties now are in the same predicament. They are represented at the seat of Government by organs claiming to be National, which sympathize exclusively with the conservative portions of them, while they reject and revile the liberal sections. How do liberal Whigs and Democrats like it ? The People throughout the country betray no belligerent propensities. They are iparrying and giving in marriage, as if the end of the Union ; were not at hand. Mississippi, we beliave, wears the most martial aspect, though, as yet, she is not ; bristling with bayonets. Her delegates have been nppointed to the Nashville Convention, and moneys have been voted them for their journey. The Legislature has further resolved to place "} JOo.OOO at the disposition of the Governor, to be used, we suppose, when the crack of doom shall be heard. The Governor of Florida, deaf to the patriotic entreaties of Messrs. Cabell, Morton, and Yulee, refuses to appoint delegates to the great Convention, and thinks badly of it. The Legislature of Tenurssee adjourned without commissioning delegates, and it is doubtful whether the People will aupply its lack of patriotism. In Virginia, mattera do not work smoothly. Lomdoun county refuses to send delegate* General Beale's district decline*, and auataina its Representative. Other districts will probably send. Louisiana, we believe, hsa not yet decided. Kentucky baa decided to have nothing to do with the movement An immense Benton meeting in St. Louis accepts Mr. Calhoun's speech as proof conclusive that *i_ n-. i ? ??1 ? ? UJ? ?? ? mr. Dcuiuu wins ri?iu iu tuar^iu^ imu nnu uuuspiring against the Union ; and it isttaid Missouri will not be represented in the Nashville Convention. Meantime the National Intf.llifmetr devotes, occasionally, some eight or ten columns to an essay on said Convention, and in its last effort it showed, pretty satisfactorily, that it was a little worse than the Hartford Convention of odorous memory. The North is taking things quite coolly, relying, rashly enough, we opine, upon the fidelity of its representatives in Washington. It may wake up, one of these days, to find itself betrayed. We fear it will. We do not like the tone of many of its prominent party presses. It is tame and timeserving. We have alluded elsewhere to the reaction of Ilunkerism in the Democratic party. It is not universal. In Rhode Island, we observe, the Democrats and f#ree Soil men have united upon one candidate for the Governorship?the Hon. B B. Thurston, a'worthy and faithful member of the last Congress. In Philadelphia, determined not to be misrepresented by Messrs. Buchanan. Brown, and Co., the Democrats held a noble meeting in the Chinese Museum, a week ago. which, judging from the labored effort of the j Pennsylvanian, three columns long, to counteract the effects of the meeting, we judge must have been a most imposing display. Judge Pattit presided, and the assemblage was addressed by several speakers, among them J. M. Read, and Mr. Carter, member of Congress from Ohio, who made, it is said, a very vigorous spewch on the occasion. The following resolutions were adopted unanimously: " Rxolved, That Congress has the power to establish Territorial Governments, and to prohibit the extension of slavery into the free Territories of the United States. ' Resolved, That the Territories acquired by conquest nnd by purch:use, from Mexico, came to us free, are now free, and should forever remain free. " Resolved, That Congress, possessing the power over the Territories, and also the power to admit new States into the Union, it is their bounden > duty, with the examples of Tennessee and Micbi- 1 gan before them, to admit California with her present Constitution and Imundaries into the Con-' | federacy " Resolved, That patriotism, sound policy, anJ a just economy of the public treasure, and the universal desire to hind our citizens on the Paoific to our glorious Union with bands of iron, demand the immediate and unconditional admission of the Star in the West into the sisterhood of States; and that our Senators and Members of Congress from this State are earnestly requested to use every honorable means to effect this most desirable object. " Resolved, That, in the opinion of this meeting, it is the duty of our State Legislature to pass resolutions in favor of the immediate and unconditional admission of California into the Union. " Resolved, That Pennsylvania frowns indignantly upon all attempts to weaken or dissolve the Union, and that she regards all conventions, whether in the North or in the South, whose objects are open or secret separation or dissolution, to be treasonable, and all the actors in them to be moral traitors. " R*soh?d, That we recognise, to the fullest extent, the binding obligation of that provision of the Constitution of the United States, that declares 1 that no person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into auother,' shall be discharged from such service, 'but shall be delivered up, on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due.' " Resolved, That our watchword and rallying cry is, 'The Union, it must and shall be preserved I'" The New York Evening Post remarks: " They are bold, certainly, and far more direct and unequivocal in their assertion of the right of Congress to legislate for the Territories, and its duty so to legislate as to exclude from them the I calamity of slavery, than we had expected at a meeting at which we knew tnai numoers 01 mose who supported Mr. Cass at the lust election were expected to take part. These men, although they gave their votes to the candidate whose nomination had, in their opinion, the usual regular forms, are yet determined to say an honest word on the great controversy which now agitates the people of the United States." | Meantime we say to the friends of Freedom everywhere, stand to your arins. The moment for the final struggle approaches. You may be deceived?it may now be beyond your power to prevent the consummation of the Treason long meditated against the cause of Freedom?but, it is not beyond your power to punish the traitors You shall hear of them, and then?the places that now know them will know them no more forever. LETTER FROM GRACE GREENWOOD. New Brighton, Pa., Ftb. If), isfid. To thr Fili'or of the Notional Kra : Dear Sir: All the world is talking of Mr Clay's late speech in support of his conciliatory resolutions, and so, I trust, i shall not wholly compromise tny womanly position by slightly remarking upon it. I would limit myself to that portion relating to the abolition of the slave trade in the District of Columbia. 1 rejoiced over this with much of hope The ndvocates and champions of "the peculiar institution"' are becoming ashamed of its disgraceful contingencies and consequences, if not convinced of its inherent wrong and inhumanity. Mr. Clay would not have " the abominable traffic" broken up, by no means, though he quotes, and by quoting in some sort endorses, Mr. Randolph's somewhat severe expression. No, he would only have it banished the narrow limits of the District, but not afar off, r._ i- - i.:_ jl ? Kiiifripnila of the tdnve JUT UC MUU^ puiuiouuv w ... trading fraternity the neighboring cities of Alexandria, Petersburg, Richmond, Annapolis, and Norfolk, as suituble places wherein to " establish their jails and their prisons." The cities mentioned will no doubt feel due gratitude for this mark of the honorable Senators distinguished consideration Speaking of "regular traders in slaves," Mr. Clay announces with much tenderness the melancholy fact that "they are not looked upon with particular favor at the South"?that they are, " on the contrary, sometimes unjustly excluded from social intercourse, on account of the odium attached to their business.' Alas for prejudices!?there is one equally unjust excluding convicts, headsmen, and hangmen, from polite circles. I Mr. Clay would have the slave trade done I away with in the District, not because it insults the manhood and outrages the principles of all true republicans?not because it mocks at and defies the God of Freedom and the Father of all mankind?but because " the feelings of gentlemen are too often shocked by seeing slaves in chains, and in long trains driven down the Avenue, from the Capitol to that house where resides the President of a free Republic. Hy "gentlemen." the illustrious speaker could not have meant Southerners, who, to the manner j born, are not often troubled with a refined phi! lanthropy, or a morbid moral sensibility, but strangers, travellers?exiles and refugees from Old World tyrannies?whose eyes he has seen I Hash with indignation, whose cheeks blanch with : horror, whose lips curl with inexpressible scorn, at such sights of barbarous oppression and | brutal cruelty in the capital of " the only free i nation.'1 For this came forth the world-renowned statesj man. in the ripeness of his glory, in the venera| blencss of his age. and stood in the perilous I breach, and did not tremble. He had done the state some service?might he be heard in the National Councils once more? And he was heard, with benign toleration, even as though he were making his last speech and dying confession, while he lifted up his voice, (but not too high,) aad boldly called upon the nation to put away her shame and her crime, or rather suggested the " expediency " of removing the unfortunate osuse of thia unjuat reproach as far off as Alexandria) Petersburg, Richmond, Annapolis, and Norfolk. / /# # * VOL. IV. % f Oh, where could genius find a nobler picture, a grander idea of moral heroism, than that patriotic old statesman, as, bravely risking popularity, power, all that render political life dear, he uttered those memorable words, and from his perilous stand looked round, all undismayed, on friend and foe, and smiled his old, conciliatory concessionary, compromising smile. To speak seriously, Mr. Clay betrays, by his anxiety to put the enormities of slavery out of eight, a consciousness that its deeds are evil * and a dread of looking its horrors in the face n II ? ivir. i^amoun woum nave made no such concession to the fanaticism of the North. He accepts slavery, with all its consequences, its enormities, and disgraces. It were still the belovrd institu tion with him, though all other champions forsook it. and the whole world cried shame upon it anil he wonld neither disguise one ugly feature, nor betray one smallest interest of the system for the highest honors in the gift of the Republic. But he has at least audaoity and consistency in wrong* doing, a sort of unrighteous uprightness, and hones/v which " covers a multitude of sins" I hope from my soul that whenever this or like resolutions may come before the House, that every Northern member will vote against them? yes, oppose the abolition of the slave trade in the District of Columbia. If we are to support this institution, with all its aids and belongings, let it be openly, before Heaven, and in the face of the whole world. Let national legislation on this subject have, at least, a defiant dignity in its injustice, and not be ever " pointing to the sneaking quarter of the moral compass."' 1 would have Washington the most important slave market iu this Republic; I would have the chuincd slaves and the representatives of a free people pass down the Avenue together: I wouhld?sv/>fh??J*?'^ prisons and the slave auctions among the regular lions of the capital city ; 1 would have the Hungirian exiles politely shown through them; the Austrian ambassador should be allowed to go their roundaficfore receiving his unsolicited leave of absence from a Government too liberty-loving and magnanimous to have diplomatic relations with foreign despotisms. For many and obvious reasons, Washington seems the city of the whole Union best fitted for an extensive slave market. Is it not conveniently central 1 Is it not here that large slave owners, men in the ootton trade and tobaceo line, "most do congregate ?" is it not the place that strangers first seek, to obtatn a clear and comprehensive idea of the spirit and action of our free institutions ? Then here should be the last haunt of the dealer in "the bodies and souls of men here should the last slave be kuocked down to the last bidder for that particular sort of tlesh-and-blood property. But probably there will be little need of the Ntwah protesting against such measures. Tho South will doubtless be as much alarmed at the pT?lto>$Wn to banish the slava IvaAe from Wash* ington to Alexandria, Petersburg, Richmond. a .?.. -i -i '? nuunjnrno. n u<i 4.^ t/? 1vj*,03 "wu1c ? uriu^ ii1gi utt of Cuddie lleddrigge, at the threat of her eon to " flee awa' into some far country, perhapa twal or fifteen miles off." She will see that it is kept safe and cosy enough nnder the protection of the national flag?under the wing of the national eagle. She will see that its respectable traders are not too slightly esteemed; " sure it's no harm for a man to labor in his vocation." She will see that it has jails and prisons sufficient for its need; she will see that its chain-gangs have the right of way down Pennsylvania Avenue. It seems that Mr. Clay's speech could hardly have been correctly reported, for in one place he admits that Northern opposition to slavery is " dictated by the purest philanthropy and humanity," yet in another speaks lightly of it, as " a mere sentiment " for a mere " abstraction." Surely the great speaker would not so contradict himself. The peroration of this speech is a little on the tragic order. The orator draws a terrific picture of the horrors of an insurrection?"dwelliBgbouaes in flames, rafters crackling, breaking, falling?women and children rushing wildly through the flames, shrieking for help from Heaven !" &e. Then he solemnly asks : "Is this in the North? No; but Sd the slave States, and produced not intentionally, but by the measures introduoed by you, and carried fhrther than you had any intention they should proceed. On the one side there was sentiment, and ( sentiment alone. On the other, property, life, and the whole social fabric, likely to be involved in ruin." Let us see. How was it in West Indian insurrections? Were they brought about by Reform agitation, by Congressional discussion, by AntiSlavery associations, by the fearless preaching of the Gospal of Liberty, or the eloquent rebukes of a free literature 1 Or were they the legitimate results of long years of oppression, of contempt, and insult, and cruelty, rousing at last the just, though terrible vengeance of an outraged humanity? The piece of high tragedy referred to was evidently the peroration proper; but it was followed by something in the mulo-dramatio line? tbs relation of a' thrilling incident," the presentation to the speaker of a fragment of Washington's cotlin. From this happy little incident the orator evolved a singular and startling meaning. " Was it portentous that it should be presented to him ? Was it a sad presage of what might happen to that fabrio which Washington's virtue, patriotism, and valor, established ?" 1 own I cannot see the peculiar beauty and fitness of this figure, which drew dears from " veteran politicians"? or, at least, drew their handkerchiefs to their eyes. If the Union is the cotlin, enclosing a dead patriotism, the ashes of true national virtue, and this is to be at last?though Heaven avert the day as long as may be?broken into fragments, still may there be enshrined iu more 8afe and sacred keeping, that ideal of patriotism, liberty, and republicanism, which is the Washington of a frop noonlp Grai s- Gki.-i.-nworm EUROPEAN CORRESPONDENCE. Bkri.in, February 5, 1S50. To the Fililor of the Stiiional Kra : Two weeks ago, Prussia was the object of attention to all Europe. The unexpected demands of the King were so hostile to all the interests of the richer bourgeoisie, the only class represented by the Chambers, that a 8tout resistance was anticipated. This proved to be true to a certain extent. Many of the members protested eloquently against the faithlessness of the King, and his duplicity in regard to the Chambers. I Ie had dissolved the Na tional Assembly of last year, annulled by ordinance the electoral law, granted another which placed the power in the hands of the bourgeoisie, and professed his willingness to abide by the decision of the Chambers elected under it. Fourtifths of the people had refused to rote, but the richer bourgeoisie, trusting to the honor of the King, had accepted the law, and sent their representatives to Berlin. These the King had allowed to frame a Constitution, after working at it nearly six months. When all w is finished, and he was required to take the oath, he orders the Chambers to undo thei* whole web, and transfer the political power to a nobility, which in great part must be created for the purpose. There are in fact only twenty-six nobles of the first class in all Prussia Of these, ten are princes of the royal house, and sixteen are descendants of immediate feoffees of the Empire. The other lords of the projected llcftse of Peers are to be created by the King. As the absolute veto rests iu the LTU? .all fntnro loiriMbition DftUUt uauus VI IUC lllut, ?... ,? ... ''' agreeable to him ami his creatures. But he Chambers, threatened with annihilation, and a return to absolutism without a Constitution, seeing nothing but revolution and violence as the consequences of a refusal, and having long since lost, by constantly recurring comI'romises, in which the popular cause was always sacrificed, all reputation for independence, were obliged humbly to submit to the dictation of their lord and master. They are already despised by the nobility party, and their friends represent them in a laint voice, as having sacrificed their personal honor and independence on the altar of the country This is the insanity of patriotism! What is a country worth, when her honor ia betrayed by her own sons? The fair fame of Prussia has been soiled by the oowarJice of the representatives of her higher classes. And yat this transaction is oalled a compromise, a nam# thrown aa a cloak around every sacrifice of permanent national interests to an arrogant and elfish clique. In this tompromnt, the Chambers hava struck down the last guaranty of a free preaa, hava plaoed the landtlurm at the order of tho King; hevo abolished the national guard, and disarmed tho eitixena; have given the Government the right to dissolve or adjourn, at any moment, the Chambers, and not convene them again for throo months , have sanctioned the dl.