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THE NATIONAL ERA. O. BAILEY, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR; JOHN Gi WHITTIER, CORRESPONDING EDITOR. VOL IV,?NO. 14 WASHINGTON, THURSDAY, APRIL 4, 1850, WHOLE NO. 170. 1 ? The Natlsaal Era U PablUbe* Weafclf, aa ImmU Street, ?er?>lle OdJ rtlUwi' Hall. TERMS. Two <1 per annum, payable t* advance. AJrertmementa uot exceeding tea lioea tnsertsd three timew for one dollar^ erery eubeeqnsnt laser tion. twenty-ire cents. All oommunioations to ths Era, whether on business of the paper or for publication, should ho addressed to G. Railkit, Washington, D. C. HUELL A ULAN ('HARD, PRINTERS', Mulh "treet, a fie door* ?outb of Peaaeytraala ae?an? THE NATIONAL ERA. WASHINGTON, APRIL 1, 1830. (copr-aiexr sscrasb.) THE MOTHER-IN-LAW. ? vrn R V Of TIIE ISLAND ESTATE. ?* xsvjmma ? K wthwoet*. BOOK HHOND. IV?CONTMCBD. The next morning, as General Stuart-Gordon sat upon the piaxza, enjoying Lis cigur, hie paper, and the beautiful landscape stretched oat before him, he ??w a travelling carriage descend the road leadiug from a neighboring village, and taking the direction to the little bridge connecting the bank of the river with the Isle of Rayg, paes over it, ami entering upon the circular carriage road leading to the front entrance of the mansion, drive slowly up, aud pause. The coachman jumpei from the box, opened the door, let down the steps, and stood aside, to let a gentleman descend. The General nrose, and advanced to receive his visiter. He was a neatly aud elegantly dressed man, of about twenty-six years of age. tall, slender, handsome, dark complexioned, and of very graceful manners, and charuiiDg address u I have the honor of addressing Gurtcml Stnwl' ? 7>J an-wun?vM ? " That is my name, air." ' I am James Krobisher, of the British Embassy.'' " i am happy to see you. air. Walk in !*' said the General, bowing, and leading the way to the oak parlor. " I shall feel obliged if you will grant me a private interview, air." " Certainly, air, with great pleasure. Will you accompany tne to the library ?" The handsome visiter bowed gracefully, and followed his conductor to the library. As soon as they were seated? , <> I presume, sir, that I am speaking to the guardian of iVliss Britannia O'Riley?" inquired the visiter. "Sir?I am in sow sort the guardian of thnt young lady." " You know her intimately, then." " I do, sir." " Where was she educated ? What is she like?" " At Hartford, Connecticut, air; and she is like a beautiful, elegant, and accomplished woman." " I am pleased to hear you say so, sir. Is she at your house at this time ? If so, how soon can I be presented to her?" " Sir, the young lady is at present on a visit of some weeks to a young frieud, whose residence is two miles distant. If you wish it, i will send a messenger ?? > ?? your *u ?* nn v hoar you may name." " Thank you, sir. Will it he asking too much of your goodnes*, to request your comjtany on ihis vi>it ?" <lOb ! no. sir; I will Attend you with pleasure/ at any time." " Then the sooner the better, my dear sir. us I am impatient to be presented to this young lady." General Stunrt-Gordon rung the bell, and said? " 1 will send a messenger immediately, to announce our visit, and we will set out in half an hour. Kxcuse me a moment, sir"?and, going to ' a writing-table, he wrote? "Mv Dkakest Britannia : Mr. Frobisher is here, and we will both be with you in an hour. UC. S-G." and folded it, just as Apollo made his appearance at the door. " Take this to Miss O'Riley !" The man bowed and withdrew. ' As you are the young lady's guardian, and as I have but a few days to remain, 1 will tell you, sir, the motive of my anxiety to be presented to her. In a word, it is this: The Castle of Clonmachuois is a ruin; the estates nre dwindled down to a few acres of marsh land, tenanted by a few wretched peasants, who aro not able to pay for the mud huts in which they starve." ' This coincides with what 1 have heard from the young lady herself, sir!" " Nothing therefore remains but the title." *' That is understood, sir." " Wi>11 hit : I am a distant relative of the fam ily of Clonmacbnois. I have an ample fortune, xuij am under no necessity to marry an heiress of property. 1 wish to get into the House of Peers, fi.r the sake of serving there the interests of .Ireland. My father has interest at Court, and has obtained for me the promise of the retorsion of the title of Karl of Clonmachnois, in the event of my marrying the heiress of that house." (ieneral Stuart-Gordon did not reply. Me sat ptarinjr at the young and handsome speaker with the frauk and graceful manners, as though he had heen the Gorgon that had turned him into stone. I lappily the General sat with his back to the window. so that the young man could not see the dismay blanching his oountenance as he continued his discourse? " Yes; that is the reason why I wish, without delay, to he presented to this young lady, to see whether she is by education and manners fitted to be introduced to London society." "Sir," said the General, " I have never seen a more elegant or accomplished woman than Britannia O'Riley. You will see her, however, this morning. There is no carriage road leadiug from the Isle of Rays to the Crags, so that we shall have to get into the saddle*;" and again ringing the bell, General Stuart-Gordon gave directions for two horses to be saddled. In a few minntee the two gentlemen were on horseback, and ambling towards the Crags, the younger traveller stopping frequently in the ascent, and turning to look with a poet's enthusiasm at the entrancing l-eauty, sublimity, and splendor of the landscspe of mountains. rocks, falls, ri?r, ^ RD,| ?Pr,Ullt b.nks, with all the glories of the earth and sky, doubled and reflected in the clear water. Why. this is a scene of divine beauty! There is nothing on the ItKi BO ISWa Itt. M.l! i - I Vina . iiolliing in Kwitterlsnd, or Italy, like this * The Isle of Bay*! It scintillates and sparkles like a diamond ! Kroite lioee of light like a cluster of darling aunhcams 1 I wish my friend Turner were here, to sketch this Eden!" Moody and silent, the General scarcely heard or replied to the enthusiastic admiration of his companion. They reached the Crags at last, rapped, were admitted. Britannia and Suann S.iuiersille arose to receive their visiters. General Stuart-Gordon presented " Mr. Erobiaher' Britannia received him with a courtesy, and placing her hand in that of the General, ret" "1 the pressure with which he greeted it. General Stuart-Gordon looked from Britannia to Krobiaher, to note their mutual affect upon each other. He aaw in Erobiaher the surpriee, the Hulch sad ardent admiration he tspooled to find. He u? in Britannia the impassable dignity, presenting the oold &n<l brilliant surface that ever disthsguiahed her manner* to str&nfre gentlemen They were all seated. The presence of Susan Somerrille restrained conversation upon the subject of the inheritance. They discussed general topics?the beauty of the spring?the splendor of the landscape stretching down before them, and visible st a great distance from this bleak height. Then they discussed Washington. Mr. Jefferson. Thomas Moors, who was then there, end, in short, everything, but the business nearest the hearts of all. General Stuart-Gordon perceived that Frobisheris admiration of Britannia grew by what it fhd on. And very soon he sroae to take his leave, as this was only an eiperiuental visit. "You have seen Miss O'ltiley, sir," said the General, as soon as they were on the road. "Yea, air* "And you are pleased with her, no doubt" u Sir, 1 feel that any praise of mine of that young lady, would be an impertinence. She is without a peer!" I-oth ff^ntUriiAn now nunV into wilt nr*p narli nr. cupied with Lis own thoughts They reached the Isle of Rajs inline for dinner. Jealous as he was, General Stuart-Gordon, with Virginian hospitality, insiUd and press*d his iilAt.es u> become his (Mb while he should remsie in the neighborhood; nod, after some hesitation, the young man accepted his invitation, remarking that nothing in America struck him more forcibly than the resemblance between English country life and Virginia country life. Tn.it it appeared to him that the plauters had retained, in a great degree, the domestic manners and customs of their English fathers. At dinner, the yonng stranger was presented to Mr. Stuart-Gordon. Louise did not nn.ke her appearance, nor did the young man see her while he remained. It would hare eared him from a serious mistake, and all parties from much futnrc sorrow, if he hr.d. General Stuart-Gordon was absent and taciturn during the meal. When the wine was placed upon the table, the General arose, and bidding Louis entertain his guest, excused himself upon the plea of urgent business, and left the room In truth, be could not stand his suspense any longer Me must know what impreasion Frobisher had made upon Britannia Me mounted his hcri?t.? and rode rapldiy up the ascent of the Crags It was Sunset whenTiShttarted. TWfuM tn? ?** '' arisen before he was half way up the Crags and | was flooding with a silver glory the whole reful- j gent Undscap*; but be did not paus* to look at iKa riror vnllintr on in ft tnrrpnt. of licht Kelu'^n i (he dark rocks, or as (be Isle of Rajs, with its rivulets and waterfalls, glanced in lines of silver light under the moonbeams. He saw neither the glory of the heavens nor the eplsnJor of the earth. 11c saw nothing but the Mack shadow of the Crag House high up before him, and he sped on towards it. The sweet notes of the violin floated out on the moonlit air as he neared the house Britannia, Susan, and the two women, were ont the porch, and George was playing the fiddle for them. Brighty separated herself from the party, and advanced into the silver light to meet him, just as he had got down from hiB horse. w 1 am very glad you came again?very glad. That stiff and formal call, this morning, could scarcely be called a visit. As you may judge, I wanted to?ee you, also, after our comedy of yesterday evening." Somewhat startled by the friendliness of her manner, he drew her arm within his own, and, instead of going on to the house, he took her to walk down the Crags. "Well, Britannia, what do you think of this young Frobisher ? " " His person and manners are faultless, and his dress the perfection of exquisite elegance "? "And his miu'l?his conversation?what do you think of that, Britannia?" " His mind appekrs to be highly cultivated, and his conversation at once profound and brilliant." " Oh, 1 leaven I " growled the General. " Britannia, do you know that this young man?this Adonis of the faulilese figure and face, and the elegant dress and ml-lresa? this Anollo of the pro hriilluti* aisanwrse?baa come To This , country with the design of marrying yon ?" "Without ever having seen me? Cool and confident, that 1" " Nay j he wished to sec you, before deciding "? "A prudent precaution, to ascertain if I would plaase him, aud pass in good English society ! Very flattering that, also I " " He is very much pleased with you, Britannia "? " How kind of him !" " He admires you excessively." " Docs he? 4 I'll be at charges for a lookingglass,' and set up o' nights to admire myself! " "You are gay, Britannia." 41 Oh ! look at the glorious heavens above, and look at them again reflected in the waters below ; see The Isle of Rays coquetting with the moon? glanoing hnrk laugh for smile, and Hash for beam ; hear the cataract shouting as it leaps into the river, dashing up millions of diamond sparks ; see the solemn dark rocks watching the piny with grave joy, like demure chaperones of young folks at a ball ! Oh, I am glad nnd gay to-night! " "I would / were?thisyouug man, Britannia !" " Well ! what is it now 1 ' He hum* ami be hanker*, he fret* and he cankers, You never can please him, do a' that you can ; He's peevish and jealous of a' the young fellow*,'" sung Brighty, changing her manner to one of lightest merriment. " Be serious, Britannia, for I am!" " lastauter, sir! I am as serious as an owl! " " I was about to say that this young man will cert inly propose to you !" " Exactly ! Now we are going to rehearse yesterday's scene over Again ! " ' You arc in one of your wayward humors tonight, Brit innia." "Speak, sir, if you please?I attend,'' said Brighty, now rtnlly serious " I wish, then, to set before you the claims this young Frobisher has to your attention You see what his personal merits are, besides which he is Wealthy. He is promised the reversion of the title that you will bear; he admires and wishes to marry you Finally, he c?n place you near the head of London society !" " Have you done, sir ?" " Yes." "Then, if this gentleman should honor me with the offer of his band, 1 should most respect " Why, Britannia 7" " Why ? First, because I am judged ! " " But ! release yon ! " "Secondly, then, because I could not be proud of him." " Not proud of him?handsome. elegant, accomplished, and a member of the Kugliah aristocracy ?" " No, I could not honor him in my heart. He wants the pru't^e of age, wisdom, a name made glorious by himself; he wants nil, in fact, that i most highly honor in you.n "But, Britsnnia, he may g.iin all this; nay, his sun may be risii g to its meridian glory while mine will be declining." " Lastly, then, I must refuse him because I lore another!" " Love another, Urighty ! Oh, Heaven ! " " Yes another?I love you" " Love me? at Inst, Rrigbty 7" " Yes. I love you <U /art, my dearest and best friend, Hearts are not won in ?'b/y f?Bleu* me! and Bnghty turned end dropped her head upon hie bosom He folded her in hie arm*, murmuring. "My boon, my blessing, my comfort! I do bless?I bit$s th>e Having been duly Apprised of the intended marriage. Mr Krobisber set out for Washington the next day. A month had now panned away, during which no intercourse was held between Mont Crystal and the Isle of Keys. The separation of the families was aa complete as though the Atlantic had froi 'n up between them. Louise, timid, docile, pliable, and ever under the influence of those nearest to hsr. made no effort to rejoin her mother, or to reooncile the families. Louis continually cheered her with the hope that this estrangement would pass away?that all would be genial egain On the next Sabbath day, after morning service, a <piiet, respectable wedding party filed out of the Stuart-Gordon pew and arranged itself before the altar It ootwisted of General Stuart Gordon attended by Brutus Lion, and Miss Britannia O'Riley, attended by Gertrude, and in ten minutes fnm the opening of the prayer-hook at the marriage ceremony, General and Mrs. Stuart-Gordon received the congratulations of thsir frieads A travelling carriage, with two outriders, wee at the church door. O' 'M,l#g church, General Stuart-Gordon handed his bride into the onrriage where Louis ami Louise were already seated, and the whole party est out on a bridal toor to Niagara ami the lakes. [to at umtuiru>j For Ik* National Kra. THF MRTlim TOI RVW*T. Y QKOKttK W. n'TSIAV. Ho! for the Northern Toorontuent Aroi nt New England'* run*' f rum trary elan and party Con* forth' ye rkontn ohm, l out? forth to rend the curtain* <kf Slavery'* brooding night; Dp* up' y? freewien. to the fl> l?i, And haul* for thr right' 4 out* Hut for word* of praialair, Woman* uall? or fading bay; Kur Beauty'* Hp and ay* of light Th? worm shall tat away ; Ami fur your Damn* no lofty ahalt Shall lift lt? head on hlgL, But ye *hall for the human rare Uo ugio* which cannot die! Come from the cliffs whose mighty Inm.1 St%n<1 round about the hay, Where, freighted frith e Nation'- germ, The lonely * Me; Flower" lay? Krorn the roeke which heard thdjr lhaakbtJ prayer, When, e? Ent in all time. The Pllgrlmy kept their S.t ??nf Beneath the snow-clad pine Come from your verdant hill-tide*, From your lake* and glorioui stream*. From where through mountain (asset The Borealie gleam*; Come from the distant Prairie Where yet the red deer run, And tha hunter'* shadow lengthen* In the latt ray* of th* tun. Come from the woodland homestead, From the workshop and the mill? Bring burning lip* and warm hearts, Sinewy arms and iron will! Be yo worthy of your ancestry, Stand by the truth* they cherished! March in reverence o'er the bat'le tieids Where in Freedom'* oau?e they perished. Come nohwith prancing chager*, Bring no gleaming spear or shield, No helm or plume, at erst was seen On boughty Templar'* Ifcit as wlt> solemn itersye paa* The grate* ?t tnoea ol yore. Let the high priest* of Freedom Bear the Biblb on before! l.ook! how the call ia answered ' See the million* arm for Truth! See' impatieut for the onaet, H mry age and flery youth' Whila from th-ir Factory window a, UI..O. >UUu "... " u.ugu.ti., Karuett watch the title of battle, And cheer the freemen on! Unlike the haughty knight* who graced Virginia'* Tournament, W* bring plain forum, of Vaukee mould, By Umeat labor bent? Tongue* more unfettered than the wiud* Before which uoeatu heare! More fearlea* heart* than erer beat The Templar'a mail beneath! Around our danntlee* heme*, From the workehop, Said, and flood, Smile no proud ilame* with garment* Kelwith their eietern' blood; Hut a* down the dark arena Manhood'* arm Truth'* arrow hurle, Ve'H hear the matron'* bleiaing, And the cheer of Yankee girl*' Our " Queen of Beanty " wait* to walk The path of Freedom'* ?t?rm? She i* no earthly epirit, Nor hear* *be human form ; She lired tefore <)ppre*?ion'? hoof O'er human right* had trial; She *tood and bowed, ere ehone the etui* Before the throne of God! !>?< M UW OWiUl OlUu,.,, "Sbe 4MB* La btee? 4k* WVHU And *he (hall atay, to eee in duet Berth'* lateet tyrant hurled! To *ee the la*t of human tear*, Man'* lent foul fetter riven ' Then upward lead ber thrmllea* throng Unto ber own bright heaven. And to l.iberty, our odder*, Ye *hall every one bow down, For *be shall bear the *neptre, And In triumph wear the crown! While your might the ilave i* cruahing, While ye pa** the taunt and sneer While the Wrong ye baoely wor?hlp? Hark! on the atartled ear! From the (marly gate* of morning, From the golden-curtained Welt, Boll the freemen'* thunder ihouting* O'er the Alleghany'* creit! Kite! rt?e ! y* tilling bondtnen! Your redemption draweth nigh' las! the learning <>' your day atar Illume* the Northern aky' Hark! the voice* of the herald*! And the ?well of Freedom'* long; The mighty line 1* moving' See! the banner* fia*h along! Now from the Northern rainpart* Peal* the charging trumpet hoarae! And the Northmen on their steed* of Ore Sweep down the Southern course! A* the ruah of many water*, A* the tempest in it* might, A* come* the fearful avalanche nuuwu ib? ni|*i??? unjfin ? So ooraeth on for KrsvUuin, lu eloae aril itvrn arntv, The gathering bus's of Owl the Lord? L?r Tviikxv 01 vK wivl! Stilrtn. Muss., February 17, 18'>0. THE CHRISTIAN ANTI-SLAVERY CONVENTION. The welfare of man in the highest object of Christian labor , it is the object for vfhich Christ came into the world. Lore to God is demonstrated by our labors for the temporal and spiritual good of mankind. If we fail in this, we hare no right to claim the Christian name. Hut thus to labor, we must feel that every man is onr brother, and demands from us a brother's affections and a brother's csre No abjectnees of character, no degradation in rice, no conditioA of ignorance, no lowness of social rank, no loss of caste, no difference of of race, no color of the skin, should make us forget that all men are brethren. To forget this is to repudiate the Gospel, to deny Christ, and to bring upon ourselves the wrath of an offended God. It Is the want of this Christian spirit in the churches, obliterating the distinction between those in and those out of the church, that that now demands from all whose religion is more than a mere outward profession, an investigation of the cause* why the churches in our land are not carrying out practically the doctrine of human equality. In view of this condition of things, we would urge all Christians who desire the cnurcbes to take the highest ground in the recognition of the rights of every man to civil, religions, and personal liberty, to meet in convention on the third Wednesday in April nest, in the city of Cincinnati, for the purpose of adopting such measures ns the convention may in its wisdom devise, for freeing the American Israel from all connection with the sin of slavery. - ? -I .1.. / ? t\.? # ;n. nn.l k*. ilOW, nrrvurcu, uu uvu iui^> v ?u? ? > ?, ??M-? ,r?gin at ouc to make jour arraugeroenta for the ocruion. Prove jour love to God and man bj nuking aacriflcea for the g'orj of the ONE, and for the happinee* of the other. We take the libertj to auggeet to the frienda of the object that there are brethren whoae voioee ahould be heard in the convention, but wboee mean* are not aufficient to allow them to take the jour*ej to Cincinnati. We hope that aoeh brethren will be provided for bj their neighbor!, to meet their travelling expeoaea, eo that the convention maj have the lienetit of their connaela And whatever can be done in thia matter, let it be (|uioklj done, in order that we maj have the aaaurenre in time that thaae brethren will be | preaent. ('haki.es B*?rt?Toa( Wm. Ilaaav I B. P. Ayd?l?tt, 8 C Sncvi**, A. Bkntdn, Jotrrii T. Lxwia, Samitkl Lewis, Cimmntn. E Goodma*, H H. Cha?k, M C. Williams, Lavi CorriN, Jamk*C Wuna, J'M tTMAN CABLB, A.c., ' SPEBCR (IF MR. HALE, OF NEW M1WIIIRE, THE TERRITORIAL QUt^lOI Ik Sekatb, TUESDAY, MABCIJO, 1S.V). Th?> Senate having under coniidrition the compromise resolutions submitted KMn^tiaw mim> by Mr. Clav? Mr. HAI.E. Mr. President, It teenp to have been admitted by almost every one vvht haladdrtsscd the Senate on the subject which haaforacme time past engaged the attention of this bo?f, 'hat the Senate MM i lie country at large ore divide into two classes? I w ill not say two great claaaea, but one large nnd one very small one; that the greatbody of the Senate and of the country are patriotic ;thaf they earnestly and anxiously desire that the disrating questions which divide and harass the country may be settled upon soine just and (uitrlotic grouadt; while on the "I ' nano, iim re are a lew, ucMgnm c as extremists. or ultraM*. who do Hot desire to vol my such end effected; who desire, in other words, in promote agitation ; who are anxious for nothing tut trouble und disturbance; whose sole purpose is V increase the irritation tiiat already exists in the community?to keep ?lie public mind sore, the public ndse throbbing irregularly with feverish heat. Nothiis, it is said, is so strange us the physical arid moral tigunization of those few gentlemen ; agitation is the (aliment upon " h*f h ;h' r and L1? "t" ? v that, and their life, their occnpetion, i?f which furnishes thetn with a motive for living, U gone. Now, 1 have not a word to say personally against this; I atn glad, sir, that these tUtrnist*-, it tliey do nothing more, at least accomplish this siih h good? that they atlord this wholesome safety-valve*o these extra cxhibitiona of patriotism on the pun of those who are in the hnbit of addressing the Senate. Hardly any one seems to suppose that he has discharged lite duty which he owes to the country, or done what he ought to do to satisfy his consiliums, unless he mingles with the suggestions which he make* wholesale denunciations against those ulJruUts ?those agitators ; and even the calm and judicial raind of the Senator from North Carolina, who hasjusconcluded his remarks, ia so inlected with the prevailing mania, that even ho, educated as he has been upon the bench, where he learned to sanction a line of safe precedents, could not sit down satisfied that he had discharged his duty, until he had relieved his conscience of a due proportion of vituperation ugatust these miserable fanatics and agitatorsI think, then, it must be granted fiat the agitators d? some good -at least by affording a safe and wholesome channel through which this ?xtra exhibition of patriotic indignation may find vent. I do hope that, it it be not conceded that they do any writer good, at least credit will be accorded to them for this much. I I a* VH.not a word to any lw?i.?L?^woa(ge 1; ^ ' taste or the truth and candor which prompts such s course. 1 make no appeal to gentlemen, who feel a consciousness in their own breasts that they ure governed by high, pure, and elevated motives, to consider how far it is consistent with a proper selfrcsirect to l>e continually employed in depreciating and attacking the motives of others. When 1 obtained the floor, sir, some time since, after the address thnt was delivered by the distinguished Senator from Smith <'?ndin?, who is Hot now in his seat, I suggested thnt, according to my reading ol history, the account which he ha I undertaken to give of theae agitations sounded to tny mind more like the romance titan the truth of history, and thnt I designed, upon some occasion, when it suit, d the convenience of the Senate, toaet history right in some particulars alluded to by him And that Is one of the objects 1 propose to myself to-day. I shall, sir, be compelled to call the attention of the Senate to the speech of the Senator from South Carolina somewhat in detail; and, in devotiug some few moments to a preparation upon 'his subject, I endearored to nttike something of an analysis of it. Ilefort 1 had proceeded very tar 111 my examintiiion, I found it assumed the form of a regular catechism -question! and answers being given. In the first place it commenced with u concession of the fact that the Union was in great danger s then it asks? ' 1 Mow ran the Union lie preserved? " Armrtr, To give a satisfactory Hiiswsr to (his niiglily question, it is indispensable t? liavr nil acviuute and thorough ki owledije of tin- nature an I rliararter ol (lie cause by which tlie Union is endangered. 'V What lias endangered the Union ? "dSIVtr To this question there ran he toil ue answer ; that the i in mediate cause is the almost universal discontent which |iervades all tlie Slates composing llir Southern sec tion of the Union "3 What is the cause of this discontent I ' Atmirer.- ll will he found in tin- belief of tlie people ol the Southern Siau-a. as prevaielil as the disi unlenl ilselt, ttint lliey cannot remain, as tilings now are, consistently witli honor and safety, in the Union. " 4. W hat has caused Uiis belief I to lAt'fMfJ agB3u?>" it the slave wseslkiti on th< part of the Nsrtli, -..4 <Ua tsuuiv ?ggte??l m* wtdch tin ; nave made on lit* rights of tlie South diu tug the time, will not enumerate them si present, as it will be done here after in its pro|*er place. There is auotlier lying hark of il with which tins is intimately connected, that may tie re gardrd as tlie great slid primary cause. That is tube fouix in tlie tart that the equilibrium between tlie two sections ii tlie (fovorument, as il stood when the Constitution ws ratified and the tiovernmeiit put ill action, has been tie stroyed." Now, sir, the first art of thh? 4 ioverwmeetf, to tin series of these events which has broken up titii equilibrium and caused this universal diaconteni, (In honorable Senator says, is the Ordinance of 1787. i shall not undertake to go particularly into i he liistor of that Ordinunce, lictuiise it is familiar to the Scnati and the country, and has been frequently referred It by gentlemen who haveulreudy addressed the Scnati on this subject. This, mark you, is the first in tin series of Northern aggressions by whichjthe equillb rlum which once existed has been destroyed. Mr. BUTLER. The word "aggression " doesno occur in his speech, in tffnt connection, at nil Mr. HALE. I do not know exactly whether tlx Senator ueed the word " aggression " or not; per haps he did not. Mr. BUTLER, (in Ids seat.) 1 know lie did not. Air. HALE.* At any rate, it is one of the aeli which has destroyed the equilibrium. That is it The equilibrium is spoken of by the Senator sevcru times, and the Ordinance of 1787 wus one of the first of this series of events which, he claims, destroyed this equilibrium. And, sir, it is curious that this first art of Northern aggression?the Ordinance of 1787?was adopted in the Convention of 1787, with but n single dissenting Vote, and tltiit whs a Northern vote. Yes, air, the only vote in the Convention of 1787 acainsl this Ordinance, which is said to have broken up the equilibrium of tite State* that originally existed, and which was to he perpetuated between the Northern and Southern State*, was a vole from a Northern State?the State of New York ; for the delegate* from every other Stato voted unanimously for it?the delegate* from South Carolina among the number. Well, sir, what followed ? 1 propose to show now, if the Senate will give me their attention, that this fumoiie Ordinance of 1787, which has now got to l>e the W'ilmoi Proviso, and which is deemed to be so insulting to the Southern State* of the Confederacy, if it is retained in our Federal legist.lion; that this Ordinance of 1787, older than the Constitution, was re-enacted by the first Congress which ussciuhli-d under that Constitution, and in the preamble to the act which recngni;<d the Ordimncc it la expressly recited that it is done In order thut Its provisions ahull he made conformable to the Constitution of the United States. The act was approved the 7th An gust, 1781, and is to lie found In chupter 8th of the laws of the United States. The preamble I will ruud. It Is us tallows : "YYIiepas, in order tint (lie Ordinance of the United Slab In I* uifrrs* assembled, tin liu: gi>\(.runout of lbs Territory u..rtiiwcU uf the riser Ubiu, aiajr continue Ui Imo lull HP l, it i? requisite Dial certain provisions stuuilil be msile, so as lo adapt llir same lo the present Coiistitulion #1 the- touted Slates " Thnt, sir, was the poaition of the first Congress that assembled under the Federal Constitution; it re-enacted ami re-established I he provisions of tliat Ordinance. Now, sir, we hsve lieen told to-day, as well us on previous occasions, i|(agg Uds principle is insisted on, it is a.i insult and such a grievous wror g that the Southern States, if they remain in the Confedi racy, will remain not from any principle of attachment to the Union, hut from fear of the hitter consequences which might follow secession. Now, I undertake to suy that | will prove, to tlui satisfaction of every reasonable man who can read the statute* of (tie country, that the principle embodied in thut (Ordinance of 1787, and re-enncted by the first Congress under the Fcderul Constitution ? who declared that they did it to adapt its provisions to those of the Federal Consiituiion? ha* been continued to he rc-enucrod, in substance, from the time of Oen. Washington, who signed the first act, down to James K. Polk, who signed the sume provision in the Oregon bill; and that the talk which is raised by gentlemen about making an unequal and unjust discrimination about property. I as no foundation which may not with erjunl justice J?c alleged ugitinnt every one of the arts of the Frdi ral ffoverrimenl organizing Territories, whir-h mark our hiatorv from the adoption (if the Conatitution down to ins prevent lime. I ??k the attention of the .Senate to the subnet. It will lie found (hat, as early ax 17'JI, on the 22d March, by an act of (longrcss, (leneral Washington then l?*ing I'resident?whilst the foreign slave trade w as not prohibited, and rould not tie by the provisions of the Federal Constitution until lbUti; while the trade In foreign slaves waa the subject of legitimate commerce under the Constitution; while every citizen of the Polled States hod a right, tinder (Ire laws and the Conatitution, to go from any |Mirt of the United States to the coast of Africa and lake a cargo of slaves and bring them to any port in the United States?Congress, In 1794, made a discrimination against this specks of property, and prohibited the building or fitting out of any vessel lor the purpo*' of carrying slaves to any foreign country : they might bring them here; but Congress thus far discriminated ^linst that apceiea of property aa early a* 17'J-t, whilst it waa a subject of legal commerce under the Constitution of the United States, t'ongresa did not interfere, provided the slaves wer? brought home; but they did, and utterly destroyed that apcciss of *Oa tin-a* owl page uf tlx *|>rs< hof Mr.f'auiora la lbs following SMllame* " One of ilierauara is, undoubtedly, In be traced |u Ihs long continued sftlstuMi i?f lbs stars iptrs lion ou Hie part of tbs hortli, and lie siauy ugg rreaiuxs wIih'Ii Ihsy liars aia.tr on Ilia rights of tha Mouth during Ui? iinir " At another pie. a, on ilir msbis pagr, W aays: " At llial Itae llirra waa a iwrfsrl erpidihnum tistwsru the two, rriorh afforded auiule uiranalorarh to protect Kaeit agaoial tha igfiaMiva of liia other." property an iin article of commerce, wlten an attempt was made to carry it to anv foreign country. That wan an act panned under (? orgc Washington. I la proviaionn w ere aa follow a : "An <irl to prohihil thr carrying on the Start 7Y?k/' from the Unitnl Stal't to any firt ign jJact or country. " Sec I prohibits building orj fitting out vessels for the purpose ol carrying slaves to nov I. or.au iouuUI, or prorurnig them in any lorrigii country to carry them to another. Vessel* fine.I out for that purpose forfeited. u Sec 'i inipoeea a p< natty of fi.UII on any pernon noting or abetting in tilting out such a Teasel. "See. 3 Any owner, master, or factor of any vessel clearing tor Africa, or suspected of being intended for the slave trade, are required to give bond in substance not to violate the provisions of this act "Sec. 4 imposes a penalty of t'JTlO fur every person received on board any vessel in violation of this act. "t: WASHINGTON '"Approved, Man-hit?, 17'.M' That is an act passed in 1794. Well, sir, other acts of a similar character, only inoro express and explicit iu their provisions, may be found. In the act of 1793, for the settlement nl the limits of the State of Georgia, and the establishment of a Government for the Mississippi Territory, passed on the 7th April. 1798: "Sec. 3 establishes a Government for the M;*sl*sil>|>i Territory, in all resiieru similar lo that now rxrrciwd in iheTrrritory northwestoi the river Ohio, exerting ami excloMinc the last article of the Ordinance made lor the joveminent therrol by the late Conzrek?. ou the 1.11 h of July, IW wHfc li pioiHlr* (hat Iherr shall tie neither alatrry nor Oszz-isnh? es?e*w?,l' crimes, Ac " Sec. 7 makes it lie lawful to briuz slaves into Mississippi Territory trom any pla<? without the I'nitrd States, imi?.? a penally ot (3UU fur every slave tlma brought Into the Territory in violation of the provisions of this act, and gives every slave thus brought in his or her freedom. "Approved, Ajiril 7, I71K" Look at I he provisions of that act. Slaves might legally tie Imported Into the United States for ten years after thut act was passed ; thoy might be imported, and were as much and ns legally a subject of property ns anything else, but Congress took occasion lo regulate that species ol property ten years before the prohibition to the importation of slaves was to lake efieci, and declared that slaves should not tie carried into the Mississippi Territory from any place without the United States, and lhat any slave carried there became free, ana a penalty was imposed on those that took them there. Slaves were at that time- in 1798?legal articles of commerce. Congress hud no power under the Constitution lo prohibit vessels from going to foreign countries, and taking cargoes of slaves, and bringing them here They were, under the Constitution, us legitimately articles of commerce us sugar or molasses Well, Congress did undertake, thut early in 1798, to say that slaves, which were recognised us articles of commerce in th> States, should not be carried into the Territories. That (act estubtMfctv#.. 'I.UavhIh [Vj;- ii T'L for the Territories, and it shows that they legislated upon this particular subject within t?.e Territories. Well, sir, there are other nets of a similar character. In an act erecting Louisiana into two Territories, and providing for the temporary government thereof, approved the 21st Match, 1804, section 10 prohibits the bringing into said Territory, from unv place without the United Slates, any slave or slaves, ttnd imposed a fine of throe hundred dollars for any slave so Imported; and, further, the act proliibitcd the bringing into the Territory any slave or 6laves which shall have been imported into the United States since the , 1st day of May, 179H, or which shall hereafter bo imported. Under the provisions of this act, passed in 1804, Congress undertook to say that slave# w hich bad been imported into one of ih? slave States t>etWMo 1798 and 1804, tair matters of commerce tinder the Constitution, should not be carried into the Territory, and imposed a penalty on any tine so carrying them. Here, then, is an express Bnd explicit recognition, on the part of Congress, of the right and uutltority of Congress thus to legislate upon this subiect. Under the provisions of this law, no one could move front a slave State into the Louisiana Territory in 1801, '2; and 'J, and carry with him slaves imporit d 1 from Africa into Buy State subseipiently to 1798. Or if they did, they did it in violation of this law, which prohibited it. 1 will not weary the Senate by going over the history of these several acts. They will, very many of III. in lie hiiinit in n soecrll itelivereit in this bodv on the Will June, Iri-lri, l>v Mr. IJix, then h member from the SiHie of New \ urk, and they comc down 1 to the very Inst < 'ongress?l>ee a use the loot Congress, udhi ring to the legislation heretofore practiced, pa?-sed the Oregon hill, containing this very name prohiT billon, and it wa? signed by Mr. James K. Polk. He certainly must have understood it to be a constitutional prohibition, the constitutional exercise of a right vested in Congress, or he never would have -' rswd It. ! I ne 11 -' ..,111) 111 W||, Hnii,.,- |Q n?, r the enm tnwiii of ilint i-Vn,.-. I., it?. 0,1*0.? WW on ' the ground that it wus north of thirty-six degrees thirty minutes. Both Houses refused to do It. It ,) went to Mr. l'olk, and lie signed it, and sent it back j with n paper, llto suhstance of which, as I read It, a was, that it v.'ss constitutional then, but never would s be avail). That, sir, has tu-en the legislation ot Congress, older than the Constitution, coming down through successive Presidents?Washington, Adams, s JnHison, Van liurtm, and so on; and, in lite organi* /.ition of Territorial Governments in Mississippi, b Louisiana, Florida, and Michigan, till in express I terms recognising this right: sometimes limiting > slavery to a certain cluss of slaves, in other instances # excluding it altogether. > And now we are told that if we adhere to this i long-estahllshed, wcll-ronsldered construction of the - Constitution ; it we continue to tread in the old path * which our fathers marked out fur us, that t!.c sensibility, the sen dlfveneSM of the South, which has been ' sleeping for more than liny years, will lie galvanized Into such activity, ns to endanger (lie Union itself. > Well, sir, these arguments may be ail potent, fotit I want to put history right. We ore told that this agitation of the subject of slavery here is something new, und the Senator from South Carolina gave it a 1 date of fifteen years. Hi1 said that it had commenced in 1835, ami that us soon us it was introduced, he I saw the mischief that was to ensue from it. The ' honorable Senator from South Carolina did not go back far enough; agitating papers of the sort complained of came lu re longer ago than that. He ought ' to have gone buck to 1771), and lie would have found one of the most "agitating" and "fanatical" papers that he could well find, beginning with the declaration thut all men are created equal. The agitation of this question of slavery goes baek as fur a* that, and it shows wluii wus the action and understanding of the men of that day. I wish to read, sir, a petition presented to the first Congress that ever assembled under the Federal Constitution, and signed by one of the groat minds that framed |r. I allude, sir, to Doctor Franklin ; not one of these modern "agitators," not one of those uniphibious animals, that have been described us (lying about in the twilight, between light nnd darkness. tin the 12th February, 1776, Benjamin Franklin, as President of the Pennsylvania Society for promoting the abolition of slavery, the relief of free negroes unlawfully held in buntlHgo, und ihe improvi'iiwiit of I ho African race, urcac rued a petition, wltlcli 1 send to the Clerk's tnblo to be read : FCBUISHV 12, I7!*i " A memorial < (Hie Pennsylvania Society f">r promoting II ie abolition of slavery. Hi'' relit f ol free urn rum unlaw fully liel<l in txrmiage, ami Hie Improvement ol Hit African rat i, was presented mill read "The memorial respectfully elm Welti : "That, from a regard lor Hie happiness of inaiikin !, an aswa inliihi wae formed, several years since, in Una Slate, liv a nnnilier of tier clttxena, of various religious denominations, for promoting Hie abolition of slavery, and lor the relief of those unlswlolly held hi Imiidage. A just mid acute conception ol the iru* yuiut-i+iica ol htrerty, ns tt Spread through Hie laud, priMliired arci sslons to their nunihers, many friends to their cause, and a l< gislutive ro o|reration Willi their views, which, hy the bleaaiug of Iflviiir I'rovideuce, have beefi successfully directed to the relieving from bondage a large number of their lellow-crestores, ol Ihe A trie an race They have also the antiala< tlnn In observe, Hint, iu Consequent e of that spirt! of philanthropy and genuine liberty whicli is generally diffusing its beneficial III Aueure, similar Institutions are forming at home and abroad "Thai mankind are all formed by the same Almighty lieing, alike objects of his care, and equally designed lor the enjoyment of happiueas. the Christum religion teaches ua to belli ve, and the pobneal creed of America fully coin rides w lib the position " Vuur memorialists, particularly eng -gad in attending to the distress*#arising from slsveiy, believe II to be Iheir tlldiv|ieusalile duly In present this wrl-jsri l? your ludtfe They have olwrrved, with real sulisfactioii, Hist nisuv un poiialil anil salutary powers me vrsled in you. lor 'pro Oioting Ihe welfare and securing Ihe blessings of liberty to the people of the United Stales;' ami, as they conceive ttiat these tileasiugs ought rightfully lo be administered without distinction of color lo all descriptions of people, so they indulge Ibeniselvra in Ihe pleasing riiwclatloli lh.it imliiing which ran tie ihetie lor Ihe relief of lite uutisppy o|ije< It of llteir rare will be either onilffed or delayed " From a permiaMoii I hat equal Ida rfy was originally Ihe portion ami is still the birthright of all men. and indue nerd by the strong lies of humanity ami ifie principles of then liistiiutioua, your memorialists conceive Iheniwlv a hound to use till justifiable endeavors In loosen the lunula of slavery, and promote s general enjoyment ol the blessings ol free dom "Under these impressions, ihey er.neatly entreat your serious attention to the suhjert of slavery ; thai you will he pleaai d lo rountrnsnre lite restoration of liberty to those uuh.ipny men, who alone in this bind of freedom are d> graded into per|wtiial bondage, and who, aiindat tin- g'lieril toy of am rounding tree men, are griming in servile aubie< tiou : thai ion will det ,ae meaiiN for rtmot ing Ihls in i roiiaiMenry frooi the rlumcitr of the Amertran people, that you will promote mtrrjr ami juatke tnwar<l? lluailia I re aw . I rare ; ami that you will alep hi Ivery ol Ike power traMl in you, lor >liarouri*iii|( tarry species ol traflh iu tin. )M.raoiia of uur kllow 111*11 " HKVJ VUANKIJN, " rmi.ai>ai.PHia, >V//ueu?yJ, I7UU " Objection w ua made to the reception of the w tllion, urn fit debate ensued, when a motion to refer It to a committee prevailed, by a vole of 43 ayes lo 11 noea. It waa considered In committee, reported on, and the whole aubpjcl wua under debate on the 5th Hth, and 9th of March, I71M1 ?llie proroedifips of whieh in <'ongrnsa ntuy be found In the Jour rial*, ra. I only refer to ihla history to ahow thai inert were " fanatics" and " agitators In earlier llrnra lhan the year 1R35; that there were men who were .ill. dud with ihla " mania" Ion# a?0| and that amongst thoae upon whose grave inuat (all the denunciations that are ao freely and frequently heard here, U llie man who alone of mortal man haJ viaion enough lo anawer the question propoaed by (he I Almighty to hia servant long ago, when he asked him If he "ran dim over the way of the lightning of ! thunder 7 " ( Well, air, I have another document, and a very | curious one it is, too, referring to the action on this i subject Uicr in the history of rVtngreM. It i* to Is 1 found in the fourth volume of the House Journal* page Jfl, foivl session of uevcnih f'-ongress, under dalr of March 2, lRU'J; and it i?, sir, a ense in point, j The Territory of Indiana then being under the provisions of the Ordinance of Freedom of 1737, tlu people of Indiana, through a public meeting, of which William Henry Harrison was president, petitioned that this article of the Ordinance of '87, prohihitlng slavery in the Territory, might be suspended for a given number of years?about ten, I believe it was. Tl?o petition was referred to a committee, of which the celebrated John Randolph, of V.rginia, was chairman. I desire to read an extract from his report, l?eeause it shows w hat sentiments obtained in Virginia on this subject, in 1903 : //euse Journal, 1?/. 4./'<igr >(1- M Sm*un 7th Cungrttg Mart h 2. HO. " Mr. Randolph from the committee to which were referred n letter from Willi un Henry Harrison, President of the Convention hrld.st Viticeunes, declaring the consent of tlie peo|de of Imliana to the suspension of the sixth srtiele of compact Uiu.in the IItilted Stales mid the people of (hat T> rritory, also n ntemonsl and prtiuon of the inhabitants nfthe said Territory, made the Mtowiog report : ' That the rapid population of do State ol Ohio sufficiently v\ incea. iu the opinion ol your comniittee. that the lahor of ileit is not ntcrsacry to promote the growth ami settleun ill of rolon.es in that region ; that tins lahor, demonstrably the deari st of auy, can only l-e employed lo advantage in the cull I vat loll of pr. shirts more valuable than any known In that quarter of tin- I turn] Stairs; tlmt tlirroni iniltrsderm it lustily dansrr?>ua and Inexpedient to impair prat i??-t? mIhiIbIbI topr?inn ti,r happuo-Miand ptoaprriij oflhe S(crW.??r!?ra?<?,ar?" Mrrmrtb , nil.I vrcurilr In that rilnuiti frontier. In tlir salutary up ration ul tin* aac-irn-ii* ami benevolent restraint. it la hcve-l lliat the iiihsbllant* of Imliana will, at tin very ?lisinni day. And ample remuneration for a temporary privation of Uhor ami uf emigration " Kioui nu ll a rnnalderattnu a* tlit-r have been enabled In In Mow nil the subject at thta late period of the session, nnd under the preaaiire of arcuniuliliiix business, they r* - --miiieud the billowing resolutions. wTiii'li are respectfull) submitted to the judgment -if the Hihdu"I. HuMvH. That -I ia iurxpedient to aua|>eiiil, for a limited lime, the operation of the math artie'e of eooqiari lietweett the original State* and the people auil State* weal ol the Ohio. "'2. AiC , Ac." And. sir, Is there a citizen of Indiana to-day, who will nut rise uti and do credit to the sagacity and philanthropy of John Randolph, when he told them that, in the wiStlom and sagacity of that exercise of power, they would find ample remuneration for any lemnora y grievance they might be Butlering under, by tlte present application 1 And, sir, here waa a case stronger than any which has t>een or con be presented here?a case of a Territory of the United Stales, settled hy freemen, with slavery interdicted, who come forward and ask Congress to relieve them from that interdiction?to relieve ihctn from that prohibition? and Congress refused to do It. And they refused to do it upon the report front w hich 1 have |u*t read? that made by Mr. John Randolph, of Virginia. ~ 0 "* ,'f ,l have I its " ' 'w subject, the Ordinance of 1787, having shown that it' was not imposed tiy a part, but that it waa the net of the whole country. It was impressed upon the legislation of the country ul its earliest period ; it has con11riued ihere ever since, and it remains there now. Whit do gentlemen want? On tlte principle that they contend for, that it is an insult, do they want to repeal the bill establishing the Oregon Territory 1 Do iliey want it obliterated from (lie history of our legislation I Tin y can apeak for themselves, sir, iifi that point. The second matter which has disturbed the equilibrium, according to lite arguments of Senators, is the Missouri Compromise. Sir, I can tell these gentlemen that the Missouri Compromise disturbed the equilibrium of those Northern Representatives that volel for it, more than anything else that ever happened ; and that is the only equilibrium I ever heard ol as being disturbed by that Compromise. Not only did it disturb their equilibrium, but ir threw them entirely off it, Hnd, with but very rare exceptions ilw-tui nnlilieii.nu hnvn nul vel recovered their equilibrium, and, what is inure, they never will. Well, sir, if, according to the argument of the Senator from South Carolina, lite Missouri Compromise was hucIt an odious toeusure, nod has had such nn injurious effect upon the South, is it not singular that we find nearly every Southern ninn voting for it, ami everv Northern man voting against it, whenever It is offered I At the last Houston, when n motion was made to insert the Missouri Compromise in a Territorial hill, nearly every gentleman representing a Southern State on thin floor voted for it, and iltt; Northern men, as a body, were against it. Then, sir, it is the Soutn who were aggressive, and who were destroying the equilibrium; and it is the North who have resisted it. And further, has not every other Southern gentleman wt.n has spoken hure of that Compromise characterized it as u great healing measure, and as one that guve quiet, peace, and security to the country, and will do it again, ii adopted t AnJ U it ?,.? - v-aclni-l** thai nouiu ttius ask us to iriurn and settle down 011 one n| the very measures that, In ihu opinion of the Senator from South Carolina, has been so potent and effectual In destroying the equilibrium I Ves, sir, the Missouri Compromise, which isd signaled by the Senator from South Curolina us the great equilibrium-destroyer, has been lauded in our presence us a measure of peace uad concord, and its one that the South is willing to lake and abide by now. Yes, sir, this measure, which Southern gentlemen mow ojvpruw their readiness to receive and abide by, the Senator from South Camlina puts seeond in Ills list of the measures which have destroyed the equilibrium and produced discontent in the South ' That ia ail, sir. Well, sir, the third measure of which the Senator speaks us destroying the equilibrium between the sections, and producing this great discontent in the Soulh, is the Oregon hill' If this he no, it iiiust, indeed, have had a wonderfully rapid influence, for it was only passed in August, 18lfl, hus been hut about a year ami a half in opcrutiun, and, indeed, 1 do not know whether any despatches have lawn received | by this Government, informing iih of (lie organization of the Government instituted at that time; if they have been, they have not been laid before Congress Is it possible, then?can the Senator from South ('arolina be serious, when he mentions the Oregon bill as one of the three measures of the Government which have produced such universal discontent at the South that they can no longer remain iri the Union? What possible influence can the Oregon hill have hud on the South within the brief time that has transpired since its passage? I will not spend nioro lime on this subject. The charge is preposterous. I have another document to which 1 will here nfer, as it shows iluit there was discontent and talk of disunion in the South long before this Oregon bill whs thought of. The Senator from South Carolina sneaks of the abolition fanatics in 1835, (which is the time, as he says, they commenced their operations.) as being small and contemptible, and as having no sort of intiuenee and consideration. Now, what was the declaration of the Senntor in 1835, the very lime when he stales this faction was to small ami contemptible? In Niles's Register of lHlffi, T.itli vol., 4(.hh page, is un extract ol a letter from John C. Calhoun to the editor of the Washington '1'tUgruph. lie saya: " Since yon pit*si il through the South, thr excitement in relation to tire- Northern tanallca has very greatly Increased 'I'll*' indications are, that the Smith will he unanimous in their resistance, mid that their resistance will he of the most iteiermiiieil character, even to the extent of ilmuniurt, it that should tie necessary to arrest the evil I trust, however, II may be arrevinl fir short olaitch extremity." From (hit it appears that as long ago as 1835, the South?all the South he speaka lor?had come to such u unanimous dctermlnniion to resist the Northern fanatics, that, If they could not put iliein down in any other way, limy wire ready to dissolve the Union. "Small and contemptible as this faction then was," to uw the language of the Senator from South Carolina, It was potent enough, It seems, to I .1 .. I. I ?_ ...l. ... _ A.. .,!.... . II work ii|> mm' whom? .'uuiii it? n ii' ii i iniinaiiuii 40 un?aolve 1 he Union if they wore not |iul down. I wi*h to rull the intention ol the Semite to nil other view of this question of the equilibrium. The .Senator front Georgia, [Mr. Hkmhikv. | in I1I1 npeecii the other duv, put* tliii aiiMilfunnl question to Senator* from the Northern State*, lie *uya : M Now, air. revert to the periml win e tin* <'onvlllulluii w.i* ftilerrd into when thirteen f'onh'lerattil Stair*, Iimim ly runner l?-<t l<><> llirr, mutually grasping luiii.t*. ilrew tnore rlowly tli* lioii'l of onion; ami now Irll nir, ijo yon believe, line* an V null he||rrr,that II ron*i*la with I lie ?|>iril II I intention of the tranter* of Dial nmliuiuetU. wilii the (ei lin* of that iiiomrni, lhal yon should eirenmarrtbr slavery wiilnii Iniiiu williln * Irieli, in fin* * i f time. Ii roulil no ioiigt r r*i*l I That were to ileny to na the privilege of a*, errialiig the rights Willi whlrh we raine into the Cuoalilo Hon, in III* manner ill whirli we hail fieri iae.1 ami were rirreiang I linn when the I 'onalilillion wag lornted. Il woiilil t>e in f fleet |o nay to u*, we will allow you to liohl I a vea. if you will keen them witlilu your |irr*eut limit*; hut iii the Inline arqMlmlluiia Wthrli we make ol terrlloriea, by our joint ami equal efforts, even ol eiirli aa are fliteit l.> your own peculiar knnl of hihor, luitt'h i>Jf elavery ahall neeer lie e*temle<f with our rnnwiil j Hie banner of Una tree It e 1.11 II 111 ahall never wave over another slave Stale, wlietlier 11 were originally free or alter II this proposition had been niaitf to our f.illiera m Dial I oneeiilioii. what think you woiilil have hern their answer t I will not trual myself lo eipreaa il I to you lielieve that lliia tVliatllulloii wnulti have hern formed uniler am Ii circumstance* 1" Now', air, it seems to ma that an nil sufficient nn*wi r to ilii* question ia tu in found in the furl that the <'nnaiiluilnn win formed under precisely lin- t-irrufimlHi.ri a on which he speeulutc*. Under what cireuma'artfca wa* lite Constitution formed, rnr 'f VVhv everv iiieii of territory whli il tile Staiea then owned wiih miiIiji ct lo this very problbilion' Kvrry inch of territory by that provision of tin ContmentnM'onffe**. raii(i>d by the first Congress under ih?' Inderal <;on>*fiimlori, was subjected lo Ihi- inhibition o| slavery, and *o earvud out to lo admitted Into the Union native free State*. Tlie Senator's question, therefore, has a historical answer, IVjf not only would Iihvo en lured the < 'onlrderation wiih am fi n prohibition, but iliey actually did enter II tinder juhI aiieh a state of faela aa i|?e question presuppose*. No mueh for the " equilibrium " in iliia point of view. In another part of hi* speech the Senator from Sou i h Carolina any*, thai, *? * I alter the Ordinance of 17H7, I he M.aaourl Oomprotn ae, and the Oregon bill, among the causes which have produced discontent at the South ia the ayateui of revenue and disburaetnents adopted by the Government. lie saya: "Tli* n*?t I* tb* *y*t*ra of rrvriiu* ami <li*t>iira*ni*ula whs li liaa iM-tu adopted by Ilia (iovsruaivnt. It I* wi ll known llisl tli* tiovrrninrnt hm dcrivrdils r*v*nu* mainly Irom dimes OU imports I *11011 not und< ruk* I* show Hist ii< li ituliea must ii*r?aaarily tall mainly on the rsportuig Mat**, % <! that tli* S >ulti, a* tli* great *t|M>rtln( portion of h* Ileum, tia* in r*ahty pant vastly more tliau her due { roportiou of lb* r?v*uu* , heraus* I d**m II iliiuacraaary, is tli* subject has en so many occasions been luiiy discuss ?l Nor shall I. lor t)i' >imt reason. umlcrtak* lu show that a farrrraler portion uf the revenue liaa hc<-n dilt>ur?e(l at the North than li? due sbarr : antl that the ymul e#'-ef ot tlieee r?tmp? (,?? Im-pii to transfer a vast amount Irom South ?o North, aliirli, umUr an rqiul svsteoi of reitliur and disbursement*. * ould not have been Inst to her If If thia he added, that many of the duties were imposed, not for revenue, hut lor protection that in, intc nd?d to put money, not in the treasury, but directly into iltr p.. k?-t of llw man ufacturern aomeconcepumi may be formed ofthe immeuae amount Which, in ftie lone four** or mtty year., lias been transferred Irom South to Nortt, There are no Tata by which il rau be estimated with any rertauitv . but it n safe to nay that it amounts to hundreds of millions of dollar* lender the moat moderate estimate, it wo'ild be sufficient to add greatly to the wealth ol the North, anil thus greatly increase her population, by attracting emigration Irom all quarters to that section. ' Tliis. combined with the great and primary cause, amply explains why the North has acquired a preponderance over every de|>artineni of tlit Govern meat, by iu ..isprop.nioiiate increase of population and Stater." I think it well for fhc Senator that lie Jul not undertake to show that, for he knows that the duties tali upon and are paid by the consumers, he they where they may. A State, therefore, which has a population ten limes greater than that of another State, puys fen time* more reveoue. No matter where the import* go, those who consume them pay the duiica upon them. Go into the manufacturing (owns and villages, where they consume a large amount of sugar and other dutiable articles, do they nor pay ine aury ?m inetr importation r .tnu is not the fact true always, thut it is the consumer, wherever he may lie, who pays the duty ? Sir, the fact is endrniati!; The Senator ..ntiryiakc. u> show that by far the greater portion of otir revenue has been disbursed at the North, or ntore than its due share. Now, sir, that struck nte ss the moat bold assertion in the whole speech. Is all history, sir, to be set at naught in this matter 1 The disbursements greater at the North than in the South ' Why, sir, in tire State in which I live, aside from the expenses of collevtioi: the revenue, not $50,000 of the public money has been spent in fifty years. No, sir, tho expenditures of the Government are not made there; the officers of the Government do not come from the North, nor arc the great contracts made there. What is it thai consumes one-half, ave, ihrcc-fourths, of your revenue, but the army and the navy, and where is it expended 7 Why. where your Indian wars ocrur, your Seminole and Creek wars?in the Southern, and not in the Northern portion of these States. Why, sir, the idea that an undue proportion of the money collected hv the General Government has been disbursed in the Northern States, is, to say the least, one in as direct opposition to the truth of history as any statement which could possibly be made. A friend has collected for nie some statistics showing the expenditures of the Government, one Item ol which I will refer to, Aliich is well calculated to show the proportion between the free and the slave States. By the returns of the Post Office Depart.' * JI* ?' ifist Iluupwr; lecled in the fifteen fre t States, br war ofpwlage, a sum exceeding the expenses of the Department in these Ststes for that year by $576,000, while there was a deficiency to tho same amount in the slave Stall's. Thus there was a direct tax colleefed in small sums from (he North, to the amount of over $500,000 in one year, for that single Department of Government j unil I apprehend that if the other Departments were examined, it would he found that the Post Office was In fact the one under which the North suffered least. Why, In our little State of New Hampshire, there is a direct tax for postage to the amount of over $15,000. The revenue collected there for postage in that year was $40,6fi0, and the expenditures $'.'5,500, leaving us with a direct tax of $15,IH0 for that year I And, sir, it runnot be said that these letters were received front commercial correspondents, because we have no great commercial emporium in the State. No, sir, this tax is cnliectM trom those manufacturing operatives of whom mention is sometimes made here. It is a y>x on tho all'ctiuns of the human heart, on filial love and reverence, on correspondence with parents, children, and friends, and it is collected from the hard-working men and women ol the North, for the support of this Government. Yet we do not complain of it; hut in the face of all this it is rather hard to be told that our prospeiity is nil owing to the undue nntotini of Government expenditures made in tho Northern Slutes. Why, sir, It wott'd lie a curiosity in the part of the country in which I live to hear of the expend itute among them of a dollar of the money of the General Government, over and uhove just what is neecsaary lo collect the revenue to bo spent tUowliore. So much for this subject. Aguln, any# the Senator from South Carolina : " Iftotldsbs added. that many of the duties were imposed, not for revenue, but for protection -thnt la. Intended to put money, not in the treasury, lie! directly Into the pocket ol the manufacturers -some conception may be formed ol liie inimriiw amount which, in the h tig course of sixty a years, has been transferred from South ? North Tln ru ?l?tutv> |?|ii*li H r*n In Wlllmiiy ? but tl ta Kits to aay thai it amounts lo hunilrsds id millions ol ilnllars. Under the most moderate estlm.de, it would he sufficient to sdd greatly to the wealth of the North, and thus greatly Increase her tabulation try attracting etnigi a I ion harm all iinarters to that section " Now, sir, let na examine litis point. It la the tariff, limn, ilutl tins done injury to the South, and produced discontent there. Now, I have been at some little pulna lo examine the history of the various tariffs, nod our revenue policy, and I find that the first tariff act wus passed on Iho 4th of July, 17S9. and the preamble to it la in tits following worda ; " Whereas It is necessary, for the support nlUovrriiliiriil, for the discharge of the debts of the United Slates, ami fvi Ihr rnrattiugiiiirril anil prultrliun of iiumiifurturr*, that duties be laid nil goods, wares, and merchandise, Import nl " The yens and nays were not taken on the bill in cither Ilouae. The next year the duties were large ly increased, and 1 think in some instances that they were doubled, and the bill for that purpose passed lite House of Representatives, yeas 4d, nnvs 15 ;nnd as u curiosity ! will read the votes of tlm SiaUs on ihut measure: Yeas. Nay Veil* Nay* New Hampshire 2 I Delaware I h Massachusetts II M Maryland 3 2 (' nurctlrut ,'f 2 Virginia 7 0 New York 4 I North Carolina h tt New Jera y 2 0 South Carol,in :t I Pennsylvania 7 0 (ieurgia 3 (I 40 in The tariff remained substantially as it wits established by the act of 1790- with tltu exception of the ucls passed during the war, which were considered its war measures?until 1H1G. 1 have not got the precise date when that art wnsnpprovcd, but 1 think it was in April, 181G. Then the war was over, and it became n< e< saury lo abandon the war acts passed during its prosecution, and to settle down on something like a pertntirioni policy, and s tariff act was passed. It passed the House of Representatives, yeas HM, nsys 54 ; and as the yeas and nays upon it HfA u.iitifU 11iif infprPHf\na I will rnnH thrm hv SfRfps Vert* A'uy* Vtiu A'uy*. Nfvv lliimpvhirc I 3 Maryland 2 ft M inmh< -liuartta 7 4 Virginia 7 13 IdiiMlr Inland 'J 0 North Carolina (I II (.'oiiihn llcui V 'J South Carolina 4 'I Vermont ft I (Jrorgia 3 3 New York 'JU '3 Kentucky ft I New Jri'M-y ft II Tallin ??rr 3 '3 I'riiimylvaiiin 17 3 Ohio 4 II l)t'Uw?rc tliU not vole. Louiviana II I I4H Ami umonu the yeua on the pannage of that bill atunds recorded tho name of John C. (^ai.moun, one of the Rcpreaonlalivea from South Carolina. That wan in 111(5. Tho uiriff policy of tho country con tlniirti without iiiiitrriiil nlirralinn until IW24, when another hill on the auhjeet punned the Honae, yraa 1(17, naya 102. Souili Carolina thi n chunked front on ilie i|ticHiion. Hut I wiali to call tho attention of the Scnuii to (he vote of New Kngland on the aub jeet, bccaiiM hIiu Iium hern corialdcrcd the grratcat inner in regard to it. Her vote on (he tariff wan yean 15, niiya 2d, aa follow*: Won Any* Vmu A out Maine I ft Connecticut 6 I New lliinipeliire I ft It i ode Inland '3 0 Mjwhk hiiwlie I II Vermont 6 o U '33 Ami audi had been the uniform policv of that portion of the country. Hut the hiaturv of the tarifl aeta that have tieen paaaed ahow that tnu Northern State# have yeiterally oinactwi Ui tluirn, and that too aguinat the power and the eloquence of the Sunutor Itom South Carolina, in 1B16, in the Houae. And when tlila policy wu* forced ojt New F.ni'land, and forced on her too hv Southern votee, against Iter own wiahea, then, air, the genlua, tho cnterprlac, and the induatry of her people begun to accommodate tlwinaalvea to that atnte of thinga, and because ahe flourished under it, it la made n charue againat Iter, and forma the next point in the indictment agninat the M i ir I It f..r ll.. j.o ,i i I i Llu.?.n il... sections. Another evil of whlrh the Senator front South Carolina complaina, ia as follows, to use hia own language: " llul wtills lh*s* measures w*rs destroying the eqiulih rinui between ilia two ae< tioita, lit* acliuii ol ih? Uovtru rneul w is leading to a radicat (hangs ia ila cliarmcur. >>y com nursling all tht power of lha aystain in Itself The or('hsioo will not |.rrmtl at* to trace the nieaaiirrs by which this great change ha a been consummated II U del. it would not be diltti'uU toaliow dial tlieprm easeoniuiriici .1 at an early period ol lha Ooveriimrul ; llial It proceeded, almoat without interruption, step by strp, uulll it ahaorbad virtually da entire powers; but without going through ilia wliols process to ealabliaii the (act. it ntay be doue satialm Pdrilyby a eery abort atatrnieut. "That the Uoetrnmenl claiata, and practically maintains lilt right pi decide in the laat reaort, aa to the fitant of its poweia, will scarcely be drnird by any one converannt with the political loatory of lha country. That it also chums the right to raeort to fore.* to mamtaiu whalcver power aha rlaima against all opposition, ia equally certain" Hia charge la, that this Government haa changed gradually from a federal republic to a conaolidaird democracy. Who hasdone It 1 From the vary adoption of the Constitution down to the present time, what counsels have prevailed t Northern or South crn f Who have been the Presidents of the United States ? Northern men or Southern men I Again, with reference to the artion of the Supreme Court, who have been on the bench of that court 1 History will aliow that there has been no time when you would trust Northern men there, so aa to constitute a majority. Though a man may have crept to the foot of power in the moat abject manner, the North could never be trusted go far OS to have her cuUma constitute a majority on the bench of that court. There has always been a majority of 8outh [ski rota im raui ]