The national era. [volume], April 04, 1850, Image 1

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THE NATIONAL ERA.
O. BAILEY, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR; JOHN Gi WHITTIER, CORRESPONDING EDITOR.
VOL IV,?NO. 14 WASHINGTON, THURSDAY, APRIL 4, 1850, WHOLE NO. 170.
1 ?
The Natlsaal Era U PablUbe* Weafclf, aa ImmU
Street, ?er?>lle OdJ rtlUwi' Hall.
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HUELL A ULAN ('HARD, PRINTERS',
Mulh "treet, a fie door* ?outb of Peaaeytraala ae?an?
THE NATIONAL ERA.
WASHINGTON, APRIL 1, 1830.
(copr-aiexr sscrasb.)
THE MOTHER-IN-LAW.
? vrn R V Of TIIE ISLAND ESTATE.
?* xsvjmma ? K wthwoet*.
BOOK HHOND.
IV?CONTMCBD.
The next morning, as General Stuart-Gordon
sat upon the piaxza, enjoying Lis cigur, hie paper,
and the beautiful landscape stretched oat before
him, he ??w a travelling carriage descend the road
leadiug from a neighboring village, and taking
the direction to the little bridge connecting the
bank of the river with the Isle of Rayg, paes over
it, ami entering upon the circular carriage road
leading to the front entrance of the mansion,
drive slowly up, aud pause. The coachman
jumpei from the box, opened the door, let down
the steps, and stood aside, to let a gentleman descend.
The General nrose, and advanced to receive
his visiter. He was a neatly aud elegantly
dressed man, of about twenty-six years of age.
tall, slender, handsome, dark complexioned, and
of very graceful manners, and charuiiDg address
u I have the honor of addressing Gurtcml Stnwl'
? 7>J
an-wun?vM ?
" That is my name, air."
' I am James Krobisher, of the British Embassy.''
" i am happy to see you. air. Walk in !*' said
the General, bowing, and leading the way to the
oak parlor.
" I shall feel obliged if you will grant me a
private interview, air."
" Certainly, air, with great pleasure. Will you
accompany tne to the library ?"
The handsome visiter bowed gracefully, and
followed his conductor to the library. As soon
as they were seated? ,
<> I presume, sir, that I am speaking to the
guardian of iVliss Britannia O'Riley?" inquired
the visiter.
"Sir?I am in sow sort the guardian of thnt
young lady."
" You know her intimately, then."
" I do, sir."
" Where was she educated ? What is she like?"
" At Hartford, Connecticut, air; and she is like
a beautiful, elegant, and accomplished woman."
" I am pleased to hear you say so, sir. Is she
at your house at this time ? If so, how soon can
I be presented to her?"
" Sir, the young lady is at present on a visit of
some weeks to a young frieud, whose residence is
two miles distant. If you wish it, i will send a
messenger ?? > ?? your *u ?* nn v hoar
you may name."
" Thank you, sir. Will it he asking too much
of your goodnes*, to request your comjtany on
ihis vi>it ?"
<lOb ! no. sir; I will Attend you with pleasure/
at any time."
" Then the sooner the better, my dear sir. us I
am impatient to be presented to this young lady."
General Stunrt-Gordon rung the bell, and said?
" 1 will send a messenger immediately, to announce
our visit, and we will set out in half an
hour. Kxcuse me a moment, sir"?and, going to '
a writing-table, he wrote?
"Mv Dkakest Britannia : Mr. Frobisher is
here, and we will both be with you in an hour.
UC. S-G."
and folded it, just as Apollo made his appearance
at the door.
" Take this to Miss O'Riley !" The man bowed
and withdrew.
' As you are the young lady's guardian, and as
I have but a few days to remain, 1 will tell you,
sir, the motive of my anxiety to be presented to
her. In a word, it is this: The Castle of Clonmachuois
is a ruin; the estates nre dwindled down
to a few acres of marsh land, tenanted by a few
wretched peasants, who aro not able to pay for
the mud huts in which they starve."
' This coincides with what 1 have heard from
the young lady herself, sir!"
" Nothing therefore remains but the title."
*' That is understood, sir."
" Wi>11 hit : I am a distant relative of the fam
ily of Clonmacbnois. I have an ample fortune,
xuij am under no necessity to marry an heiress of
property. 1 wish to get into the House of Peers,
fi.r the sake of serving there the interests of .Ireland.
My father has interest at Court, and has
obtained for me the promise of the retorsion of
the title of Karl of Clonmachnois, in the event of
my marrying the heiress of that house."
(ieneral Stuart-Gordon did not reply. Me sat
ptarinjr at the young and handsome speaker with
the frauk and graceful manners, as though he had
heen the Gorgon that had turned him into stone.
I lappily the General sat with his back to the window.
so that the young man could not see the dismay
blanching his oountenance as he continued
his discourse?
" Yes; that is the reason why I wish, without
delay, to he presented to this young lady, to see
whether she is by education and manners fitted
to be introduced to London society."
"Sir," said the General, " I have never seen a
more elegant or accomplished woman than Britannia
O'Riley. You will see her, however, this
morning. There is no carriage road leadiug from
the Isle of Rays to the Crags, so that we shall
have to get into the saddle*;" and again ringing
the bell, General Stuart-Gordon gave directions
for two horses to be saddled. In a few minntee
the two gentlemen were on horseback, and ambling
towards the Crags, the younger traveller
stopping frequently in the ascent, and turning to
look with a poet's enthusiasm at the entrancing
l-eauty, sublimity, and splendor of the landscspe
of mountains. rocks, falls, ri?r, ^ RD,| ?Pr,Ullt
b.nks, with all the glories of the earth and sky,
doubled and reflected in the clear water.
Why. this is a scene of divine beauty! There
is nothing on the ItKi BO ISWa Itt. M.l! i - I
Vina . iiolliing in
Kwitterlsnd, or Italy, like this * The Isle of
Bay*! It scintillates and sparkles like a diamond
! Kroite lioee of light like a cluster of
darling aunhcams 1 I wish my friend Turner
were here, to sketch this Eden!"
Moody and silent, the General scarcely heard
or replied to the enthusiastic admiration of his
companion. They reached the Crags at last,
rapped, were admitted. Britannia and Suann
S.iuiersille arose to receive their visiters. General
Stuart-Gordon presented " Mr. Erobiaher'
Britannia received him with a courtesy, and placing
her hand in that of the General, ret" "1
the pressure with which he greeted it. General
Stuart-Gordon looked from Britannia to Krobiaher,
to note their mutual affect upon each
other. He aaw in Erobiaher the surpriee, the
Hulch sad ardent admiration he tspooled to find.
He u? in Britannia the impassable dignity, presenting
the oold &n<l brilliant surface that ever
disthsguiahed her manner* to str&nfre gentlemen
They were all seated. The presence of Susan
Somerrille restrained conversation upon the subject
of the inheritance. They discussed general
topics?the beauty of the spring?the splendor of
the landscape stretching down before them, and
visible st a great distance from this bleak height.
Then they discussed Washington. Mr. Jefferson.
Thomas Moors, who was then there, end, in short,
everything, but the business nearest the hearts
of all. General Stuart-Gordon perceived that
Frobisheris admiration of Britannia grew by what
it fhd on. And very soon he sroae to take his
leave, as this was only an eiperiuental visit.
"You have seen Miss O'ltiley, sir," said the
General, as soon as they were on the road.
"Yea, air*
"And you are pleased with her, no doubt"
u Sir, 1 feel that any praise of mine of that
young lady, would be an impertinence. She is
without a peer!"
I-oth ff^ntUriiAn now nunV into wilt nr*p narli nr.
cupied with Lis own thoughts They reached
the Isle of Rajs inline for dinner. Jealous as
he was, General Stuart-Gordon, with Virginian
hospitality, insiUd and press*d his iilAt.es u> become
his (Mb while he should remsie in the
neighborhood; nod, after some hesitation, the
young man accepted his invitation, remarking
that nothing in America struck him more forcibly
than the resemblance between English country
life and Virginia country life. Tn.it it appeared
to him that the plauters had retained, in a great
degree, the domestic manners and customs of their
English fathers.
At dinner, the yonng stranger was presented
to Mr. Stuart-Gordon. Louise did not nn.ke
her appearance, nor did the young man see her
while he remained. It would hare eared him
from a serious mistake, and all parties from much
futnrc sorrow, if he hr.d.
General Stuart-Gordon was absent and taciturn
during the meal. When the wine was placed
upon the table, the General arose, and bidding
Louis entertain his guest, excused himself upon
the plea of urgent business, and left the room In
truth, be could not stand his suspense any longer
Me must know what impreasion Frobisher had
made upon Britannia Me mounted his hcri?t.?
and rode rapldiy up the ascent of the Crags It
was Sunset whenTiShttarted. TWfuM tn? ?** ''
arisen before he was half way up the Crags and |
was flooding with a silver glory the whole reful- j
gent Undscap*; but be did not paus* to look at
iKa riror vnllintr on in ft tnrrpnt. of licht Kelu'^n i
(he dark rocks, or as (be Isle of Rajs, with its
rivulets and waterfalls, glanced in lines of silver
light under the moonbeams. He saw neither the
glory of the heavens nor the eplsnJor of the earth.
11c saw nothing but the Mack shadow of the Crag
House high up before him, and he sped on towards
it. The sweet notes of the violin floated
out on the moonlit air as he neared the house
Britannia, Susan, and the two women, were ont
the porch, and George was playing the fiddle for
them. Brighty separated herself from the party,
and advanced into the silver light to meet him,
just as he had got down from hiB horse.
w 1 am very glad you came again?very glad.
That stiff and formal call, this morning, could
scarcely be called a visit. As you may judge, I
wanted to?ee you, also, after our comedy of yesterday
evening." Somewhat startled by the
friendliness of her manner, he drew her arm
within his own, and, instead of going on to the
house, he took her to walk down the Crags.
"Well, Britannia, what do you think of this
young Frobisher ? "
" His person and manners are faultless, and his
dress the perfection of exquisite elegance "?
"And his miu'l?his conversation?what do you
think of that, Britannia?"
" His mind appekrs to be highly cultivated,
and his conversation at once profound and brilliant."
" Oh, 1 leaven I " growled the General. " Britannia,
do you know that this young man?this
Adonis of the faulilese figure and face, and the
elegant dress and ml-lresa? this Anollo of the pro
hriilluti* aisanwrse?baa come To This ,
country with the design of marrying yon ?"
"Without ever having seen me? Cool and
confident, that 1"
" Nay j he wished to sec you, before deciding
"?
"A prudent precaution, to ascertain if I would
plaase him, aud pass in good English society !
Very flattering that, also I "
" He is very much pleased with you, Britannia
"?
" How kind of him !"
" He admires you excessively."
" Docs he? 4 I'll be at charges for a lookingglass,'
and set up o' nights to admire myself! "
"You are gay, Britannia."
41 Oh ! look at the glorious heavens above, and
look at them again reflected in the waters below ;
see The Isle of Rays coquetting with the moon?
glanoing hnrk laugh for smile, and Hash for beam ;
hear the cataract shouting as it leaps into the
river, dashing up millions of diamond sparks ; see
the solemn dark rocks watching the piny with
grave joy, like demure chaperones of young folks
at a ball ! Oh, I am glad nnd gay to-night! "
"I would / were?thisyouug man, Britannia !"
" Well ! what is it now 1
' He hum* ami be hanker*, he fret* and he cankers,
You never can please him, do a' that you can ;
He's peevish and jealous of a' the young fellow*,'"
sung Brighty, changing her manner to one of
lightest merriment.
" Be serious, Britannia, for I am!"
" lastauter, sir! I am as serious as an owl! "
" I was about to say that this young man will
cert inly propose to you !"
" Exactly ! Now we are going to rehearse
yesterday's scene over Again ! "
' You arc in one of your wayward humors tonight,
Brit innia."
"Speak, sir, if you please?I attend,'' said
Brighty, now rtnlly serious
" I wish, then, to set before you the claims this
young Frobisher has to your attention You see
what his personal merits are, besides which he is
Wealthy. He is promised the reversion of the
title that you will bear; he admires and wishes
to marry you Finally, he c?n place you near
the head of London society !"
" Have you done, sir ?"
" Yes."
"Then, if this gentleman should honor me
with the offer of his band, 1 should most respect
" Why, Britannia 7"
" Why ? First, because I am judged ! "
" But ! release yon ! "
"Secondly, then, because I could not be proud
of him."
" Not proud of him?handsome. elegant, accomplished,
and a member of the Kugliah aristocracy
?"
" No, I could not honor him in my heart. He
wants the pru't^e of age, wisdom, a name made
glorious by himself; he wants nil, in fact, that i
most highly honor in you.n
"But, Britsnnia, he may g.iin all this; nay,
his sun may be risii g to its meridian glory while
mine will be declining."
" Lastly, then, I must refuse him because I
lore another!"
" Love another, Urighty ! Oh, Heaven ! "
" Yes another?I love you"
" Love me? at Inst, Rrigbty 7"
" Yes. I love you <U /art, my dearest and best
friend, Hearts are not won in ?'b/y f?Bleu* me!
and Bnghty turned end dropped her head upon
hie bosom He folded her in hie arm*, murmuring.
"My boon, my blessing, my comfort! I do
bless?I bit$s th>e
Having been duly Apprised of the intended
marriage. Mr Krobisber set out for Washington
the next day.
A month had now panned away, during which
no intercourse was held between Mont Crystal
and the Isle of Keys. The separation of the
families was aa complete as though the Atlantic
had froi 'n up between them. Louise, timid,
docile, pliable, and ever under the influence of
those nearest to hsr. made no effort to rejoin her
mother, or to reooncile the families. Louis continually
cheered her with the hope that this estrangement
would pass away?that all would be
genial egain On the next Sabbath day, after
morning service, a <piiet, respectable wedding
party filed out of the Stuart-Gordon pew and arranged
itself before the altar It ootwisted of
General Stuart Gordon attended by Brutus Lion,
and Miss Britannia O'Riley, attended by Gertrude,
and in ten minutes fnm the opening of
the prayer-hook at the marriage ceremony, General
and Mrs. Stuart-Gordon received the congratulations
of thsir frieads A travelling carriage,
with two outriders, wee at the church door.
O' 'M,l#g church, General Stuart-Gordon
handed his bride into the onrriage where Louis
ami Louise were already seated, and the whole
party est out on a bridal toor to Niagara ami the
lakes. [to at umtuiru>j
For Ik* National Kra.
THF MRTlim TOI RVW*T.
Y QKOKttK W. n'TSIAV.
Ho! for the Northern Toorontuent
Aroi nt New England'* run*'
f rum trary elan and party
Con* forth' ye rkontn ohm,
l out? forth to rend the curtain*
<kf Slavery'* brooding night;
Dp* up' y? freewien. to the fl> l?i,
And haul* for thr right'
4 out* Hut for word* of praialair,
Woman* uall? or fading bay;
Kur Beauty'* Hp and ay* of light
Th? worm shall tat away ;
Ami fur your Damn* no lofty ahalt
Shall lift lt? head on hlgL,
But ye *hall for the human rare
Uo ugio* which cannot die!
Come from the cliffs whose mighty Inm.1
St%n<1 round about the hay,
Where, freighted frith e Nation'- germ,
The lonely * Me; Flower" lay?
Krorn the roeke which heard thdjr lhaakbtJ prayer,
When, e? Ent in all time.
The Pllgrlmy kept their S.t ??nf
Beneath the snow-clad pine
Come from your verdant hill-tide*,
From your lake* and glorioui stream*.
From where through mountain (asset
The Borealie gleam*;
Come from the distant Prairie
Where yet the red deer run,
And tha hunter'* shadow lengthen*
In the latt ray* of th* tun.
Come from the woodland homestead,
From the workshop and the mill?
Bring burning lip* and warm hearts,
Sinewy arms and iron will!
Be yo worthy of your ancestry,
Stand by the truth* they cherished!
March in reverence o'er the bat'le tieids
Where in Freedom'* oau?e they perished.
Come nohwith prancing chager*,
Bring no gleaming spear or shield,
No helm or plume, at erst was seen
On boughty Templar'*
Ifcit as wlt> solemn itersye paa*
The grate* ?t tnoea ol yore.
Let the high priest* of Freedom
Bear the Biblb on before!
l.ook! how the call ia answered '
See the million* arm for Truth!
See' impatieut for the onaet,
H mry age and flery youth'
Whila from th-ir Factory window a,
UI..O. >UUu "...
" u.ugu.ti., Karuett
watch the title of battle,
And cheer the freemen on!
Unlike the haughty knight* who graced
Virginia'* Tournament,
W* bring plain forum, of Vaukee mould,
By Umeat labor bent?
Tongue* more unfettered than the wiud*
Before which uoeatu heare!
More fearlea* heart* than erer beat
The Templar'a mail beneath!
Around our danntlee* heme*,
From the workehop, Said, and flood,
Smile no proud ilame* with garment*
Kelwith their eietern' blood;
Hut a* down the dark arena
Manhood'* arm Truth'* arrow hurle,
Ve'H hear the matron'* bleiaing,
And the cheer of Yankee girl*'
Our " Queen of Beanty " wait* to walk
The path of Freedom'* ?t?rm?
She i* no earthly epirit,
Nor hear* *be human form ;
She lired tefore <)ppre*?ion'? hoof
O'er human right* had trial;
She *tood and bowed, ere ehone the etui*
Before the throne of God!
!>?< M UW OWiUl OlUu,.,,
"Sbe 4MB* La btee? 4k* WVHU
And *he (hall atay, to eee in duet
Berth'* lateet tyrant hurled!
To *ee the la*t of human tear*,
Man'* lent foul fetter riven '
Then upward lead ber thrmllea* throng
Unto ber own bright heaven.
And to l.iberty, our odder*,
Ye *hall every one bow down,
For *be shall bear the *neptre,
And In triumph wear the crown!
While your might the ilave i* cruahing,
While ye pa** the taunt and sneer
While the Wrong ye baoely wor?hlp?
Hark! on the atartled ear!
From the (marly gate* of morning,
From the golden-curtained Welt,
Boll the freemen'* thunder ihouting*
O'er the Alleghany'* creit!
Kite! rt?e ! y* tilling bondtnen!
Your redemption draweth nigh'
las! the learning <>' your day atar
Illume* the Northern aky'
Hark! the voice* of the herald*!
And the ?well of Freedom'* long;
The mighty line 1* moving'
See! the banner* fia*h along!
Now from the Northern rainpart*
Peal* the charging trumpet hoarae!
And the Northmen on their steed* of Ore
Sweep down the Southern course!
A* the ruah of many water*,
A* the tempest in it* might,
A* come* the fearful avalanche
nuuwu ib? ni|*i??? unjfin ?
So ooraeth on for KrsvUuin,
lu eloae aril itvrn arntv,
The gathering bus's of Owl the Lord?
L?r Tviikxv 01 vK wivl!
Stilrtn. Muss., February 17, 18'>0.
THE CHRISTIAN ANTI-SLAVERY CONVENTION.
The welfare of man in the highest object of
Christian labor , it is the object for vfhich Christ
came into the world. Lore to God is demonstrated
by our labors for the temporal and spiritual good
of mankind. If we fail in this, we hare no right
to claim the Christian name. Hut thus to labor,
we must feel that every man is onr brother, and demands
from us a brother's affections and a brother's
csre No abjectnees of character, no degradation
in rice, no conditioA of ignorance, no lowness
of social rank, no loss of caste, no difference of
of race, no color of the skin, should make us forget
that all men are brethren. To forget this is
to repudiate the Gospel, to deny Christ, and to
bring upon ourselves the wrath of an offended
God. It Is the want of this Christian spirit in
the churches, obliterating the distinction between
those in and those out of the church, that
that now demands from all whose religion is more
than a mere outward profession, an investigation
of the cause* why the churches in our land are
not carrying out practically the doctrine of human
equality.
In view of this condition of things, we would
urge all Christians who desire the cnurcbes to
take the highest ground in the recognition of the
rights of every man to civil, religions, and personal
liberty, to meet in convention on the third
Wednesday in April nest, in the city of Cincinnati,
for the purpose of adopting such measures
ns the convention may in its wisdom devise, for
freeing the American Israel from all connection
with the sin of slavery.
- ? -I .1.. / ? t\.? # ;n. nn.l k*.
ilOW, nrrvurcu, uu uvu iui^> v ?u? ? > ?, ??M-? ,r?gin
at ouc to make jour arraugeroenta for the
ocruion. Prove jour love to God and man bj
nuking aacriflcea for the g'orj of the ONE, and
for the happinee* of the other.
We take the libertj to auggeet to the frienda
of the object that there are brethren whoae voioee
ahould be heard in the convention, but wboee
mean* are not aufficient to allow them to take the
jour*ej to Cincinnati. We hope that aoeh brethren
will be provided for bj their neighbor!, to
meet their travelling expeoaea, eo that the convention
maj have the lienetit of their connaela
And whatever can be done in thia matter, let it
be (|uioklj done, in order that we maj have the
aaaurenre in time that thaae brethren will be
| preaent.
('haki.es B*?rt?Toa(
Wm. Ilaaav
I B. P. Ayd?l?tt,
8 C Sncvi**,
A. Bkntdn,
Jotrrii T. Lxwia,
Samitkl Lewis, Cimmntn.
E Goodma*,
H H. Cha?k,
M C. Williams,
Lavi CorriN,
Jamk*C Wuna,
J'M tTMAN CABLB, A.c.,
' SPEBCR (IF MR. HALE, OF NEW M1WIIIRE,
THE TERRITORIAL QUt^lOI
Ik Sekatb, TUESDAY, MABCIJO, 1S.V).
Th?> Senate having under coniidrition the compromise
resolutions submitted KMn^tiaw mim> by
Mr. Clav?
Mr. HAI.E. Mr. President, It teenp to have been
admitted by almost every one vvht haladdrtsscd the
Senate on the subject which haaforacme time past
engaged the attention of this bo?f, 'hat the Senate
MM i lie country at large ore divide into two classes?
I w ill not say two great claaaea, but one large nnd
one very small one; that the greatbody of the Senate
and of the country are patriotic ;thaf they earnestly
and anxiously desire that the disrating questions
which divide and harass the country may be settled
upon soine just and (uitrlotic grouadt; while on the
"I ' nano, iim re are a lew, ucMgnm c as extremists.
or ultraM*. who do Hot desire to vol my such end
effected; who desire, in other words, in promote agitation
; who are anxious for nothing tut trouble und
disturbance; whose sole purpose is V increase the
irritation tiiat already exists in the community?to
keep ?lie public mind sore, the public ndse throbbing
irregularly with feverish heat. Nothiis, it is said, is
so strange us the physical arid moral tigunization of
those few gentlemen ; agitation is the (aliment upon
" h*f h ;h' r and L1? "t" ? v
that, and their life, their occnpetion, i?f which furnishes
thetn with a motive for living, U gone.
Now, 1 have not a word to say personally against
this; I atn glad, sir, that these tUtrnist*-, it tliey do
nothing more, at least accomplish this siih h good?
that they atlord this wholesome safety-valve*o these
extra cxhibitiona of patriotism on the pun of those
who are in the hnbit of addressing the Senate. Hardly
any one seems to suppose that he has discharged
lite duty which he owes to the country, or done what
he ought to do to satisfy his consiliums, unless he
mingles with the suggestions which he make* wholesale
denunciations against those ulJruUts ?those agitators
; and even the calm and judicial raind of the
Senator from North Carolina, who hasjusconcluded
his remarks, ia so inlected with the prevailing mania,
that even ho, educated as he has been upon the
bench, where he learned to sanction a line of safe
precedents, could not sit down satisfied that he had
discharged his duty, until he had relieved his conscience
of a due proportion of vituperation ugatust
these miserable fanatics and agitatorsI
think, then, it must be granted fiat the agitators
d? some good -at least by affording a safe and wholesome
channel through which this ?xtra exhibition of
patriotic indignation may find vent. I do hope that,
it it be not conceded that they do any writer good, at
least credit will be accorded to them for this much.
I I a* VH.not a word to any lw?i.?L?^woa(ge 1; ^ '
taste or the truth and candor which prompts such s
course. 1 make no appeal to gentlemen, who feel a
consciousness in their own breasts that they ure
governed by high, pure, and elevated motives, to
consider how far it is consistent with a proper selfrcsirect
to l>e continually employed in depreciating
and attacking the motives of others.
When 1 obtained the floor, sir, some time since,
after the address thnt was delivered by the distinguished
Senator from Smith <'?ndin?, who is Hot
now in his seat, I suggested thnt, according to my
reading ol history, the account which he ha I undertaken
to give of theae agitations sounded to tny mind
more like the romance titan the truth of history, and
thnt I designed, upon some occasion, when it suit, d
the convenience of the Senate, toaet history right in
some particulars alluded to by him And that Is one
of the objects 1 propose to myself to-day. I shall,
sir, be compelled to call the attention of the Senate
to the speech of the Senator from South Carolina
somewhat in detail; and, in devotiug some few moments
to a preparation upon 'his subject, I endearored
to nttike something of an analysis of it. Ilefort
1 had proceeded very tar 111 my examintiiion, I found
it assumed the form of a regular catechism -question!
and answers being given. In the first place it commenced
with u concession of the fact that the Union
was in great danger s then it asks?
' 1 Mow ran the Union lie preserved?
" Armrtr, To give a satisfactory Hiiswsr to (his niiglily
question, it is indispensable t? liavr nil acviuute and thorough
ki owledije of tin- nature an I rliararter ol (lie cause
by which tlie Union is endangered.
'V What lias endangered the Union ?
"dSIVtr To this question there ran he toil ue answer ;
that the i in mediate cause is the almost universal discontent
which |iervades all tlie Slates composing llir Southern sec
tion of the Union
"3 What is the cause of this discontent I
' Atmirer.- ll will he found in tin- belief of tlie people ol
the Southern Siau-a. as prevaielil as the disi unlenl ilselt,
ttint lliey cannot remain, as tilings now are, consistently
witli honor and safety, in the Union.
" 4. W hat has caused Uiis belief I
to lAt'fMfJ agB3u?>" it the slave wseslkiti on th<
part of the Nsrtli, -..4 <Ua tsuuiv ?ggte??l m* wtdch tin ;
nave made on lit* rights of tlie South diu tug the time,
will not enumerate them si present, as it will be done here
after in its pro|*er place. There is auotlier lying hark of il
with which tins is intimately connected, that may tie re
gardrd as tlie great slid primary cause. That is tube fouix
in tlie tart that the equilibrium between tlie two sections ii
tlie (fovorument, as il stood when the Constitution ws
ratified and the tiovernmeiit put ill action, has been tie
stroyed."
Now, sir, the first art of thh? 4 ioverwmeetf, to tin
series of these events which has broken up titii
equilibrium and caused this universal diaconteni, (In
honorable Senator says, is the Ordinance of 1787. i
shall not undertake to go particularly into i he liistor
of that Ordinunce, lictuiise it is familiar to the Scnati
and the country, and has been frequently referred It
by gentlemen who haveulreudy addressed the Scnati
on this subject. This, mark you, is the first in tin
series of Northern aggressions by whichjthe equillb
rlum which once existed has been destroyed.
Mr. BUTLER. The word "aggression " doesno
occur in his speech, in tffnt connection, at nil
Mr. HALE. I do not know exactly whether tlx
Senator ueed the word " aggression " or not; per
haps he did not.
Mr. BUTLER, (in Ids seat.) 1 know lie did not.
Air. HALE.* At any rate, it is one of the aeli
which has destroyed the equilibrium. That is it
The equilibrium is spoken of by the Senator sevcru
times, and the Ordinance of 1787 wus one of the
first of this series of events which, he claims, destroyed
this equilibrium. And, sir, it is curious that
this first art of Northern aggression?the Ordinance
of 1787?was adopted in the Convention of 1787,
with but n single dissenting Vote, and tltiit whs a
Northern vote. Yes, air, the only vote in the Convention
of 1787 acainsl this Ordinance, which is said
to have broken up the equilibrium of tite State* that
originally existed, and which was to he perpetuated
between the Northern and Southern State*, was a
vole from a Northern State?the State of New York ;
for the delegate* from every other Stato voted unanimously
for it?the delegate* from South Carolina
among the number.
Well, sir, what followed ? 1 propose to show now,
if the Senate will give me their attention, that this
fumoiie Ordinance of 1787, which has now got to l>e
the W'ilmoi Proviso, and which is deemed to be so
insulting to the Southern State* of the Confederacy,
if it is retained in our Federal legist.lion; that this
Ordinance of 1787, older than the Constitution, was
re-enacted by the first Congress which ussciuhli-d
under that Constitution, and in the preamble to the
act which recngni;<d the Ordimncc it la expressly
recited that it is done In order thut Its provisions
ahull he made conformable to the Constitution of the
United States. The act was approved the 7th An
gust, 1781, and is to lie found In chupter 8th of the
laws of the United States. The preamble I will
ruud. It Is us tallows :
"YYIiepas, in order tint (lie Ordinance of the United
Slab In I* uifrrs* assembled, tin liu: gi>\(.runout of lbs
Territory u..rtiiwcU uf the riser Ubiu, aiajr continue Ui
Imo lull HP l, it i? requisite Dial certain provisions stuuilil
be msile, so as lo adapt llir same lo the present Coiistitulion
#1 the- touted Slates "
Thnt, sir, was the poaition of the first Congress
that assembled under the Federal Constitution; it
re-enacted ami re-established I he provisions of tliat
Ordinance. Now, sir, we hsve lieen told to-day, as
well us on previous occasions, i|(agg Uds principle
is insisted on, it is a.i insult and such a grievous
wror g that the Southern States, if they remain in
the Confedi racy, will remain not from any principle
of attachment to the Union, hut from fear of the hitter
consequences which might follow secession. Now,
I undertake to suy that | will prove, to tlui satisfaction
of every reasonable man who can read the statute*
of (tie country, that the principle embodied in
thut (Ordinance of 1787, and re-enncted by the first
Congress under the Fcderul Constitution ? who declared
that they did it to adapt its provisions to those
of the Federal Consiituiion? ha* been continued to
he rc-enucrod, in substance, from the time of Oen.
Washington, who signed the first act, down to James
K. Polk, who signed the sume provision in the Oregon
bill; and that the talk which is raised by gentlemen
about making an unequal and unjust discrimination
about property. I as no foundation which may
not with erjunl justice J?c alleged ugitinnt every one
of the arts of the Frdi ral ffoverrimenl organizing
Territories, whir-h mark our hiatorv from the adoption
(if the Conatitution down to ins prevent lime.
I ??k the attention of the .Senate to the subnet. It
will lie found (hat, as early ax 17'JI, on the 22d March,
by an act of (longrcss, (leneral Washington then l?*ing
I'resident?whilst the foreign slave trade w as not
prohibited, and rould not tie by the provisions of the
Federal Constitution until lbUti; while the trade In
foreign slaves waa the subject of legitimate commerce
under the Constitution; while every citizen of the
Polled States hod a right, tinder (Ire laws and the
Conatitution, to go from any |Mirt of the United
States to the coast of Africa and lake a cargo of
slaves and bring them to any port in the United
States?Congress, In 1794, made a discrimination
against this specks of property, and prohibited the
building or fitting out of any vessel lor the purpo*'
of carrying slaves to any foreign country : they might
bring them here; but Congress thus far discriminated
^linst that apceiea of property aa early a* 17'J-t,
whilst it waa a subject of legal commerce under the
Constitution of the United States, t'ongresa did not
interfere, provided the slaves wer? brought home;
but they did, and utterly destroyed that apcciss of
*Oa tin-a* owl page uf tlx *|>rs< hof Mr.f'auiora la lbs
following SMllame* " One of ilierauara is, undoubtedly, In
be traced |u Ihs long continued sftlstuMi i?f lbs stars iptrs
lion ou Hie part of tbs hortli, and lie siauy ugg rreaiuxs
wIih'Ii Ihsy liars aia.tr on Ilia rights of tha Mouth during
Ui? iinir "
At another pie. a, on ilir msbis pagr, W aays: " At llial
Itae llirra waa a iwrfsrl erpidihnum tistwsru the two,
rriorh afforded auiule uiranalorarh to protect Kaeit agaoial
tha igfiaMiva of liia other."
property an iin article of commerce, wlten an attempt
was made to carry it to anv foreign country. That
wan an act panned under (? orgc Washington. I la
proviaionn w ere aa follow a :
"An <irl to prohihil thr carrying on the Start 7Y?k/' from
the Unitnl Stal't to any firt ign jJact or country.
" Sec I prohibits building orj fitting out vessels for the
purpose ol carrying slaves to nov I. or.au iouuUI, or prorurnig
them in any lorrigii country to carry them to another.
Vessel* fine.I out for that purpose forfeited.
u Sec 'i inipoeea a p< natty of fi.UII on any pernon noting
or abetting in tilting out such a Teasel.
"See. 3 Any owner, master, or factor of any vessel
clearing tor Africa, or suspected of being intended for the
slave trade, are required to give bond in substance not to
violate the provisions of this act
"Sec. 4 imposes a penalty of t'JTlO fur every person received
on board any vessel in violation of this act.
"t: WASHINGTON
'"Approved, Man-hit?, 17'.M'
That is an act passed in 1794. Well, sir, other acts
of a similar character, only inoro express and explicit
iu their provisions, may be found. In the act
of 1793, for the settlement nl the limits of the State
of Georgia, and the establishment of a Government
for the Mississippi Territory, passed on the 7th
April. 1798:
"Sec. 3 establishes a Government for the M;*sl*sil>|>i
Territory, in all resiieru similar lo that now rxrrciwd in
iheTrrritory northwestoi the river Ohio, exerting ami excloMinc
the last article of the Ordinance made lor the joveminent
therrol by the late Conzrek?. ou the 1.11 h of July,
IW wHfc li pioiHlr* (hat Iherr shall tie neither alatrry nor
Oszz-isnh? es?e*w?,l'
crimes, Ac
" Sec. 7 makes it lie lawful to briuz slaves into Mississippi
Territory trom any pla<? without the I'nitrd States, imi?.?
a penally ot (3UU fur every slave tlma brought Into the Territory
in violation of the provisions of this act, and gives
every slave thus brought in his or her freedom.
"Approved, Ajiril 7, I71K"
Look at I he provisions of that act. Slaves might
legally tie Imported Into the United States for ten
years after thut act was passed ; thoy might be imported,
and were as much and ns legally a subject of
property ns anything else, but Congress took occasion
lo regulate that species ol property ten years before
the prohibition to the importation of slaves was
to lake efieci, and declared that slaves should not tie
carried into the Mississippi Territory from any place
without the United States, and lhat any slave carried
there became free, ana a penalty was imposed
on those that took them there.
Slaves were at that time- in 1798?legal articles
of commerce. Congress hud no power under the
Constitution lo prohibit vessels from going to
foreign countries, and taking cargoes of slaves, and
bringing them here They were, under the Constitution,
us legitimately articles of commerce us sugar
or molasses Well, Congress did undertake, thut
early in 1798, to say that slaves, which were recognised
us articles of commerce in th> States, should
not be carried into the Territories. That (act estubtMfctv#..
'I.UavhIh [Vj;- ii T'L
for the Territories, and it shows that they legislated
upon this particular subject within t?.e Territories.
Well, sir, there are other nets of a similar character.
In an act erecting Louisiana into two Territories,
and providing for the temporary government thereof,
approved the 21st Match, 1804, section 10 prohibits
the bringing into said Territory, from unv place without
the United Slates, any slave or slaves, ttnd imposed
a fine of throe hundred dollars for any slave so
Imported; and, further, the act proliibitcd the bringing
into the Territory any slave or 6laves which shall
have been imported into the United States since the
, 1st day of May, 179H, or which shall hereafter bo imported.
Under the provisions of this act, passed in
1804, Congress undertook to say that slave# w hich
bad been imported into one of ih? slave States t>etWMo
1798 and 1804, tair matters of commerce tinder
the Constitution, should not be carried into the Territory,
and imposed a penalty on any tine so carrying
them. Here, then, is an express Bnd explicit recognition,
on the part of Congress, of the right and
uutltority of Congress thus to legislate upon this
subiect.
Under the provisions of this law, no one could
move front a slave State into the Louisiana Territory
in 1801, '2; and 'J, and carry with him slaves imporit d
1 from Africa into Buy State subseipiently to 1798. Or
if they did, they did it in violation of this law, which
prohibited it.
1 will not weary the Senate by going over the
history of these several acts. They will, very many
of III. in lie hiiinit in n soecrll itelivereit in this bodv
on the Will June, Iri-lri, l>v Mr. IJix, then h member
from the SiHie of New \ urk, and they comc down
1 to the very Inst < 'ongress?l>ee a use the loot Congress,
udhi ring to the legislation heretofore practiced, pa?-sed
the Oregon hill, containing this very name prohiT
billon, and it wa? signed by Mr. James K. Polk. He
certainly must have understood it to be a constitutional
prohibition, the constitutional exercise of a
right vested in Congress, or he never would have
-' rswd It.
! I ne 11 -' ..,111) 111 W||, Hnii,.,- |Q n?,
r the enm tnwiii of ilint i-Vn,.-. I., it?. 0,1*0.? WW on
' the ground that it wus north of thirty-six degrees
thirty minutes. Both Houses refused to do It. It
,) went to Mr. l'olk, and lie signed it, and sent it back
j with n paper, llto suhstance of which, as I read It,
a was, that it v.'ss constitutional then, but never would
s be avail). That, sir, has tu-en the legislation ot Congress,
older than the Constitution, coming down
through successive Presidents?Washington, Adams,
s JnHison, Van liurtm, and so on; and, in lite organi*
/.ition of Territorial Governments in Mississippi,
b Louisiana, Florida, and Michigan, till in express
I terms recognising this right: sometimes limiting
> slavery to a certain cluss of slaves, in other instances
# excluding it altogether.
> And now we are told that if we adhere to this
i long-estahllshed, wcll-ronsldered construction of the
- Constitution ; it we continue to tread in the old path
* which our fathers marked out fur us, that t!.c sensibility,
the sen dlfveneSM of the South, which has been
' sleeping for more than liny years, will lie galvanized
Into such activity, ns to endanger (lie Union itself.
> Well, sir, these arguments may be ail potent, fotit I
want to put history right. We ore told that this
agitation of the subject of slavery here is something
new, und the Senator from South Carolina gave it a
1 date of fifteen years. Hi1 said that it had commenced
in 1835, ami that us soon us it was introduced, he
I saw the mischief that was to ensue from it. The
' honorable Senator from South Carolina did not go
back far enough; agitating papers of the sort complained
of came lu re longer ago than that. He ought
' to have gone buck to 1771), and lie would have found
one of the most "agitating" and "fanatical" papers
that he could well find, beginning with the declaration
thut all men are created equal. The agitation
of this question of slavery goes baek as fur a* that,
and it shows wluii wus the action and understanding
of the men of that day. I wish to read, sir, a petition
presented to the first Congress that ever assembled
under the Federal Constitution, and signed by
one of the groat minds that framed |r. I allude, sir,
to Doctor Franklin ; not one of these modern "agitators,"
not one of those uniphibious animals, that
have been described us (lying about in the twilight,
between light nnd darkness.
tin the 12th February, 1776, Benjamin Franklin,
as President of the Pennsylvania Society for promoting
the abolition of slavery, the relief of free negroes
unlawfully held in buntlHgo, und ihe improvi'iiwiit of
I ho African race, urcac rued a petition, wltlcli 1 send
to the Clerk's tnblo to be read :
FCBUISHV 12, I7!*i
" A memorial < (Hie Pennsylvania Society f">r promoting
II ie abolition of slavery. Hi'' relit f ol free urn rum unlaw fully
liel<l in txrmiage, ami Hie Improvement ol Hit African rat i,
was presented mill read
"The memorial respectfully elm Welti :
"That, from a regard lor Hie happiness of inaiikin !, an
aswa inliihi wae formed, several years since, in Una Slate,
liv a nnnilier of tier clttxena, of various religious denominations,
for promoting Hie abolition of slavery, and lor the
relief of those unlswlolly held hi Imiidage. A just mid acute
conception ol the iru* yuiut-i+iica ol htrerty, ns tt Spread
through Hie laud, priMliired arci sslons to their nunihers,
many friends to their cause, and a l< gislutive ro o|reration
Willi their views, which, hy the bleaaiug of Iflviiir I'rovideuce,
have beefi successfully directed to the relieving from
bondage a large number of their lellow-crestores, ol Ihe
A trie an race They have also the antiala< tlnn In observe,
Hint, iu Consequent e of that spirt! of philanthropy and genuine
liberty whicli is generally diffusing its beneficial III
Aueure, similar Institutions are forming at home and
abroad
"Thai mankind are all formed by the same Almighty
lieing, alike objects of his care, and equally designed lor
the enjoyment of happiueas. the Christum religion teaches
ua to belli ve, and the pobneal creed of America fully coin
rides w lib the position
" Vuur memorialists, particularly eng -gad in attending
to the distress*#arising from slsveiy, believe II to be Iheir
tlldiv|ieusalile duly In present this wrl-jsri l? your ludtfe
They have olwrrved, with real sulisfactioii, Hist nisuv un
poiialil anil salutary powers me vrsled in you. lor 'pro
Oioting Ihe welfare and securing Ihe blessings of liberty to
the people of the United Stales;' ami, as they conceive
ttiat these tileasiugs ought rightfully lo be administered
without distinction of color lo all descriptions of people, so
they indulge Ibeniselvra in Ihe pleasing riiwclatloli lh.it
imliiing which ran tie ihetie lor Ihe relief of lite uutisppy
o|ije< It of llteir rare will be either onilffed or delayed
" From a permiaMoii I hat equal Ida rfy was originally Ihe
portion ami is still the birthright of all men. and indue nerd
by the strong lies of humanity ami ifie principles of then
liistiiutioua, your memorialists conceive Iheniwlv a hound
to use till justifiable endeavors In loosen the lunula of slavery,
and promote s general enjoyment ol the blessings ol free
dom
"Under these impressions, ihey er.neatly entreat your
serious attention to the suhjert of slavery ; thai you will he
pleaai d lo rountrnsnre lite restoration of liberty to those
uuh.ipny men, who alone in this bind of freedom are d>
graded into per|wtiial bondage, and who, aiindat tin- g'lieril
toy of am rounding tree men, are griming in servile aubie<
tiou : thai ion will det ,ae meaiiN for rtmot ing Ihls in
i roiiaiMenry frooi the rlumcitr of the Amertran people,
that you will promote mtrrjr ami juatke tnwar<l? lluailia
I re aw . I rare ; ami that you will alep hi Ivery ol
Ike power traMl in you, lor >liarouri*iii|( tarry species ol
traflh iu tin. )M.raoiia of uur kllow 111*11
" HKVJ VUANKIJN,
" rmi.ai>ai.PHia, >V//ueu?yJ, I7UU "
Objection w ua made to the reception of the w tllion,
urn fit debate ensued, when a motion to refer It
to a committee prevailed, by a vole of 43 ayes lo 11
noea. It waa considered In committee, reported on,
and the whole aubpjcl wua under debate on the 5th
Hth, and 9th of March, I71M1 ?llie proroedifips of
whieh in <'ongrnsa ntuy be found In the Jour
rial*, ra. I only refer to ihla history to ahow
thai inert were " fanatics" and " agitators In earlier
llrnra lhan the year 1R35; that there were men who
were .ill. dud with ihla " mania" Ion# a?0| and that
amongst thoae upon whose grave inuat (all the denunciations
that are ao freely and frequently heard
here, U llie man who alone of mortal man haJ viaion
enough lo anawer the question propoaed by (he I
Almighty to hia servant long ago, when he asked
him If he "ran dim over the way of the lightning of !
thunder 7 " (
Well, air, I have another document, and a very |
curious one it is, too, referring to the action on this i
subject Uicr in the history of rVtngreM. It i* to Is 1
found in the fourth volume of the House Journal*
page Jfl, foivl session of uevcnih f'-ongress, under
dalr of March 2, lRU'J; and it i?, sir, a ense in point, j
The Territory of Indiana then being under the provisions
of the Ordinance of Freedom of 1737, tlu
people of Indiana, through a public meeting, of
which William Henry Harrison was president, petitioned
that this article of the Ordinance of '87, prohihitlng
slavery in the Territory, might be suspended
for a given number of years?about ten, I believe it
was. Tl?o petition was referred to a committee, of
which the celebrated John Randolph, of V.rginia,
was chairman. I desire to read an extract from his
report, l?eeause it shows w hat sentiments obtained in
Virginia on this subject, in 1903 :
//euse Journal, 1?/. 4./'<igr >(1- M Sm*un 7th Cungrttg Mart
h 2. HO.
" Mr. Randolph from the committee to which were referred
n letter from Willi un Henry Harrison, President of
the Convention hrld.st Viticeunes, declaring the consent of
tlie peo|de of Imliana to the suspension of the sixth srtiele
of compact Uiu.in the IItilted Stales mid the people of
(hat T> rritory, also n ntemonsl and prtiuon of the inhabitants
nfthe said Territory, made the Mtowiog report :
' That the rapid population of do State ol Ohio sufficiently
v\ incea. iu the opinion ol your comniittee. that the lahor of
ileit is not ntcrsacry to promote the growth ami settleun
ill of rolon.es in that region ; that tins lahor, demonstrably
the deari st of auy, can only l-e employed lo advantage
in the cull I vat loll of pr. shirts more valuable than any
known In that quarter of tin- I turn] Stairs; tlmt tlirroni
iniltrsderm it lustily dansrr?>ua and Inexpedient to impair
prat i??-t? mIhiIbIbI topr?inn ti,r happuo-Miand
ptoaprriij oflhe S(crW.??r!?ra?<?,ar?" Mrrmrtb ,
nil.I vrcurilr In that rilnuiti frontier. In tlir salutary up ration
ul tin* aac-irn-ii* ami benevolent restraint. it la
hcve-l lliat the iiihsbllant* of Imliana will, at tin very ?lisinni
day. And ample remuneration for a temporary privation
of Uhor ami uf emigration
" Kioui nu ll a rnnalderattnu a* tlit-r have been enabled
In In Mow nil the subject at thta late period of the session,
nnd under the preaaiire of arcuniuliliiix business, they
r* - --miiieud the billowing resolutions. wTiii'li are respectfull)
submitted to the judgment -if the Hihdu"I.
HuMvH. That -I ia iurxpedient to aua|>eiiil, for a
limited lime, the operation of the math artie'e of eooqiari
lietweett the original State* and the people auil State* weal
ol the Ohio.
"'2. AiC , Ac."
And. sir, Is there a citizen of Indiana to-day, who
will nut rise uti and do credit to the sagacity and
philanthropy of John Randolph, when he told them
that, in the wiStlom and sagacity of that exercise of
power, they would find ample remuneration for any
lemnora y grievance they might be Butlering under,
by tlte present application 1 And, sir, here waa a case
stronger than any which has t>een or con be presented
here?a case of a Territory of the United Stales, settled
hy freemen, with slavery interdicted, who come
forward and ask Congress to relieve them from that
interdiction?to relieve ihctn from that prohibition?
and Congress refused to do It. And they refused to
do it upon the report front w hich 1 have |u*t read?
that made by Mr. John Randolph, of Virginia.
~ 0 "* ,'f ,l have I its " ' 'w
subject, the Ordinance of 1787, having shown that it'
was not imposed tiy a part, but that it waa the net of
the whole country. It was impressed upon the legislation
of the country ul its earliest period ; it has con11riued
ihere ever since, and it remains there now.
Whit do gentlemen want? On tlte principle that
they contend for, that it is an insult, do they want
to repeal the bill establishing the Oregon Territory 1
Do iliey want it obliterated from (lie history of our
legislation I Tin y can apeak for themselves, sir, iifi
that point.
The second matter which has disturbed the equilibrium,
according to lite arguments of Senators, is
the Missouri Compromise. Sir, I can tell these
gentlemen that the Missouri Compromise disturbed
the equilibrium of those Northern Representatives
that volel for it, more than anything else that ever
happened ; and that is the only equilibrium I ever
heard ol as being disturbed by that Compromise.
Not only did it disturb their equilibrium, but ir threw
them entirely off it, Hnd, with but very rare exceptions
ilw-tui nnlilieii.nu hnvn nul vel recovered their
equilibrium, and, what is inure, they never will.
Well, sir, if, according to the argument of the Senator
from South Carolina, lite Missouri Compromise
was hucIt an odious toeusure, nod has had such nn
injurious effect upon the South, is it not singular
that we find nearly every Southern ninn voting for
it, ami everv Northern man voting against it, whenever
It is offered I At the last Houston, when n motion
was made to insert the Missouri Compromise
in a Territorial hill, nearly every gentleman representing
a Southern State on thin floor voted for it,
and iltt; Northern men, as a body, were against it.
Then, sir, it is the Soutn who were aggressive, and
who were destroying the equilibrium; and it is the
North who have resisted it. And further, has not
every other Southern gentleman wt.n has spoken
hure of that Compromise characterized it as u great
healing measure, and as one that guve quiet, peace,
and security to the country, and will do it again, ii
adopted t AnJ U it ?,.? - v-aclni-l** thai
nouiu ttius ask us to iriurn and settle down
011 one n| the very measures that, In ihu opinion of
the Senator from South Carolina, has been so potent
and effectual In destroying the equilibrium I
Ves, sir, the Missouri Compromise, which isd signaled
by the Senator from South Curolina us the great
equilibrium-destroyer, has been lauded in our presence
us a measure of peace uad concord, and its one
that the South is willing to lake and abide by now.
Yes, sir, this measure, which Southern gentlemen
mow ojvpruw their readiness to receive and abide by,
the Senator from South Camlina puts seeond in Ills
list of the measures which have destroyed the equilibrium
and produced discontent in the South '
That ia ail, sir.
Well, sir, the third measure of which the Senator
speaks us destroying the equilibrium between the
sections, and producing this great discontent in
the Soulh, is the Oregon hill' If this he no, it iiiust,
indeed, have had a wonderfully rapid influence, for it
was only passed in August, 18lfl, hus been hut about
a year ami a half in opcrutiun, and, indeed, 1 do not
know whether any despatches have lawn received
| by this Government, informing iih of (lie organization
of the Government instituted at that time; if
they have been, they have not been laid before Congress
Is it possible, then?can the Senator from
South ('arolina be serious, when he mentions the
Oregon bill as one of the three measures of the Government
which have produced such universal discontent
at the South that they can no longer remain
iri the Union? What possible influence can the
Oregon hill have hud on the South within the brief
time that has transpired since its passage? I will
not spend nioro lime on this subject. The charge is
preposterous.
I have another document to which 1 will here
nfer, as it shows iluit there was discontent and talk
of disunion in the South long before this Oregon bill
whs thought of. The Senator from South Carolina
sneaks of the abolition fanatics in 1835, (which is
the time, as he says, they commenced their operations.)
as being small and contemptible, and as
having no sort of intiuenee and consideration. Now,
what was the declaration of the Senntor in 1835,
the very lime when he stales this faction was to
small ami contemptible? In Niles's Register of
lHlffi, T.itli vol., 4(.hh page, is un extract ol a letter
from John C. Calhoun to the editor of the Washington
'1'tUgruph. lie saya:
" Since yon pit*si il through the South, thr excitement in
relation to tire- Northern tanallca has very greatly Increased
'I'll*' indications are, that the Smith will he unanimous in
their resistance, mid that their resistance will he of the
most iteiermiiieil character, even to the extent of ilmuniurt,
it that should tie necessary to arrest the evil I trust, however,
II may be arrevinl fir short olaitch extremity."
From (hit it appears that as long ago as 1835, the
South?all the South he speaka lor?had come to
such u unanimous dctermlnniion to resist the Northern
fanatics, that, If they could not put iliein down
in any other way, limy wire ready to dissolve the
Union. "Small and contemptible as this faction
then was," to uw the language of the Senator from
South Carolina, It was potent enough, It seems, to
I .1 .. I. I ?_ ...l. ... _ A.. .,!.... . II
work ii|> mm' whom? .'uuiii it? n ii' ii i iniinaiiuii 40 un?aolve
1 he Union if they wore not |iul down.
I wi*h to rull the intention ol the Semite to nil
other view of this question of the equilibrium. The
.Senator front Georgia, [Mr. Hkmhikv. | in I1I1 npeecii
the other duv, put* tliii aiiMilfunnl question to Senator*
from the Northern State*, lie *uya :
M Now, air. revert to the periml win e tin* <'onvlllulluii
w.i* ftilerrd into when thirteen f'onh'lerattil Stair*,
Iimim ly runner l?-<t l<><> llirr, mutually grasping luiii.t*. ilrew
tnore rlowly tli* lioii'l of onion; ami now Irll nir, ijo yon
believe, line* an V null he||rrr,that II ron*i*la with I lie ?|>iril
II I intention of the tranter* of Dial nmliuiuetU. wilii the
(ei lin* of that iiiomrni, lhal yon should eirenmarrtbr slavery
wiilnii Iniiiu williln * Irieli, in fin* * i f time. Ii roulil no
ioiigt r r*i*l I That were to ileny to na the privilege of a*,
errialiig the rights Willi whlrh we raine into the Cuoalilo
Hon, in III* manner ill whirli we hail fieri iae.1 ami were
rirreiang I linn when the I 'onalilillion wag lornted. Il
woiilil t>e in f fleet |o nay to u*, we will allow you to liohl
I a vea. if you will keen them witlilu your |irr*eut limit*;
hut iii the Inline arqMlmlluiia Wthrli we make ol terrlloriea,
by our joint ami equal efforts, even ol eiirli aa are fliteit l.>
your own peculiar knnl of hihor, luitt'h i>Jf elavery ahall
neeer lie e*temle<f with our rnnwiil j Hie banner of Una tree
It e 1.11 II 111 ahall never wave over another slave Stale, wlietlier
11 were originally free or alter II this proposition had been
niaitf to our f.illiera m Dial I oneeiilioii. what think you
woiilil have hern their answer t I will not trual myself lo
eipreaa il I to you lielieve that lliia tVliatllulloii wnulti
have hern formed uniler am Ii circumstance* 1"
Now', air, it seems to ma that an nil sufficient
nn*wi r to ilii* question ia tu in found in the furl
that the <'nnaiiluilnn win formed under precisely
lin- t-irrufimlHi.ri a on which he speeulutc*. Under
what cireuma'artfca wa* lite Constitution formed,
rnr 'f VVhv everv iiieii of territory whli il tile Staiea
then owned wiih miiIiji ct lo this very problbilion'
Kvrry inch of territory by that provision of
tin ContmentnM'onffe**. raii(i>d by the first Congress
under ih?' Inderal <;on>*fiimlori, was subjected
lo Ihi- inhibition o| slavery, and *o earvud out to
lo admitted Into the Union native free State*. Tlie
Senator's question, therefore, has a historical answer,
IVjf not only would Iihvo en lured the < 'onlrderation
wiih am fi n prohibition, but iliey actually did
enter II tinder juhI aiieh a state of faela aa i|?e question
presuppose*. No mueh for the " equilibrium "
in iliia point of view.
In another part of hi* speech the Senator from
Sou i h Carolina any*, thai, *? * I alter the Ordinance
of 17H7, I he M.aaourl Oomprotn ae, and the Oregon
bill, among the causes which have produced discontent
at the South ia the ayateui of revenue and disburaetnents
adopted by the Government. lie saya:
"Tli* n*?t I* tb* *y*t*ra of rrvriiu* ami <li*t>iira*ni*ula
whs li liaa iM-tu adopted by Ilia (iovsruaivnt. It I* wi ll
known llisl tli* tiovrrninrnt hm dcrivrdils r*v*nu* mainly
Irom dimes OU imports I *11011 not und< ruk* I* show Hist
ii< li ituliea must ii*r?aaarily tall mainly on the rsportuig
Mat**, % <! that tli* S >ulti, a* tli* great *t|M>rtln( portion of
h* Ileum, tia* in r*ahty pant vastly more tliau her due
{ roportiou of lb* r?v*uu* , heraus* I d**m II iliiuacraaary,
is tli* subject has en so many occasions been luiiy discuss
?l Nor shall I. lor t)i' >imt reason. umlcrtak* lu show
that a farrrraler portion uf the revenue liaa hc<-n dilt>ur?e(l
at the North than li? due sbarr : antl that the ymul e#'-ef ot
tlieee r?tmp? (,?? Im-pii to transfer a vast amount Irom South
?o North, aliirli, umUr an rqiul svsteoi of reitliur and
disbursement*. * ould not have been Inst to her If If thia
he added, that many of the duties were imposed, not for
revenue, hut lor protection that in, intc nd?d to put money,
not in the treasury, but directly into iltr p.. k?-t of llw man
ufacturern aomeconcepumi may be formed ofthe immeuae
amount Which, in ftie lone four** or mtty year., lias been
transferred Irom South to Nortt, There are no Tata by
which il rau be estimated with any rertauitv . but it n safe
to nay that it amounts to hundreds of millions of dollar*
lender the moat moderate estimate, it wo'ild be sufficient to
add greatly to the wealth ol the North, anil thus greatly increase
her population, by attracting emigration Irom all
quarters to that section.
' Tliis. combined with the great and primary cause, amply
explains why the North has acquired a preponderance over
every de|>artineni of tlit Govern meat, by iu ..isprop.nioiiate
increase of population and Stater."
I think it well for fhc Senator that lie Jul not undertake
to show that, for he knows that the duties
tali upon and are paid by the consumers, he they
where they may. A State, therefore, which has a
population ten limes greater than that of another
State, puys fen time* more reveoue. No matter
where the import* go, those who consume them pay
the duiica upon them. Go into the manufacturing
(owns and villages, where they consume a large
amount of sugar and other dutiable articles, do they
nor pay ine aury ?m inetr importation r .tnu is not
the fact true always, thut it is the consumer, wherever
he may lie, who pays the duty ? Sir, the fact is
endrniati!;
The Senator ..ntiryiakc. u> show that by far the
greater portion of otir revenue has been disbursed at
the North, or ntore than its due share. Now, sir,
that struck nte ss the moat bold assertion in the
whole speech. Is all history, sir, to be set at naught
in this matter 1 The disbursements greater at the
North than in the South ' Why, sir, in tire State in
which I live, aside from the expenses of collevtioi:
the revenue, not $50,000 of the public money has
been spent in fifty years. No, sir, tho expenditures
of the Government are not made there; the officers
of the Government do not come from the North, nor
arc the great contracts made there. What is it thai
consumes one-half, ave, ihrcc-fourths, of your revenue,
but the army and the navy, and where is it expended
7 Why. where your Indian wars ocrur,
your Seminole and Creek wars?in the Southern, and
not in the Northern portion of these States. Why,
sir, the idea that an undue proportion of the money
collected hv the General Government has been disbursed
in the Northern States, is, to say the least,
one in as direct opposition to the truth of history as
any statement which could possibly be made. A
friend has collected for nie some statistics showing
the expenditures of the Government, one Item ol
which I will refer to, Aliich is well calculated to
show the proportion between the free and the slave
States. By the returns of the Post Office Depart.'
* JI* ?' ifist Iluupwr;
lecled in the fifteen fre t States, br war ofpwlage, a
sum exceeding the expenses of the Department in
these Ststes for that year by $576,000, while there
was a deficiency to tho same amount in the slave
Stall's. Thus there was a direct tax colleefed in
small sums from (he North, to the amount of over
$500,000 in one year, for that single Department of
Government j unil I apprehend that if the other Departments
were examined, it would he found that
the Post Office was In fact the one under which the
North suffered least. Why, In our little State of
New Hampshire, there is a direct tax for postage to
the amount of over $15,000. The revenue collected
there for postage in that year was $40,6fi0, and the
expenditures $'.'5,500, leaving us with a direct tax of
$15,IH0 for that year I And, sir, it runnot be said
that these letters were received front commercial
correspondents, because we have no great commercial
emporium in the State. No, sir, this tax is cnliectM
trom those manufacturing operatives of whom
mention is sometimes made here. It is a y>x on tho
all'ctiuns of the human heart, on filial love and reverence,
on correspondence with parents, children,
and friends, and it is collected from the hard-working
men and women ol the North, for the support of
this Government. Yet we do not complain of it;
hut in the face of all this it is rather hard to be told
that our prospeiity is nil owing to the undue nntotini
of Government expenditures made in tho Northern
Slutes. Why, sir, It wott'd lie a curiosity in the part
of the country in which I live to hear of the expend
itute among them of a dollar of the money of the
General Government, over and uhove just what is
neecsaary lo collect the revenue to bo spent tUowliore.
So much for this subject.
Aguln, any# the Senator from South Carolina :
" Iftotldsbs added. that many of the duties were imposed,
not for revenue, but for protection -thnt la. Intended to put
money, not in the treasury, lie! directly Into the pocket ol
the manufacturers -some conception may be formed ol
liie inimriiw amount which, in the h tig course of sixty a
years, has been transferred from South ? North Tln ru
?l?tutv> |?|ii*li H r*n In Wlllmiiy ?
but tl ta Kits to aay thai it amounts lo hunilrsds id millions
ol ilnllars. Under the most moderate estlm.de, it would he
sufficient to sdd greatly to the wealth of the North, and
thus greatly Increase her tabulation try attracting etnigi a
I ion harm all iinarters to that section "
Now, sir, let na examine litis point. It la the
tariff, limn, ilutl tins done injury to the South, and
produced discontent there. Now, I have been at
some little pulna lo examine the history of the various
tariffs, nod our revenue policy, and I find that
the first tariff act wus passed on Iho 4th of July,
17S9. and the preamble to it la in tits following
worda ;
" Whereas It is necessary, for the support nlUovrriiliiriil,
for the discharge of the debts of the United Slates, ami fvi
Ihr rnrattiugiiiirril anil prultrliun of iiumiifurturr*, that
duties be laid nil goods, wares, and merchandise, Import
nl "
The yens and nays were not taken on the bill in
cither Ilouae. The next year the duties were large
ly increased, and 1 think in some instances that they
were doubled, and the bill for that purpose passed
lite House of Representatives, yeas 4d, nnvs 15 ;nnd
as u curiosity ! will read the votes of tlm SiaUs on
ihut measure:
Yeas. Nay Veil* Nay*
New Hampshire 2 I Delaware I h
Massachusetts II M Maryland 3 2
(' nurctlrut ,'f 2 Virginia 7 0
New York 4 I North Carolina h tt
New Jera y 2 0 South Carol,in :t I
Pennsylvania 7 0 (ieurgia 3 (I
40 in
The tariff remained substantially as it wits established
by the act of 1790- with tltu exception of the
ucls passed during the war, which were considered
its war measures?until 1H1G. 1 have not got the
precise date when that art wnsnpprovcd, but 1 think
it was in April, 181G. Then the war was over, and
it became n< e< saury lo abandon the war acts passed
during its prosecution, and to settle down on something
like a pertntirioni policy, and s tariff act was
passed. It passed the House of Representatives,
yeas HM, nsys 54 ; and as the yeas and nays upon it
HfA u.iitifU 11iif infprPHf\na I will rnnH thrm hv SfRfps
Vert* A'uy* Vtiu A'uy*.
Nfvv lliimpvhirc I 3 Maryland 2 ft
M inmh< -liuartta 7 4 Virginia 7 13
IdiiMlr Inland 'J 0 North Carolina (I II
(.'oiiihn llcui V 'J South Carolina 4 'I
Vermont ft I (Jrorgia 3 3
New York 'JU '3 Kentucky ft I
New Jri'M-y ft II Tallin ??rr 3 '3
I'riiimylvaiiin 17 3 Ohio 4 II
l)t'Uw?rc tliU not vole. Louiviana II I
I4H
Ami umonu the yeua on the pannage of that bill
atunds recorded tho name of John C. (^ai.moun, one
of the Rcpreaonlalivea from South Carolina. That
wan in 111(5. Tho uiriff policy of tho country con
tlniirti without iiiiitrriiil nlirralinn until IW24, when
another hill on the auhjeet punned the Honae, yraa
1(17, naya 102. Souili Carolina thi n chunked front
on ilie i|ticHiion. Hut I wiali to call tho attention of
the Scnuii to (he vote of New Kngland on the aub
jeet, bccaiiM hIiu Iium hern corialdcrcd the grratcat
inner in regard to it. Her vote on (he tariff wan
yean 15, niiya 2d, aa follow*:
Won Any* Vmu A out
Maine I ft Connecticut 6 I
New lliinipeliire I ft It i ode Inland '3 0
Mjwhk hiiwlie I II Vermont 6 o
U '33
Ami audi had been the uniform policv of that
portion of the country. Hut the hiaturv of the tarifl
aeta that have tieen paaaed ahow that tnu Northern
State# have yeiterally oinactwi Ui tluirn, and that too
aguinat the power and the eloquence of the Sunutor
Itom South Carolina, in 1B16, in the Houae. And
when tlila policy wu* forced ojt New F.ni'land, and
forced on her too hv Southern votee, against Iter own
wiahea, then, air, the genlua, tho cnterprlac, and the
induatry of her people begun to accommodate tlwinaalvea
to that atnte of thinga, and because ahe flourished
under it, it la made n charue againat Iter, and
forma the next point in the indictment agninat the
M i ir I It f..r ll.. j.o ,i i I i Llu.?.n il...
sections.
Another evil of whlrh the Senator front South
Carolina complaina, ia as follows, to use hia own
language:
" llul wtills lh*s* measures w*rs destroying the eqiulih
rinui between ilia two ae< tioita, lit* acliuii ol ih? Uovtru
rneul w is leading to a radicat (hangs ia ila cliarmcur. >>y
com nursling all tht power of lha aystain in Itself The
or('hsioo will not |.rrmtl at* to trace the nieaaiirrs by
which this great change ha a been consummated II U del.
it would not be diltti'uU toaliow dial tlieprm easeoniuiriici .1
at an early period ol lha Ooveriimrul ; llial It proceeded,
almoat without interruption, step by strp, uulll it ahaorbad
virtually da entire powers; but without going through ilia
wliols process to ealabliaii the (act. it ntay be doue satialm
Pdrilyby a eery abort atatrnieut.
"That the Uoetrnmenl claiata, and practically maintains
lilt right pi decide in the laat reaort, aa to the fitant of its
poweia, will scarcely be drnird by any one converannt
with the political loatory of lha country. That it also
chums the right to raeort to fore.* to mamtaiu whalcver
power aha rlaima against all opposition, ia equally certain"
Hia charge la, that this Government haa changed
gradually from a federal republic to a conaolidaird democracy.
Who hasdone It 1 From the vary adoption
of the Constitution down to the present time,
what counsels have prevailed t Northern or South
crn f Who have been the Presidents of the United
States ? Northern men or Southern men I Again,
with reference to the artion of the Supreme Court,
who have been on the bench of that court 1 History
will aliow that there has been no time when
you would trust Northern men there, so aa to constitute
a majority. Though a man may have crept to
the foot of power in the moat abject manner, the
North could never be trusted go far OS to have her
cuUma constitute a majority on the bench of that
court. There has always been a majority of 8outh
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