The national era. [volume], April 11, 1850, Page 58, Image 2

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THE NATIONAL ERA. I;
== ? ? 1
WASHINGTON, APRIL 11, 1850. J
SPEECHES. I
We have now published four very able Anti- r
Slavery Speeches, by MtGiddinms, Mr Seward, e
Mr. Hale, and Mr. Chase. The speech of Mr. 1
Chase, in thin number, is long, but t-hould be ?
read by all who wish to understand the constitu- ?
tional principles of the Political Anti-Slavery l
movement, its measures, and its objects. They
are exhibited fully, clearly, and with great preci- \
sion, in a chaste and vigorous style
This closes our series of long speeches for a
time.
THE CHRISTIAN ANT1-SMYKRY CONVENTION
iv civi'ivv iti
ill ll.Hlililillli
This Convention, we are requested to say, will
meet on the 17 th instant, (the third Wednesday
of this month)
CONGRESSIONAL STEECIIES
In pamphlet form, may be had of our printers,
Messrs Buell & llianchard. For particulars, see
their advertisement, in another column
DISUNION.
Speaking of the consequences of disunion, the
Enquirer says :
" in indeed a shallow oheerver who does not
know how infinitely more ruinous a dissolution of
the Union would prove to the North than to the
South. The commerce of the United States is
sustained by products from the slave States; and
disunion would, of necessity, create a direct trade
between the South and the nfttions of Europe; the
agency of the North now used for carrying on
that trade would he dispensed with.
" The commerce of Boston, New York, and
Philadelphia, would be at once transferred to
Baltimore and the seaports south of that city. A
revolution in the channels of trade, such as this
world never witnessed, would take place immediately?and
this revolution, whilst it would sap
the foundations of Northern prosperity, would
give strength and power to the South.
" It is quite evident, too, that the feeling which
would produce a separation of the States would
lead to a restrictive policy, prohibitory laws, and,
in fact, to non-intercourse."
These are facts, and they are facts which
should cause Northern agitators to reflect long
and seriously before they drive the South from
the Union. The love which the South bears the
Union is of the most disinterested kind, and no
manor wnw cuininrrcini nuu uvner tvivnuutgea ,
- , ebejai&t "9'9 by dissolution, she would never J
seek it, and never permit It, bo "long us net- insti- |
tutionH and her rights are respected. No lust of
power, no cupidity of wealth, can induce her to
part from this glorious Confederacy.
Richmond (Va ) Republican.
Such paragraphs are common in Southern
papers ; so common that their readers are
probably convinced that the South is the only
independent portion of the universe. The materials
of these speculations are furnished in
certain Northern newspapers and periodicals,
which labor hnrd to show that the Southern
States constitute a grand centre around which
the whole world revolvos in absolute dependence.
They parade in ingeniously arranged figures
the products of the South, the export of cotton,
the amount of Northern shipping employed in
the exportation, the bales of cotton consumed in
the Northern States, the innumerable looms it
keeps in motion in Great Britain ; and then they
proceed?suppose the Union dissolved, what
would become of the North ? Its shipping would
dwindle, its trade would die out, its factories stop,
its cities decay, its population starve. And Lingland,
too?suppose her supplies of cotton arrested,
her industry would be paralyzed, her laboring
population turned out to die, convulsions would
shake her empire to its foundations. Then comes
the moral?how absolutely necessary is the South
to the life of the world, and what madness to indulge
in assaults upon her system of slave labor !
Chief among the Northern presses that have
given currency to such speculations, feeding the
system or labor rtmdemnpd by humanity and the
spirit of the age, are the New York Herald, and
the Democratic Review, which seem as anxious
to degrade the North, as to magnify that
powerful aristocracy which has monopolized the
, labor, the o-.pital, and the political power of the
Southern States.
Let ua examine this theory of dependence.
God never intended that men or nations should
be independent of each other. Capacities, tastes,
circumstances differ; hence, the divisions of labor
and diversities of employment. A certain talent
in one man supplies the luck of it in another.
Men are complemental to each other, and this
met COUflUlUTPH me nirudgest iwnu ui buui??x organization.
Nations are dependent on one another
for the same reason, and because their productions
differ. Articles necessary or subservient
to humau comfort ore produoed in one country
which cannot be raised with profit, if at all, in
another. In this law of mutual dependence,
universal and fraternal, we recognise a conclusive
reason in favor of the unrestricted interchange of
commodities between individuals and between
states, as an indispensable condition, it seems to
us, of full individual and national development.
To assume that one country is essential to all
others, nud dependent upon none, involves an ab- I
surdity; for the labor that raises an article of
necessary consumption, is itself dependent upon
the consumer for compensation, without which, it
would cease.
Degrees of dependence vary with the resources
of different nations. That State which raises
a sufficient amount of the absolute necessaries of
life for its consumption, is less dependent than
another, which, exporting more, still depends for
such necessaries upon the industry of foreign
States. Plauting countries are more dependent
than farming, and these, than countries in which
capital, enterprise, and labor, are distributed in the
various departments of agricultural, manufacturing,
and commercial industry. If the one or two
staples of a planting country fail, or the market for
them become suddenly limited, great disturbance is
the result, amounting not unfrequently to widespread
bankruptcy among the planters, and severe
distress among the laborers. In a farming community,
if one crop be short, or find but a poor
market, other crops supply the lack to such an
stent as to prevent any serious distress. Hut in
States where capital and labor are distributed in
many different forms of profitable industry, its
substantial interests are placed in a great degree
beyond injury from the vicissitudes of season*, or
the fluctuations of markets.
The planting States of the South furnish two
millions of bales of cotton to the looms of England,
and half a million to the spinners of the North;
but what would become of them, should their crops
or markets fail? Their dependence upon the foreign
manufacturer is no less absolute than his
dependence upon them. <
Suppose that miracle?a Dissolution of the
Union?should tnke place it would be cither
peaoeable or violent. If peaceable, the North i
would still want its half million of bales of ootton I
from the South, and the South could not atford I
to lose the custom of the North. A diminution of <
the consumption of cotton, to the amount of five i
hundred thousand bales, would so reduce the price
of the article as to whelm the South in hopeless ,
bankruptcy. The South would coutinue to be a fc
market for the cotton fabrics of the North, (or it i
would then be seen that Northern cipital, skill, t
enterprise, and experience, would need no proten- t
tion against the competition of Europe. The |
profits of the capitalists might be diminished, but t
they would still be sufficient to stimulate the t
healthful growth of manufacturing industry Nor |
would the ahippiug of the North be seriously en- j
dangered. In Cuba, where American trade is I
subjected to unfavorable discriminations, Ameri- |
can shipping has engrossed to s large extent the j
commerce of the island, the tonnage being far 1
greater than that of auy foreign nation; greater, <
we believe, than that of Spain itself Nsvigation <
laws may have been necessary ones to give a <
vigorous impulse to the growth of our shipping I
_
T1
nterest; but they are ncio?ary no longer, now o
hat our tonnage is second only to that of the i
reatest commercial nation in the world ; especial- i
y since ber navigation laws have undergone a c
evolution. The irresistible tendency of the J
ending interests of Great Britain is, to free, un- i
estricted trm? and this tendency will reach its t
nd. In the supposed event of a peaceable disso- 1
ution, the North would find enough to employ its I
ihipping profitably. If Kngland adopted a re- i
itrictive policy, she could be made to suffer from ,
retaliation , if a liberal one, we know enough of
Vankee ship-owners and ship-masters to know <
that they would suffer no loss from a fair, free I
competition. i
Suppose the dissolution, so lightly talked of, i
should be violent; what then? How much cotton
would be raised during a state of war between the
two sections, with the danger of a servile war
constantly impending? But suppose it raised,
where is its market? The half million of biles
is no longer taken by the North ; a majority of
the operatives are converted into soldiers the
slaves who raise the cotton cannot undergo such a
transformation. What good would the cotton
crop do the South, with all her ports blockaded, as
they would be, by the North, which has the shipping
and the country ?
This question of a Dissolution of the Union, as
to its consequences, has two sides, and the reflecting
men of the South will require something more
than meagre, distorted paragraphs from newspapers
to enable them to reach a sound conclusion
AW fhn
Among the wild speculations of Disunionists,
there is one which contemplates the formation of
the cotton-growing States, with Cuba, into a great
cotton, tobacco, sugar, and coffee-producing empire,
holding intimate commercial relations with
Great Britain. And how is Cuba to be incorporated
into such a confederacy ? Will a separation
from the North effect that object? What power
would the South alone have for its accomplishment?
Is Spain waiting for an opportunity to
throw the island away ? is it not certain that its
Captain General has instructions to emancipate
and arm the slaves, should it become necessary, to
bsllle invasion and suppress insurrection? I lowwould
the South meet such a crisis? Without a
navy, with three millions of slaves in her borders,
and separated from the North, how gould
she conquer Cuba? And would England, sustaining
such relations as she does to Spain, ever
anxious for the fate of Cuba, and pledged to the
enforcement of an aati-slavery policy wherever
abe hiis fb-e *<>wer?regard with indifference p
i contest in wnich the Government of her ally,
aided by enfranchised slaves, was struggling to
save so jich a possession from the grasp of an
invader? The enfranchisement of the slaves in
Cuba would put an end at once to a large portion
of the slave trade which England for so many
years, at so vast an expense of life and money,
has fruitlessly sought to exterminate. The South
alone could never obtain possession of Cuba.
Another dream of Disunion is the command of
the Mississippi?one of the great highways for
Western produce. A large proportion of the products
of the West now finds its way to the East
by Railroad, Lake, and Canal. Lines of easy
communication between East and West are mul
tiplying every year, attracting more and more of
the wealth of the West to Eastern seaports. Still,
i ..l:??i.. ~.:n ? ,i,?
ouipucuio n ill wutiuuv iu uv> iiiii'io IV IUC
South, au<l the navigation of the Mississippi must
be forever free.
But the Disunionists dream of commanding
this navigation. Let us see. Were dissolution
peaceful, negotiation would settle the question:
it would be found that the unrestricted navigation
of the Mi-sissippi was as beneficial to the
States of the Southern as to those of the Northern
Confederacy but, suppose this should he
made a question, the sword would have to settle
it, if peaceable, means failed. Never would the
immense, wealthy, teeming West permit its natu'
ral connection with the ocean to be interrupted
by any power under heaven.
wWw "fcbuliV-v?e' mi tn* navsyfortmi of the
Mississippi were ordained, Free Forever, by a
perpetual and an unalterable covenant.
It were folly to say that the North would not
8uffer damage from a Dissolution of the Union.
Its entire business arrangements would for a time
be thrown into confusion?it might find itself
frequently embroiled with its Southern neighbor?a
military spirit would be stimulated by the
supposed necessity of keeping up a large war
establishment, weighing heavily on the resources
of the People. But nil these evils, in a still higher
degree, would press upon the South, which would
he less able to bear them?beside other evils un.
known to the North. Brazil contains two millions
of slaves, but there is nothing in her institutions
to educate the blncks, or infuse into them ideas of
human rights and there is no free and powerful
Government on her borders imbued with hntred
of slavery. The Southern Confederacy, containing
three millions of slaves, would be a Republic
with institutions founded, so far as the white race
was concerned, upon the doctrine of equal rights
Its slaves, already more enlightened than those of
Brazil, undebased by the importation of African
pngans, and growing gradually in intelligence,
would see, adjacent to them, an anti-slavery Republic?and
they would remember that the Union
had been dissolved, chiefly on the ground that
the People of that Republic had refused to extend
the area of the bondage of which they were the
victims. These considerations, even supposing
that the system of slavery had continued despite
the convulsions of revolution, show that it would
be a growing element of weakness and peril
to the new Confederacy. Hut why reason thus?
Judge Underwood of Kentucky, in a speech delivered
in the Senate a few days ago, admitted
frankly that a Dissolution of the Union would be
the destruction of slavery in all the border States:
and how long would the system stand in the
States further South, after its violent subversion
in the Northern tier? The Disunionists talk ns
if Slavery were a natural condition?in harmony
with the laws of human progress?with the general
sentiments of mankind, with the spirit of the
age, with the will of God?exposed to no more
danger from civil convulsions than the sacred institution
of the Family. What an awakening
from their hallucination, should they be able to
consummate their fell purpose of Disunion! The
first blow struck in civil warfare, would revolutionize
the institutions of tRo South but free
States, recognising the equal rights of all their (
inhabitants, con' 1 suffer from no such cause ,
War would hush their domestic discords, and (
drive them into u closer union; while it would ,
develop into intense activity the elements of intestine
strife and commotion which now slumber (
in the slave States ,
We deprecite Disunion, not because of its ,
pecuniary evils?these sink into utter insignifi- (
canee iu the ligh' of higher considerations. The (
progress of the North in wealth might be temporarily
retarded by that untoward event; but with ,
such a population as it possesses, looking out upon (
two oceans, and embracing within its limits all (
.he elements of ngriculturnl, manufacturing, and j
sommercial greatness, there could be no perina- t
lent cneoic 10 i?a MTHncvm?ai.
Other ideas, however, present themselves when |
re contemplate the Union. It is a beautiful em- t
>odintent of the spirit of Fraternity among thirty i
ndependent States or Nations. It represents g
he Idea of Unity?a Unity of Conization for e
his entire Cor' uent, in opposition to the Idea of u
iiseord and Division of Interests which charac- ti
erizes the Civilization of the Old World. It esabUshes
one of the best conditions to human com- *
fort and progress?Free Trade among numerous 1
powerful communities, which, if separated, would P
be divided by hostile custom-houses, burdening
productive Industry. It secures unrestricted a:
intercourse over an illimitable territory, there- b
by promoting fraternal feelings and a high or- tl
Jer of intelligence throughout the communities <*
sstablished all over its surface. Tho advocates a?
jf universal peace seek the accomplishment of bi
iheir high aim, by atrlving to unite all uatious in ti
iE NATIONAL ERA
ne, aa counties and departments are now united
n a nation; and bj the establishment of a Tribunal
for the peaoeful settlement of international
lontroTersies. What they seek for the world,
\merioans hare accomplished for all nations now
'epoeing and which may hereafter dwell under
he star-spangled banner. The Union has estab
ished perpetual Peace among thirty sovereign
States ; ami should it endure, in the same way it
sill secure and eternise the Peace of all North
America, which is yet to be united under its flag.
Thus establishing Free Trade and Free Intercourse
throughout a Continent, thus diffusing intelligence
and humanity, and a high civilizition
among all its inhabitant*, thus harmonizing Interests
and Ideas, and banishing war, and maintaining
perpetual peace among numerous nations,
all speaking one language, and linked in one destiny,
the American Union would become the
Hope and Example of the world?one of the
grand instruments of God's Providence for the
regeneration of mankind.
We do not forget the slave; but the well-being
of this poor outcast from humanity is another
reason why we cherish the Union. Disunion,
wTre it not followed immediately by servile war,
would array the slaveholders in more deadly opposition
than ever to anti-slavery movements,
an l the hope of paictful emancipation would be
extinguished. Should servile war follow, the
consequences would be deplorable alike to both
races. Of all conflicts, that is most certain to
transform men into fiends, to blast society to its
very foundations Freedom achieved by Bnch
moans, is only less endurable than slavery. The
passions aroused and nurtured duriDg the savage
struggle, almost disqualify the slaves for the possession
of rational liberty, render order almost
unattainable, and demand the extermination of
one of the races.
But, cherishing the Union as we do, we would
no sooner think of preserving it by a sacrifice of
Justice nml Truth, than we would our own life,
by the perpetration of crime. No matter how
sacred we may deem an dbject, no matter how
fondly our best nffections may cling to it, no
matter how vitally associated in our thoughts it
may be with all great interests, if it can be maintained
only at the expense of Truth, Justice, and
Mercy, let it alone?for these principles find their
equivalent in God alone.
CORRECTION.
Dkar Dr. Bailry However interesting and
glorious a bird " the mighty quail" may be, I had
no intention ot' waRTbg" ucft. '
slumbers. For the sake of all ornithologists,
therefore, 1 must beg of your readers to rectify a
ludicrous mistake of one letter, under my name,
in your paper of April 4th, and read thus :
' Anil struck once more the manterchord,
That makes the mighty quail!"
Yours, &c., Mary Irvinu.
CONNECTICUT ELECTION.
It would be well for the people of the South,
and particularly that portion of them who have
hitherto acted with the Whig party, to observe
the position of parties in Connecticut, and
the results of the late election. At the commencement
of the canvass, the Democratic party, assembled
in State Convention, repudiated and rejected
the Wilmot Proviso. Their candidate for
Governor, the eloquent and gallant Seymour, is
also well known to be opposed to that miserable !
humbug. The lien. Isaso Touoey, one of the !
purest and most talented men in New England,
late Attorney General of the United States, and J
a successful candidate in the late election for State
Senator, is also opposed to the Free-Soil heresy;
and so were the other Democratic candidates so i
far as we h ive been able to learn their opinions,
while, on the other hand, the Whig party, in
their convention, passed a resolution adopting the
Wilmot Proviso as one of the cardinal principles
of Whig faith, and nominated candidates for the
office of Governor and other State offices, who
were known to be in favor of the Free-Soil doctrines,
inr?*.?a t'" **> ? ?. ?ri 4
on that ground. Thus one of the main issues in
the election w? the Wilmot Proviso?the IPG**
itiWNWt TMlttftnrtnW WtTle'South to 1
see clearly which party in the North is truly the
national party, and which the sectional party.
They can now see clearly which party is in favor
of carrying out in good faith the compromises and
guaranties of the Constitution?thus maintaining
the equality and rights of th? States?and which
party is against the spirit or the Constitution and
State rights. And the Whigs of the South can
I1UVT) nuu IlJtinv OV'UU, V* wv i un uv iui luvmncmo
whether they will Htill continue their nlliance
with the skctionai. Whig party of the North, or
the national Dkmoi ratio party of the Union.
They will soon be obliged to choose between
their party aflioities and predilections, and their
own constitutional rights, and the best means of
preserving them. To the Whigs of the South,
the Connecticut election is full of warning and
admonition.? Washington Union.
This is not the first time that the central organ
of the Democratic Party has invoked Slavehohling
Whigs to unite with the Democratic Party?
and on what grounds? Do Southern Whigs
sympathizo with Democrats in relation to publio
measures generally ? Is their alliance invited
for the purpose of carrying out the principles of
Democracy ? What say the Ohio Statesman and
Indianapolis State Sentinel to such an alliance?
With the Berriens nud the Badgers of the
South, and the Websters of the North, on the
Baltimore Platform, shoulder to shoulder with
the Democracy, they would begin to feel as if a
political millennium had indeed come, in which
the lion and lamb could lie down together, and
the very innocents of Democracy play harmlessly
with the cockatrice. O, what a holy alliance 1
Hunkerdom united by a more solemn compact
than that which bound together Kuropean despots,
to trample under foot Freedom and its supporters.
But, the organ does not tell the whole truth.
Connecticut was politically revolutionized by
the Democrats, one year ngo, by taking advantage
. V ~ VI7 L: _ 1 r At. ._i! _1 _
ui mi- ?t hi); ucieuiiuu irom me anii-Hiuvrry cause,
by turning to party account the excitement in
furor of Free Soil, and coalescing with Free-Soil
men in the nomination and support of stanch
Krce-Soiltrs for Congress. The three worthy
Democratic Representatives now in Cougresshold
their seats by the Power of the Free-Soil Principle.
This year, the leaders of the party modified
their policy. They saw that the adhesion of the
Whig Party to the policy of non-action reoommende.l
by General Taylor, and the conduct of
the Whig members of Congress in regard to
Root's resolution, had weakened their anti-slavery
strength, and alienated permanently a large body
of men devoted to the Free Soil Principle. Under
such circumstances, it was deemed perfectly
safe to discard in their State Convention the
ur i p./x.iun 1I..1
of the Party in the several Districts of the State
such overtures should he male to the Free Soil
meu as should secure their support. This was
the policy pursued. After having in State
Convention refused to adopt the Wilmot Proviso,
tnd thereby furnished the Washington Union
irith a fact calculated to win fivor and power for
:he Democracy in the South, they took care to
'orra such coalitions in the nominations for the
Legislature, as to Bccure the advantage of Free
?oil support, and return a majority of members !
In view of this s ate of facts, the Washington
Jmoh congratulates its Southern friends upon
he result of the election in Connecticut?claims
! as a decision by the Democratic Party of that
itatc ngaiust Free Soil, und calls upon the Southrn
Whigs to unite at once with a Party so emilently
national, so patriotically hostile to all secional
issues!
We hope the Free Soil men of Connecticut *
rill not sutfer their good to be evil spoken of. *
,et them at the earliest moment acquaint the a
ublic with the facts of the election just as they c
re, so that it may be known on what Principle,
nd by what means a Democratic triumph has c
een achieved in that State If the victories ii
ley help to gain are to be heralded all over the I
>u "fry as victories over Free Soil, we should i v
Ivise them hereafter to administer a feeling re- p
ukf to a Party that oan make such a return for a
teir aid. ?<
a,
WASHINGTON, I).
"THE CUE OF FRUSTEATION." ?>
D
The RiehmonUVti.) Wku< speaks approvingly t
of the " Game of 'rustratiou," aa it atylea it, pro- ?
poeed by Mr. Cligman. This game la, the use f
of the privilege t making motions of adjourn- B
???? tmm voting.&c.. and of call- c
ing the yeas and ays thereon, so as to prevent
all action on the jppropriation bills till all the
questions connects with slavery now before Congr<
as be settled?settled in accordance with the
demands of slavoolders. Both Mr. Clingman
and his endorser iink that this would bring the
free States to tens, assuming that they have a
deeper interest in he appropriations, or a livelier
concern in the ?edit of the Government, than
the slaveholding States It will require only
forty or fifty meibers to carry out the scheme,
and utterly defea action on any public measure
of importance. ,
It is somewhat 'emarkable that these plotters <
seem to have foi?<tten that the game of Frustration
is one that two can play. Forty or fifty Slavery-Propagandise
can defeat any bill for the
admission of Ciliornia per se, it is said all they
have to do is, to unite in making the motions
named above, aid in calls for the yeas and nays.
Very well?fort; or fifty members, resolved on !
the admission of California as a separate measure,
can defeat the passage of any Territorial bill
without the ftoviso, or any omnibus bill for a
wholesale aettfc&eci c fall .slavery questions, on
the principles of a corrupt compromise, by mak- !
ing similar motiots and similar demands for the
yeas and nays. J the 11 Game of Frustration"'
may be played foi the purpose of securing a compromise
favorablt to slavery, it may be played as
the last resort, for the purpose of defeating such
a compromise.
So, what woild the Slavery men gain by their
profoundly sagacious policy ? They have imagined
that by the course they propose they wouiu o<>mpel
enough Northern men to succumb, to insure
the passage of such measures as they want, forgetting
that there may be more than fifty men in the
House whon no compromise can corrupt, no menace
intimiiite. They will probably deliberate a
long while before they put themselves under the
lead of the wtute Mr. Cliogman.
GENERAL CASS
Opposed ti Slavery south of 36? 30', arid in favor of
the Admission of California.
We fint the following in the Toledo (O ) Republican.
It was written over a month ago. The
ttsr " ?timj^mtist be .".ooihed.
Itwilbeseen that he goes for California,
as a sepa?te measure, we suppose, and that he
has screved his courage up to the point of pledging
himielf not to vote for the recognition of sla- j
very sruth of 36? 30'. We fear this may be
deemed high treason by some of his Southern j
friendt. It is an astonishingly bold position for
the Pacificator. He should think twice before
firmly resolving on it.
LETTER FROM GEN. CASS.
A friend has handed to us the following extract
from a private letter from General Cass. Our
readers can see by it that the General has great
fears for the Union. We have none.
We are rejoiced at bis declaration that he will
oppose (he recognition of slavery south of the
Missouri compromise.
"Was hingtox, February '24, 1830.
"Dear Feisnd: * * * * *
" I an deeply troubled about the present state
of public matters. Things look bad?never worse;
what it to be the end of it all, God only knows.
At a d.stance, the danger is not appreciated;
here, every man of sense knows the Union is in
danger. The passage of the Wilmot Proviso
would dissolve it, as sure as to-morrow would
come. But it will uot puss?it cannot pass the
Senate. That is now a small matter. The South
a/15nolmnnf nf fKn urKnlo onhiftft Anil I
lucini mit au #ujuowi? u? v?* ??v ?t mv.v. b?-jvwv,
many, of the recognition of slavery south of 36?
30'. This, for one, I will not do. And, again,
they oppose the admission of California?a most
unkind sjep. It will be admitted, and I shall vote
for it. i hw6 n yui nv appvf?vMk??
or reconciliation. The Nashville Convention
- i HI WWW t? VI <MWt '
Lewis Cass.
COMPROMISE COMMITTEE.
At the instance of Mr. Foote, last Monday,
his motion for a Compromise Committee of thirteen
was postponed till Thursday, (to-day.)
The Committee on Territories has reported a
bill for the admission of California as a State ;
and bills for the organization of Territorial Governmeuts
in Utah and New Mexico, with a provision
for settling the boundary question between
thelatter and Texas. Previously, the Committee
on the Judiciary had reported a bill for the more
efficient reclamation of fugitives from labor
All these bills are before the Senate ; their
principles have been under discussion for the last
four months ; every Senator has made up his
mind in relation to the vote he shall give upon
them.
It is known that the bill for the admission of
California will command a decided majority of
the votes of the Senate; that a majority of the
members will vote uguinst the introduction of the
Proviso in the Territorial bills, and pass them
without restriction as to slavery, being willing
to give any reasonable equivalent to Texas for
the surrender of her claim to New Mexican territory.
These facts are known with absolute certainty
Why not, then, people will ask, take up these bills,
and act upon them at once? This certainly is
the dictate of common sense.
Hut, the Slavery men will not permit this.
They are not satisfied with being able to reject
the Proviso, and pass Territorial bills without it.
They are determined to liuk the admission of
California, the organization of Territorial Governments
without any restriction as to slavery,
and the settlement of the Ikx is claim, in one InII;
and to accomplish this, the project of a Compromise
Committee is urged, to which all these separate
propositions may be referred, and by which
they may he united and reported as one.
This Committee is to consist of six members
from the North, six from the South, and they are
to choose the thirteenth. The Slave Power will
regard it as a great triumph to commit six Northern
Senators to a bill providing for Territorial
Governments without the Proviso Such an omnibus
bill, baelt*d up by a Committee of thirteen,
six of them Northern Senators, would of course
have an easy passage through the Senate, and
would, it is thought, command at once the assent
or a majority or me nouse, wnere, ti wouia De
urged, such a hill must be taken, or none such
a bill furnishing the only sure mode of bringing
in California. Many, who, could they rote on
the measures separately, would support the Proviso,
might he induced to support the omnibus
bill, for the sake of California. In this way they
would be placed in a false position, and this would
weaken their intluenoe, which is precisely what
the projectors of the scheme desire. In this
way, too, the original friends of compromise,
Clay, Webster, and Cass, would find themselves
itrengthened by a large number of entrapped
rupporters from the free States. Moreover, the
Slaveholders would have carried their point;
:heir ascendency would have been reestablished ,
?nd the Washington Union would at once put in
k claim, that the entire plan by which this happy
lettlement of the whole question was effected,
sua of purely Democratic origin, and constituted
mother title of the Democracy of the South to
he gratitude of the oountry 1
Let it be distinctly understood, then, that this
Compromise Committee is entirely unnecessary,
ncept as a means to secure certain ends, necesary
to the r?Establishment of Slaveholding asendency,
and important for party purposes.
Of course, statesmen never make any move- .
nent without a reason?but the reason utmintd
i too often a mere pretext. Some time sinoe the
Nashville Convention was the panio-maker. Our
enerable statesmen pointed anxiously to that
reject, as an all-euffioient reason for Compromise
ad Conciliation. The Convention having been j
tripped of ita terrible attributes, lot another '
. >
f f
r
C., APRIL 11, 1850.
iorror! It is rumored that some forty or fifty ' <
uembera of the House have determined to band i
ogether, to defeat, by well-known parliamentary 1
xpedients and artifices, all action upon the Cali- i
ornia bill as a separate measure I Mr. Clay as- <
u:ne? it as a fact, surrenders in advance, and
onstnta to deliver over California to the tender I
nercies of a Compromise Committee. Mr. Cass
loes the same thing, and he will write letters
tome to certain friends, (who will disseminate
he information,) that he was in favor of admitting
California, of course?but the truth was, the
itate of things was fearful, and growing more
10?God only knew where or how it would terminate?but
one thing was certain, the only way
to get California in was by mixing her up in a
Compromise bill?and so I was obliged to rote
for the Committee of Mr Foote 1
Now, we say to the People, if General Cass
and Mr. Clay really are alarmed by this new
Terror, we must conclude that age has dimmed
their vision, or wofully shaken their nerves.
There is no danger of the kind they dream of.
Were the professed friends of California as firm,
as courageous, as far-geeing, as determined, as
Thomas H Benton, the new State would find an
early entrance into the Union. That statesman,
for his honorable, manly, upright, unswenring
course on this subject, deserves all honor from
the friends of Freedom. As to the venerable
Presidential aspirants in the Senate, you cannot
r,o?- * * ? A - ? -? Sjn fovnr nf,
* r*-w ?
Freedom, so long as they have dreams of the
Presidency, and so long as the South shall continue
the President-maker. " " - <
REMARKABLE PROCEEDINGSIX THE SENATE.
Last Friday, the friends of California were
taken aback by the declaration of Mr. Clay
in favor of the motion of Mr. Foote to refer the
various propositions concerning California, the
Territories, and the Texas boundary, to a Committee
of thirteen, with a view to a comDromise
adjustment of all the questions connected with
the subject of slavery. This was unexpected, as
the Senator from Kentucky had a few weeks before
avowed himself in favor of action upon the
subject of California as a separate measure, and
opposed to what he called, an omnibus bill.
The reporters watch the Senate as they would
a chessboard, and, irreverently enough, are in the
habit of regtrding the moves made therein as
parts of a game, in which the stake is the Pr sidency.
The Senate, we all know, is full of Presidential
aspirants. Those same reporters, devoid
qf veneration^ war -W*- -'"osed wjt|^t>>?> sneech
of Mr. Clay, on his Compromise resolutions, and
had no doubt of his sincere desire to promote the
best interests of his country, but they would
have it that a little self was mixed up with his
disinterested motives?that, relying upon his position
as a slaveholder in Kentucky to secure him
the confidence of his friends in the South, he
clearly foresaw the popularity his speech would
win him at the North. The great Massachusetts
Senator, they continue, animated by kindred
patriotism, looked to another quarter. Relying
upon his position as a Massachusetts Whig, a
Marshficld Whig, the owner originally of the
thunder of the Wilmot Proviso, he also delivered
a nnpcch to save the country, magnanimously
making it more acceptable to the South?the
President-maker?than the speech of his Southern
competitor.
Mr. Clay, they say, did not relish this?so he
waited for an occasion to checkmate the wise man
of the East; and this was soon afforded.
Mr. Webster, after the demonstration of Messrs
Benton and Clay in favor of action upon California
as a separate measure, also delivered his opinions.
lie was in favor of taking one measure at
a time. He would act first upon the California
question, and then he would proceed to dispose
of the Territorial bills?and he could not see the
necessity of the motion of Mr. Foote. Alas for
Iu,m? wia.inm ! Mr. Foote kindly informed the
Mimsachusetts Senator that that would be putwas
utterly hostile to any such transposition?
and it became evident that this question of precedence
was to be made a test question, all Southern
men and liberal Northern statesmen being expected
to go against the admission of California
as a separate measure.
This was nn unlucky turn of events for Mr W.
Theoretically agreeing with the South, practically
opposed?what n mistake was there!
According to these same reporters, Mr. Clay
saw that his hour had come: he was distressed at
the condition of the Nation?he was alarmed for
the Union?he was in favor of conciliation?he
had thought at first that it would be well to
bring California in at once, but, he feared now
that this was not the best way to accomplish the
object. On the whole, without expecting so much
from the Compromise Committee of thirteen, as
its projector, he would nevertheless vote for it,
and vote to refer to it the California ami Territorial
(-Questions, and perhaps the Question of
Texan boundary, so that they might all be embraced
in one billAud thus, say these slanderous
persons, Paniel Webster stands checkmated
by Henry Clay !
It is not for us to give countenance to this
mode of philosophizing on the movements of so
distinguished and patriotic a body as the Senate
of the United States. Its members are all honorable
men, animated doubtless by the most generous
ambition to do all they can for their country,
in the most exalted positions they can reach.
That the events and sequence of events set forth
by these reporters are just as they are stated to
be, is true?but of causes and motives, we leave
the People to judge.
THE GALPHIN CL.U*.
The Galphin claim, as it is called, is attracting
as much attention just now, as the Nashville
Convention. The origin of this cl aim is thus stated
by George M. Jones, acting auditor:
" I find that thisclaim originated in certain debts
due to the said Galphin, and other traders, from
the Greek and Cherokee Indians, the payment of
which was provided for by the treaty of 1773,
between the said Indian tribes and the British
Crown. That on the 2d of May, 1775, an account
of those debts was examined and adjusted by a
mmmiwtion. rom nosed of the Governor and Council
of the colony of Georgia, and the sum of nine thousand
seven hundred and ninety-one pounds fifteen
shillings and fire pence (?9,791 15i. M.?313,.11S97)
was found due to said George Galphin,
in his own right, and as assignee of various other
individuals, to be paid out of the proceeds of the s ?le
of the lands ceded by the said Indians to the British
Crown by the said treaty, provided the same
should be sufficient for that purpose, hut, if insufficient,
then, in a ratable proportion to each of
the claimants, as appears from a certificate rendered
in his furor, and recorded in the journal of
the proceedings of said Governor and Council on
that day."
Meantime, the war of the Revolution broke
out?George Galphiu arrayed himself on the
side of Independence?he lost in this way all
claim upon the British Government. The wild
lands of Georgia were ceded to the General Government?and,
on a subsequent presentation of
his claim to the Legislature of Georgia, it was
held that it was binding on the United States.
Not until the year 1846 was the claim recognised
by Congress, when a bill was passed directing the
Treasury Department to audit and settle the account.
Thiffwas done, Secretary Walker paying
over to the heirs or assigns of the original claimant
319,000. But, a claim for interest for 76
years thereon was then raised, which was rejected
by Mr Walker.
It was renewed under the present Administration?reported
against by Controller Whittlesey
to whom it had been referred?then permitted or
directed by Mr. Meredith to be referred to Mr.
Johnson, Attorney General, who gave his opinion
in favor of its validity. On ths strength of this
opinion, Mr. Meredith directed its payment, and
it has been paid to the amount of $190,000 !
What iaoreaaes the sensation produced by this
extraordinary procedure is the statement current
in the newspapers that Mr. Crawford, Secretary
of War, was ths agent of the claimants in prose
fid A/ *
utiug this claim. At his request, as may be seen
a our Congressional record, a Committee has
)een raised in the House of Representatives, to
nquire into his relation to this claim, and his
conduct respecting it.
When the transaction was first talked about,
the Wathuigton Unton charged Mr. Ewing with
being the actor in it: it was he who had allowed
the claim. The world was invoked to crush with
its indignation a man who could be guilty of so
base an act?and he was charged with corruption.
For one week, he was made the subject of daily
vituperation on this account, and not a word in
explanation or defence appeared in either of the
nrrvana f\f K A A ilminSlt fftt'inn At. loncrth the
LurlUgtttcer inserted an article, stating that Mr.
Ewing had had nothing to do with the transaction,
and knew nothing of it till he was charged
publicly with participation in it?but that the
claim had been paid by Mr. Meredith, on the
strength of an opinion rendered by the Attorney
General. At the same time, it leaked out that
Mr. Crawford was connected with it as an agent
for the claimants formerly, if not at the present
time.
The Union in a lean paragraph retracted its
charge against Mr. Ewing, but expressed no regret
at having done him injustice. One, ignorant
of the sectional prejudices of that paper,
might have supposed that the whole weight of its
indignation would at once have been transferred
tp the real actors in the aff ?ir. "Not at all. Mr.
kwing is a laorinern man?anu xne untoa neglects
no occasion of assailing him in the bitterest
is, Johnson and Crawford are
Southern men?and the Union deals with them ,
tenderly. It expresses some surprise at the decision
of Mr. Johnson?that is all; and it forbears
to enlarge upon the report concerning Mr. Crawford,
trusting that justice may be done by the
Committee of investigation?although it is constrained
to think that it is improper for any member
of the Cabinet to be engaged in prosecuting
claims against the Government of which he is a
part!
Now, Mr. Ewing is no friend of ours?nor do
we sustain any relation to the members of the
Cabinet which disposes us to like or dislike any
of them?but we wish to see justice done. Let
the Uiuon cut aside its sectional feeling, and deal
with all of them impartially. Now, it is notorious
that that Journal is in the habit of assailing
in terms of unmeasured vituperation the conduct
and character of Messrs Ewing and Collamer*
Northern men, and Mr. Clayton, supposed to be
iuclining towards Northern sentiment, while
Messrs. Johnson, Preston, and Crawford, Southern
aivn,'wr**?. tk*^i3w'saowtsWay. !
We ask the Democratic Journals of the country,
whether this is not true.
FOREIGN CORRESPONDENCE.
Paris, March 22, 18f)0.
To lh' Editor of the National Era:
The late triumph of the party of progress at
Paris will send a thrill of joy through the heart
of every friend of the cause. Yes, the elections are
over, and the Royalists, with their hordes of police,
mA, functionaries, and dependents of every kind,
sustained by the influence and activity of the
Government, have been completely overthrown.
The perfidious attempts to sap the Constitution,
the well-devised schemes to erect a Presidency for
life, for the benefit of th% present incumbent of
the Executive chair, have met an unexpected and
severe rebuke. This result has been obtained,
spite of the blunders and faults of the Socialist
leaders. What must not the discontent of the
Bourgeoisie with the Government be, when, in
order to express it, they have voted for such a
man as De Flotte, accused and generally believed
to be one of the heros of the bloody insurrection
of June, and for such a man as Vidal, the incarnation
of the most odious doctrines of the Luxembourg
Congress. No doubt, thousands were prevented
by the character of the candidates from
voting the Socialist ticket The Socialist journals
which made these injudicious nominations. The
ticket was represented by them as the pledge of
reconciliation between the Bourgeoisie and the
workmen. It was denied that Vidal had ever
been on the barricades, and asserted that he, an
innocent man, had been transported without trial,
at the order of a military court. His nomination
was therefore to be taken as a solemn protest in
favor of the regular administration of justice.
The peculiar doctrines of Vidal were said not to be
in question, and his nomination was only an earnest
of the sincerity of the Socialist party in advocating
the improvement of the condition of workmen.
Carnot was the representative of the cause
of popular instruction, as opposed to the monopoly
of education by the J esuits, and the refusal of gratuitous
instruction to the people. The whole ticket
was a protest in favor of the Republic, and against
the reactionary intrigues of the Government and
the provocations of the police. The peculiar doctrines
of Cabet, Proudhon, Plane, and Considerant,
were abandoned by common consent. The
Socialist journals, neither before nor since the
election, have claimed that the late victory was
a triumph of any extreme doctrine. Never before
was this party so sensible. The madness of
June, '-IS, the folly and treason of the appeal to
violence in June, '-19, have given place to a sense
of the importance of the Republic and the majesty
of the will of the people, as expressed in universal
suffrage. The Socialists are the party of
progress; heretofore they have unfortunately,
signalized themselves, not only by the sincerity
of their convictions and devotion to the cause
of progress, but by their violence and want of
discipline. Theorists, either idle, misled, or far
before the age, enjoyed too much influence
among them. This state of things has now disappeared,
as we hope forever. The tone of the
whole Socialist press, including the organs of
extreme opinions, la now moderate, firm, and dignified.
The experience of France, if her public
opinion can be allowed to develop itself peacefully,
will probably be a repetition of that of the
United States. The high conservative party takes
care of the Republic in its first years, but afterwards
gives place to the Democrats, as soon as
these are formed for and capable of exercising
the power.
While thus bearing testimony to the general
g>od conduot, the errors, and the promise of the
Socialists, let us glance at their opponents. The
oourse of the Anti-Republicans of France, since
the general election, in May, '19, it is difficult to
portray. Pretending to observe the Constitution,
their avowed object has been to apply it in such a
{ way as to make it intolerable to the people. By
an interpretation worthy ot Jesuits, they have
endeavored to make the President of the Republic
more arbitrary than any monarch in Europe
except the Czir. The different sections of this
party seem to rival each other in the work of reA
At 1 An TKa Pfpai/Unf tKo naUanS.t. - - J
- ?- - . ??o vuvttuiBMj, nun me
Legitimist, were mutually jealous of each other,
thinking only of seising the greater part of the
spoils of the victory which they did not doubt wis
sure. The atfiirs both of the Administration and
of the Assembly were managed with a recklessness,
want of good faith, and alarishness of expenditure
worthy of the best days of the royalty. As the enemies
of popular right will only see in the last
vote of Paris another instance of French fickleness
we will examine more closely the past relations
of the capital aud the administration. A fter
the bloody days of June, Paris eleoted conservatives.
Why ? Because they were then the champions
of order against anarchy. Paris suppressed
the attempt on the 13th of June of Ledru Rollin
and others against the Government. Why 7 Beciuse
the insurgents oould lead to nothing, in the
theu state of France, but a general civil war.
What haa the administration done since that
time, as well as before, which the people have
wished to disapprove at the ballot box 7 This
election is the first which haa been held In France
since the revolution, which haa been ftre# from the
pressure of insurrection and the state sf siege
What haa the Presidont done which has rsssad
the people against him 7
i
vol. nr.
He sustained all the corruptions and electoral
intrigues of the minister Fauoher, all the subtletiee
and Jeeuitism of Le Falloui; dis?ol?P,i
almost by/orce the Constituent Assembly , refusal
to perform hU promises of general amnesty and
economy, promised before his election, throws
ridicule upon the Vice Presidency by nominating
?_ ?1 I.SUM.i.1 .L. --11
?u wmituir iuh cunrge of I
administration ; endeavored to impose on thentudeuts
professors known to have been hribe<i under
Louis Philippe ; made war upon the right of
holding public meetings by the people, refused to
permit a parliamentary investigation of the mili.
tary measures thken by him against the Constituent
Assembly ; spread panics among the people by
rumors of imaginary plots; erocted the guillotine
for political offences; removed from office every
civil functionary suspected of republican opinions
reduced to system the transportation of soldiers
to Algeria for the sameotfence; made hundreds of
arbitrary arrests of influential political opponents
dissolved the Republican Guard, cot down liberty
trees, and removed from public sight all red caps
triangles, and other emblems of liberty and equality,
dishonored the revolution of February, by
turning its anniversary into a day of mourning
broke up banquets by armed force; doubled a salary
already too large; continued pensions conferred by
the favor of Louis Philippe, contrary to law, on
noblemen and their families, and prefects re'ired
from office under pretence of sickness; leagued
himself with foreign foes of the Republic, for the
general persecution of the party of progress, and
for the destruction of the Roman Republic; made
tn tho Constitution without the con
sent of the Assembly; turned the prisons of France
into receptaclee for the editors of free presses
dragged writers in chains along the publio higl.
ways; left the people by his silence to suppose Lim
the abettor of all the designs against the permtnence
of the Republic; chose for his bosom friends
intriguers and parasites, and in every way made
himself unworthy of the confidence of a great
people. This is the indictment of Louis Bonaparte,
preferred by the city of Paris for the verdict
of posterity.
Of the royalist parties in the Assembly, it is
unnecessary to say more than that they have
sanctioned all that the President has done, and
j urged him to do still more.
The vote stood as follows: Carnot, 132,797 ;
Vidal, 128,439; Deflotte, 126,982; Foy, 125.643;
Lahitte, 125,478; Bonjeau, 124,347. It will be
seen here, that Deflotte fell behind the other 'Socialist
candidates, for the reasons above indicated
The election was more hotly contested than any
other which has ever taken place at Pa^ia More
person! tobi part in the vote. The small number
of persons refusing to take part may be estimatel
from the following statement:
Whole number of voters inscribed, 353.509
Whole number of votes, - - 260,198
Difference between cards and votes, 93 311
The list of votes was made out about eighteen
months ago, so that changes of residence, departure
from the city, deaths, and ordinary caus<s
which detain voters from the polls, may account
for a large portion of the 93,000 wanting. A
considerable number of the rest may be fairly
supposed to be respectable Bourgeois, equally unwilling
to sustain the Government, or vote for
Vidal and Deflotte.
The defeat of the reactionary party is total
and irrecoverable. The victory of the Socialists
is felt on all hands to be the greatest event in
Europe since the election of Louis Bonaparte
The effect on all the parties interested is remarkable.
To trace it, will be to present a pretty
fair portraiture of the present state of public
opinion.
The Swiss question, which had been kept hang
ing as a bugbear over the nation, whs dropped
at once, the organs of the President doclaring
that it had been settled in all points to the satisfaction
of all parties. This conclusion seems to
warrant the view taken in my last letter, that
whole difficulty was originated for effect in France i
We shall probably hear no more of it, all the 1
Governments continuing as before to dictate to |
Switzerland her treatment of the refugees.
The President himself is said to have been
gr&atly discouraged, and indeed throwu into h
etate of physical and mental prostration, by the
- i ? l* .i! J?<aJI Aplir KaCnra tJu
and contrary to tne advice of prime minister Bar^
rot, sanctioned another proclamation by Mr
Carlier, the prefect of police, in which the Socialists
were spoken of as imiteciles, demagogues,
cowards, fools, men bent on pillage, men overwhelmed
with debts and crimes. The elections
proved, that according to the President, the majority
in the capital were no better than they
should be. Notwithstanding this, 2> Napoleon of
last Sunday spoke of the victory of the Socialists,
as " the triumph of an enemy whose only object
is pillage," announces the close union of the President
and the leaders of the majority, and declares
that the President is ready to risk everything
to strengthen the Government and protect
society.
The ministry, who had counted on a large majority,
had already prepared the most severe lows
against the press, the jury, the electoral reunions,
and persons leaving their homes. These laws
were intended to be pissed in the first flush of
victory, as the fair expression of the will of the
people What was the rage of Monsieur Barret
and his colleagues to fiud these projects vetoed in
their very pockets!
The members of the majority in the Assembly
were differently affected. The first impulse of
all was one of fury. In this state of mind, the
leaders?Thiers, Molet, Montalbert, Dnpin, Berryier,
and others?waited upon the President
to heal old dissensions, and to conclude sn offensive
alliance against the Socialists. The stringent
laws were to be presented immediately,and voted
by acclamation, as a desperate means of saving
society. It may be supposed that every assurance
was given the President of support in any attempt
he might make to strengthen the Government, as
the phrase is here, but which means, in plain
English to usurp the Presidency for life. All the
n it_* i r*i I iLl. all!
nojausi ana c-iy?ce papers Huuuuucru hub mauce,
and the character of the laws to be presented
.
The Royalist and Ktys<5e papers could not at
first find terms strong enough to express their
rage and disappointment. Their long-concealed
ha'red to the Constitution was spoken out plainly,
the mantle of hypocrisy being thrown aside, a*
unsnited to the times. The ministers and President
were invoked by name to strike a great
and decisive blow at once, on pain of being pronounced
"cowards and imbeciles." The call was
for arms and blood, extermination of the enemy?
the use of the sword?not couched in diplomatic
phrases and figures of rhetoric, but in short and
spasmodic sentences, such as are written by men
whose hearts are full of fierceness, and whose
veins are burning with the maddening liquid
"Count our men," cried Lti Patrie. "Let the
contest come now. The sooner the better." A
call for a campaign against the Constitution, and
for its violation by the majority, was published
by all the royalist papers, followed by the
names of more than one hundred and sixty members
of the legislative majority, the patrons of the
paper in which the call first made its appearance
On all sides rose the cry, u Down with nwiversel
suffrage!" One paper said: "The majority knew
that the actual system of suffrage is nothing but
a game of chance, in which the dioe arc loaded to
the advantage of the revolutionists" Id K""
its Dfv r Months, the literary organ of the Orleanists,
said: " Of what use is it to conceal the
evil and its-cause? Ita cause is holy and univer
sal suffrage, as organised by the Constitution "
1. Astmtltt National* demanded the immediate
abolition of the vote by ballot, the writiog down
the votes by mayors appointed by the President
or Prefecta, limitation of the right of eofTrage in
every way possible, and the rote by email die
triets.
Hut while the office-holders and their paid tools
were endeavoring to lash the people into fury, and
light up the flames of civil war, they found the
ranks of their followers rapidly thinning. Their
course of brutality and violenoe was dimpprovod
of by the sensible men of their own pert/ The
legitimist papers, quick to detest the tendencies
of public opinion, immediately began to advise
calmness and moderation, and are now, every one
of them, naloua advocates fbr mildness They
declare that the legitimists ot the Assembly, a*
well as the whole legidmist party, will oppose anj
stringent law against the press, any attempt at
usurpation by President Bonaparte, or any attempt
te limit the right of suffrage Seised by a
new spirit of liberality, they declare universal
suffrage perfectly compatible with a well-regulated
onarehy.andarewllling to rest the fate of Henry
V on the will of tho people. The defectioos are
net eonffaed tothe legitimists. The members of
the Asaembly quoted as endorsing the note attacking
the Conetitution. are frightened by the poei
lien give* them, and have generally disavowed all
oonaeetion with il The more prudent papers,
such as Le ConstitutiON*! and Lt Journal its D>l>ati,
quote no more ftirious articles, but hsve taken to
dieenesing the angar question and the beet roots
to Australia, with aa much eainoetaeoa aa if lbs
fate of France depended on the eolation of thoos
interesting question*