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i THE NATIONAL ERA.
WASHINGTON, APRIL '2\ 18.'?0 We have compiled from the reports of the daily papers, a full account of Senate proceedings last week, throwing in brackets such editorial explanations and comments, as our personal observation suggested. f~ir To Each 8cbsc riser.?I)ou't forget, when you renew your subscription, to send & V, which will pay for yourself and two new subscribers. $Z)r To Advkrtiskr.n.?Don't forget that we can allow four columns for advertisements, and that the Era is probably the best paper for giving extensive circulation to advertisements, published in Washington city. Mrs. Southworth's Story.?As those of our readers who dislike Fiction have probably paid little attention to Mrs. South worth's story, we earnestly request them to read the chapter this week, on the first page. It is a powerful and painful exhibition of one part of a subject in which they are deeply interested. Or Tiir Anti-Slavery Men of Kentucky.? We hope nobody will overlook the two series of articles now appearing in our paper?one by Cassius M. Clay, the other by John G. Fee, of Kentucky. Kentuckians are apt to feel deeply and speak boldly. The Free Soil Men of Connecticut, it would seem, hold the balance of power in the Legislature. Mr. Baldwin's term in the Senate will expire with this Congress, and a successor must be chosen by the coming Legislature, or the neit succeeding one. Mr. Baldwin has proved himself an honest and able friend of Anti-Slavery principles; and he has never been wanting in bis duty to the cause of Free Soil. We hope that the Free Soil members of the Connecticut Legislature will see to it that his place be tilled by a man equally worthy and faithful. Or Mr. Cokwin.? Mr. Corwin, of the House, recently made a Free Soil speech, which the Telegraph informed certain newspapers in the West was delivered by Senator Corwin. Other Western journals, noticing the mistake, comment with severity on the silence of Mr. Corwin of the Senate, construing it into evidence of want of fidelity in the present crisis. We regret that he has not yet seen proper to deliver his views, but we know '-i-, . \ biTOy*-** to allof lyiph an^injnutaty^ to pass without repelling it. A\ e believe Mr. Corwin is 1 true on the Question now agitating Congress, and no doubt the country will hear from him, after the report of the Compromise Committee shall .1 have been made. ? Mr. Benton.?Mr. Benton has distinguished himself by the gallantry, the firmness, and consistency of his course in relation to the admission of California. His zeal in her cause and his present course have been attributed to the fact that one of her Senators is his son-in-law. It so happens that he manifested equal zeal for the territorial f org tnizition of Oregon, where no such motive could operate, and that the policy he now pursues dates long anterior to the election of Col. Fremont. It will be time enough to charge him with such petty selfishness, when he shall violate the principles he has always professed, and depart from the policy in relation to the Territories of Oregon, California, and New Mexico, which he has always pursued. Mr. Cleveland of Connecticut?Mr. Cleveland, of Connecticut, made an admirable speech last Friday, in defenco of Free Soil, doing justice to its advocates nnd to its enemies. We shall publish it in our next. TERMINATION OF DEBATE. ?? "Mr. Doty of Wisconsin has given notioe of his intention to introduce next Monday a resolution to terminate debate the 1st of May, in Committee of the Whole, on the California message, and on his bill for its admission. A SCENE IN THE SENATE. Last Wednesday a transaction took placo in the Senate, which has excited much comment throughout the country. Towards the close of a long aud laborious session, during which a deeply exciting struggle was going on between the friends find opponent!) of Compromise, Mr. Foote, who had for the moRt pnrt kept himself in the back ground, roHO to reply to some remarks of Mr. Benton, referring, in condemnatory terms, to the Southern Address. Mr. Foote defended that document and its authors, and asked, with indignant emphasis, "By whom was that address denounced ? By the oldest Senator?by a gentleman who"? Here he suddenly paused, and we saw him hastening from the place where ho stood, to the area in front of the Secretary's desk. At the same instant we observed Mr. Benton approaching the seat of the Senator from Mississippi. This at once explained the movement of the latter, who, the moment he gained the open area of the Senate, faced about, and then, for the first time, we saw a pistol in his hand, ready, as we supposed, to be used, should Mr. Benton approach and assail him, as Mr. Foote seemed to think he would do. Mr. Benton was greatly excited, appeared to be struggling to reach the Mississippi Senator, and at one time he threw open his coat, exclaiming in his loudest tones, " Let the assassin fire ! 1 am unarmed and with the most vehement indignation he denounced as false and cowardly the imputation that he had come armed to the Senate. At last, he was induced by his friends who had surrounded him, to take his seat, and Mr. Foote, who gave up his pistol to Senator Dickinson, returned to his seat. Mr. Foote explained that he did not make a practice of going armed?that he had never assailed any rann with deadly weapons?that he had never come armed to the Senate until after the threat made by the Senator from Missouri some weeks since?thst, in consequence of that threat, being in feeble health nud of small stature, he had yielded to the advice of his friends, and armed himself, not for the purpose of assaulting any man, but simply as a matter of precaution against assault?that seeing the Senator from Missouri approaching him, he believed he was intending to execute bis threat, and that he (Mr. Foote) had immediately left his place, taken his stand in the area, and drawn his pistol, merely to defend himself against what he verily believed, meditated violence. Mr Benton reiterated that it was base and cowardly to charge hiui with wearing arms; he never carried deadly weapons After thin, a Committee of Investigation was appointed. It was a most painful exhibition, one which we hope never again to witness in the Senate of the United States. The people of the whole nation, judging from the intensely indignant comments of the press, regard the transaction as n national disgrace. But we cannot sympathize with the violence of denunciation heard on all sides. In one section Mr. Benton is vilified as a bully and a rutlian' in another, Mr. Foote is styled a rutlian and an assassin; and there are cries for their expulsion Great injustice is done both Senators. There is no evidence that violence was premeditated by either. Both had become somewhat excited by the events of the day ; both acted on the impulse of the moment, under a serious misapprehensionMr. Benton seemed to be under the impression that Mr. Foote had said or was saying something grossly personal. This was a mistake. Whatever may have been the intention of Mr. Foote, up to the moment when the interruption took plaoe, no insulting word had escaped him. On the other hand, Mr l>ote believed, according to his own statement, that Mr. Benton was shout to commit violence upon him?and his conduct confirms his T statement, lie drew his pistol in self-defence, and we saw no indication of a purpose to use it, ! to assassinate his opponent. We do not believe that be harbored any such intention. No deliberative body, however grave and dignified, is entirely exempt from theee sudden out- j bursts of passion ; but generally, the best corrective of the evil is, the deep mortification of the parties concerned, the just indignation of the body, and the stern rebuke administered by an outraged public sentiment. Violent remedies would rather exasperate the evil, by arousing a | revenge ful spirit in the parties sought to be pun ished. and by provoking sympathy in their favorWe trust that an event so humiliating to the whole nation, may not pass without i's lesson to the Senate. That body has rendered itself re* sponsible, to a great extent, for what has happened, by its connivance at personalities. An impulsive speaker, with an active imagination, and a passion for invective, in the excitement of speaking is very apt to run into inconsiderate personalities, unless checked by calls to order. If not admonished, without any clear understanding of what he is about, without a malignant purpose. he is sure to say things extremely offensive, and tending to provoke violence. Is he alone blameworthy ? Or, should we not equally condemn the conduct of the members, who, sitting calmly in their seats, and seeing clearly the tendency of his remarks, permit Vim ' to go on, till it is too late to repair the mischief of his intemperate remarks? We have seen such speakers in Congress, men of kind hearts, but hot impulses, who would really have thanked a member for calling them to order, thereby preventing remarks which none would deplore more than themselves in their cool moments. THE COMPROMISE COMMITTEE. The Southern Men, (Whigs an 1 Democrats united, always excepting Mr. Benton.) by t)*aid of seven of the sixteen Northern Democratic members of the Senate, succeeded in carrying their Compromise Committee. To the credit of the Whigs from the free States, be it spoken, only two of them were consenting to its formation These two were Mr. Webster nnd Mr. Cooper. Mr. Webster, on the hrst test question, when his vote, if recorded with the Northern Men, would have put an extinguisher upon the project of a Committee, recorded it on the side of Compromise. At later periods in the action on Mr. Foote's motion, when his vote could not affect the i result, he voted against the Committee s^tte tacts People must draw their o#n inferences. Mr. Coopkr of Pennsylvania canvassed that State for General Taylor and Free Soil, denouncing Slavery from the stump with extreme bitterness, pledging the Whig Party and himself specially to the maintenance of Free Soil. Since he has taken his seat in the Senate, not a word haa fallen from him, not a vote has been given by him, that could betray the slightest opposition to Slavery or its extension. We understand that he was induced to give countenance, if not to pledge support to the scheme of a grand Compromise Committee; that on the day when that subject was to be brought up, and every Senator interested for or against ihe question wascxpected to be at his post, it being known that the proslavery and anti-slavery parties were to try their strength upon it, he left for New York ; that he attended the Clay Festival in that city the following day, making a speech in honor of the Great Compromiser, at that moment engaged in a mighty effort to put down the Wilraot Proviso? that on returning to this city, he became writsposed, A? room during the n-ltok period the Senate tras involved in the struggle which fiuslly terminated in the triumph of the Pro-Slavery i Party! We like to see men one thing or the other. If the Lord he Lord, serve hiin ; if Baal, serve him. We can understand Daniel Dickinson of New York. He thiuks the North wrong, and the j South right; he abominates the principles and policy of the former on the Slavery Uuestion; he likes those of the latter. What he thinks, he 3ays, and what he says, he acts out and adheres to. On any question concerning Human Liberty, you can predict his vote with infallible certainty. He plays no double gnme?he is open, thorough, uuwavering, consistent in his support of Southern policy ; an l of course, disappoints nobody. | Has Mr. Cooper seen cause to abandon his anti; slavery views? Let him manfully declare the change, and act in accordance with his new light. If he retains the opinions he proclaimed so zealously during the Presidential canvass, let him proclaim them now. Did his constituents expect him to be a mere cipher in Congress? to say nothing, do nothing, voto nothing?to desert his post at the critical hour when the struggle between Freedom and Slavery was to be j decided ? The fact that this scheme of a Compromise Committee originated with the Slaveholders, that it was sustained by them unitedly, (with a single exception,) that all tho Northern men present, but five, opposed it, necessarily invests it with a sectional character: so that the report of the Committee can have no more weight than a document from any other Committee presenting the I opinions of only one party to a controversy. It may he said that the Committee in its organization fairly represents the views of both sections of the Union Far from it ! Who constitute it? On the part of the South, six of its ablest men, all of them, except one, notorious for their ultra pro-slavery opinions. They are, H'Aiij.f, Mangum, Bell, Berrien; Democrats, Mason, King, Downs?all representing extreme Southern opinions. While on iho part of the North, we have, Webster, Cooper, Phelps; Democrat. , Cass, Bright, Dickinson?every one except Mr Phelps, opposed to the Northern view of the Slavery Uuestion, and sympathizing with the Southern. And the Chairman of the Committee, Henry Clay, is now the most efficient champion of all that the Slaveholders demand. Of the Committee of Thirteen, then, the Chairman and eleven members are pledged supporters of the slaveholding policy of No-SlaveryHestriction?leaving Mr. Phelps as the sole representative of that large majority of the American People who are in favor of the Jeffersonian policy of Restriction! To what consideration is a Committee so constituted, entitled ' It is a fact worthy of notice, that after all, tht> friends of this f unous scheme were indebted to the courtesy of its opponents for the power to carry it into execution. The result of the balloting for Chairman was, ."to votes, and 4 blanks The blanks, of course, were not counted, and the Vice President announced that there was no choice, because a quorum of the Senate had not voted I To relieve the Senate from its ridiculous predicament, Messrs. Webster and Benton offered, it it was desired, to deposite their ballots, and so by the courtesy of those who had voted against the Committee, the Senile was enabled to execute its order to nppoint one! And yet, a scheme so ill-supported, is to adjust ^his great question, and give peace to the country! I)..t tkn fw?'t on.ln nf Mia PAtntniHnA ut?Pi> HllhitPf to another mortification. The members having been chosen, Mr. Phelps rose nml begged to be excused from serving His health was poor?he was opposed to the organization of such a Committee? he anticipated no good from it?his views would not be in harmony with those entertained by it! Mr Maagum entreated him, piteously, to withdraw his request?he was besieged en all sides?an 1 Mr Webster openly appealed to him to give them the benefit of his counsels. Mr. Phelps declined to withdraw his request, but was williug to submit it to the Senate?and the Senate refused to excuse him. Mr. Benton remarked, while the motion of Mr. Foote was under consideration, that the appointment and action of the Committee would either create alarm or a laugh, lu view of what has since transpired, the People will experience any other emotion than that of alarm. HE NATIONAL ERA MOVEMENTS IN NEW MEXICO. The New Mexican, published at Santa Fe, in its number for January 17, and in an extra of the same date, contains two long and well-reasoned articles in favor of the formation of a State Government The writer refers to a letter to Mr Skinner, from Senator Foote, strongly opposing the organiution of such a Government, and to concurrent etTorts on the part of Mr. Berringer (Bedinger?) of Virginia. We leirn from another source that the letter advised the formation of a ounjn t ui cir?w*=ijr, nuru mh iu i? u uuiiniiHTUKltJ I portion of the territory that lies south of the ootn- I promise line? No." He then proceeds to argue that the only way to extricate the people of New Mexico from their condition of anarchy, and terminate the struggle in the States, is, to organise at once a State Government. It seems that Mr. Foote's letter against the formation of a State Government was forwarded before or duringthe meeting of the Convention held to determine the question of a Territorial Government? that the concurrent efforts of the South were made at the same time ; and by another paragraph in the New Mexican article, we learn that different counsels emanated from the Executive at Washington : " It is known," says the writer, " that Mr. Skinner, besides the Foote letter, brought with him the result of a conversation with the Secretary of State, who gave it as his opinion,1 that the jrople of New AL hco couhl not obtain from Congress a Territorial Government.' I Ie also gave it as his opinion, that the claim of Texas was sufficiently formidable to induce the people of New Mexico to semi to Congress her Senators and Representatives to vote on this question, as well as Texas. This, we know, can only be accomplished by the formation of a State Government." Hut, as the result showed, the sentiment of the people of New Mexico against slavery, (which is said to be decided.) nndtho influence of the Chief Executive, proved of no avail against the power of the Slavery-Extensionists ; who carried, first, tho question in favor of a Territorial Government; secowlly, tho question against the Proviso. The facts stated warrant the apprehension that the Slavery Party in New Mexico is really in the ascendency. And yet the New York Express, the New York Tribune, and other Whig Journals, formerly advocates of the Wilmot Proviso, following now the lead of Mr. Webster, talk of the Proviso as if it were a mere abstraction?and as if Freedom iu New Mexico were safe, without any such precautionary measure. They profess to bo confirmed in this view by thf* fnllnu'intr iMtor Pnun \1 ? RmllK #ka from that Territory, in reply to one addressed to him l?y Mr. Webster, who is seeking in every quarter to find some support for his new position. W ashinoton. April 9, 1850. To thr Hi>11. Daniel Waaler. U. S. Smote: Dkar Sir I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the ^fh instant, and reply to It with great pleasure. New Mexico is an exceedingly mountainous country, Sante Fe itself being twice as high as the highest point of the Alleghanies, and nearly all the land, capable of cultivation, is of equnl height, though some of the valleys have less altitude above the sea. The country is cold. Its general agricultural products are wheat and eorn, and such vegetables as grow in the Nortern States of this Union. It is entirely unsuited for slave labor. Labor is exceedingly abundant ami eheap. It may be hired for three or four dollars per month, in quantity quite sufficient for carrying on all the ngriculture of the Territory. There is no cultivation except by irrigation, and there is not a sufficiency of water to irrigate all the land. As to the existence, at present, of slavery in New Mexico, it is the general understanding that it has been altogether abolished by the laws of Mexico; hut we have no established tribunals which have pronounced, as yet, what the law of the land in this respect is. It is universally considered. however, that the Territory is altogether a free Territory. I know of no persons in the country who are treated as slaves, excent such tis may l>e servants to gentlemen visiting or passing through the country. I may add, that the strongest feeling ngninst slavery universally prevails through the whole Territory, and I suppose it quite impossible to convey It there, and maintain it by any means whatever I have the honor to be, with regard, your obedient servant, Hi'uh N. Smith. To these opinions of Mr. Smith, no doubt hon- ! estly entertained, of the natural obstacles to slavery, we oppose the facts?that the system prevails amid the snows of Russia ; that it had obtained foothold in Oregon, from which it was only excluded by positive law, that backed as they were by the Ordinance of 17H7, the friends of Freedom in Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, had a hard struggle to keep down the advocates of the introduction of slavery; that slave labor has already been found profitable in California, which was also declared to be fit only for free labor; and Territorial Government, without the Proviso; but should a State Government be resolved upon, it urged total silence on the subject of slavery. It seeius, then, that leaders of the slaveholding party have been somewhat busy in the affairs of New Mexico, laboring to prevent there the result which has been reached in California. The suspicion we have long entertained, and often hinted, is thus confirmed. Mr. Foote has done what he had a right to do. Believing it important to the interests of the South that no barrier should be erected in New Mexico ngainst the introduction of slavery, he has not confined himself to efforts to prevent restrictive legislation by Congress?he has extended his operations to New Mexico itself, endeavoring to induce the People there to abstain from all action agtinst slavery. This course of conduct is legitimate, and we trust that his example may not bo lost. If there be influential members of Congress who are sincerely desirous of seeing free institutions established in New Mexico, let them neglect no honorable means of impressing the people of that Territory with their own convictions. It is not improbable that the struggle between Slavery and Freedom may be transferred to that country? and with them may rest the decision whether their soil shall be consecrated to Liberty or prostituted to Slavery. The writer of the articles in the New M'.rican urges the expediency of forming a State Government, chiefly in view of the great division of sentiment in the States and in Congress on the question of slavery in relation to the Territories. He refers to the position of Mr. Benton on one side, that of Mr. Calhoun on the other?to the action of the Free Soil Convention that brought out Mr. Van Burcn for the Presidency?to the fact that "a majority of the present Congress is opposed to the admission of any more territory, except with the prohibition of slavery. ' What," he asks, " has been the universal legislation upon this subject, from the days of the Missouri compromise to me present time > lias t.w? , L vA r Altai \iroh c r attknCvoVmrlCf*.; ui 1 what this has been the absorbing question ' Has there been legislation of late years upon this subject, that has not convulsed the whole country ? , And uow as to this very Territory acquired by the treaty with Mexico, lying south of the compromise line, Southern statesmen, of both parties, declare to the world that they have the right to take their slaves there, and that it is the duty of the Congress to protect them in their slave property in this Territory acquired by the common blood and treasure of both the North aod South. The moment that a movement is male in Congress to form a Territorial Government, the Northern Free Soil men proclaim that it alone can be admitted as free territory, that is, with the prohibition of slavery ; and Southern statesmen have as boldly proclaimed that they would alone abide the j Missouri Compromise; that territory north of 3f>? should be admitted free, an I that all south should be received us the Southern States, with slavery. Now, am I sustained by the facts? Look at the whole legislation of Congress on this subject?look at the last Territorial Government bill passed by the Congress. I mean the Oregon bill. Why was the Wilmot Proviso attached to that bill? It could have uo practical operation as to that Territory; and yet we find this very question ngitating the public mind at the time ot' the formation of that Territorial Government. Southern Congressmen submitted to the bill because they said the whole of the territory was north of the Missouri Compromise line, but publicly proclaimed that they would never submit to the : prohibition of slavery south of the compromise \ line. Now, facts are stubborn things, and judg- j ing of the future by the past, what are we to ex pect ? That Congress can establish for us a Ter- . ritorial Government, as we ask it, silent on the I U WASHINGTON, D. j * " ?? that, if there be valuable minca as it is said there are in New Mexico, the same kind of labor will be found to be exceedingly remunerative there and to his statement that the strongest anti-slavery feeling prevails in that country, we oppose the fact, that the counsels of Mr. Foote and his Southern associates proved more than a match for | it, when, under their influence, a Territorial Govpmmpnt ur rWi.i?<i nnon instead of a State -r-_ Government, and all action restricting slavery was oarefully abstained from. What effect the proceedings of the present I Congress, so far as the report has reached New Mexico, may have upon the People?it is difficult to say. Perhaps the State Government party miy desire new arguments from the condition of things here, in favor of their position, and renew under better auspices their struggle for a State organization. If the question be kept open much longer, we should not be much surprised to see New Mexico coming to Congress and asking admission as a State?a movement, we apprehend, that would be very unpalatable to Messrs. Clay and Webster, who seem bent on throwing contempt upon the President's policy of non-action LITERARY NOTICES. Cm a and thi Ci'bans. H y the Author of Letter* from j ('aba. New York: Samuel Hue*ton. For sale by R. K artibam, Penuylvania avenut, Wasbisgtsn. Weobserved, theother day, a copy of this work 1 lid npon the desk of every member of Congress It is a highly instructive book, presenting an interesting view of the present social, political, and domestic condition of the people >of Cuba. It also contains ample statistics of the trade of the island. In an appendix the question of annexation is treated at large, and with much ability ; j the writer, who appears to be a native Cuban, urging the vast importance of the measure by a great variety of considerations. White Jackkt; ob, Thb World in a Man of-War. ! By Herman Melville. New York: Harper A Brothexs. I For sale by Franek Taylor, Washington, P. C. l>no| decimo, pp. 4W>. In this volume we have reo/t/y, not romance. In 1 ninety-three brief chapters, the author paints as many distinct Bcenes of life on board a man-ofwar. There is plenty of incident, but it is made subservient to the very laudable purpose of exhibiting the condition of our navy, its discipline, the treatment of the sailors. &c. Facts concerniig the use of rum and of the cat-o'-nine-tails are detailed, which must arrest the attention of the nation. The book should be placed in the hands of every member of Congress 'n gires a ?tfcarer insight into thi* abuses prevalent' in our navy, and a better conception of the necessary remedies than any work within our knowledge. It entitles its author to the warmest thanks of every American interested in the imI^vement of the condition and elevation of the character of our stilors. Tub Knickerbocker. New York S&iuuel Hueston. April, I860 The gossip of the editor this month with his readers and correspondents is better than all the rest of the magazine, with the exception of one or two poems. The Knickerbocker has merits of its own, and is altays attractive. Blackwood's Kdinicroh Maoa/ink. March, 18.vi. New York: Leonard Scott A Co. For sale by W. Adam, Fa. avenue, Wanhingtot The opening and closing articles of this number arc purely political, the first treating of Civil Revolution in the Canadas, the last of the Corn Law*, Free Trade, Sic. The policy of the English Government in relation to the Canadas is severely condemned. It is contended that, by admitting their colonists to a representation in Parliament, making them e<|ual partners with the people of England, in the Government, the annexation movement may be arrested ; but a contrary policy must lend to the most disastrous results. The literary articles arc highly entertaining. l'llKKN JLllOy AMI) THJ| Kca i rvi'R is. Hy Kcv. Jehu Flerpont. New York: Fowler &. Well*. Mr. Pierpont in this lecture attempts to show the liurmony of the psychology of Phrenology and that of the Scriptures. He presents several instructive and striking views, which we commend to those who are under the impression that Phrenology is infidelity in disguise. Sartain's Uniom Maoazinb. May, 1850. Philadelphia. This number is excellent in its contributions ami its embellishments. Mr. Godey's attempted disparagement of the magazine has promoted its circulation, if we may judge from the announcement of the publishers, that for the third time they have been obliged to reprint the early numhers of the present volume, to supply the increased demand. Graham's Magazine. May, 1350. Philadelphia. Among the contributors to the May number, we notice George I). Prentiss, W. II. C. Hosmer, and other well-known writers. The proprietors announce that their writers and artists are preparing for the production of " a most glorious number for July?the first number of the new volume"?nnd that the leading plate in it will be Jknny Li.nd, the world-renowned singer. The enterprise of the publishers is worthy of all praise. Mkthooist Quarterly Kevibw April, IR'O. J. McClintock, l>. P., Kdltor. New York Ijine A Scott. This certainly is one of the best quarterlies in the country. With enough of denominational matter to commend it to the body of which it is an organ, its general merits, as a literary review, and its distinguished liberality entitle it to the respect and patronage of the public at large. Some of the articles in the number nre quite elaborate, and all may be read with profit. Piarv or a Physician in California, by James L. Tyson, M. It. New Vork . P. Apple ton A Co. For ?ale by K Furntiani, P*. avenue, Washington. Dr.Tyson furnishes a sufficiently minute account of his journey to and from California, over the Isthmus, and of his residence in that country, the whole occupying not quite a year. There is nothing very novel in the Diary, but it contains practical suggestions that it would be well lor California adventurers to attend to. The Doctor does not present a glowing picture of fortune-hunting hi IhWgold diggings. Tiir North Uritisu Kavisw. February, IsoO. N?w Vork : lwonaril Scott A Co. For vale by W. Adam, Pa. aveou*, Washington. The North British Review does not offer a very tempting table of contents in this number. The majority of the topics discussed are of local or technical interest. We give the running titles of the articles: Lord Cocltburn's Letter to the v i n , . n.ALi.1. o.... t i.a: liUrvi r H'tuhv . nuniiaiii s ucfcii ui aivui* tecture ; Pope Joan j Soutbey's Life an<l Correspondence; Muller's Treatise on Sin; Miller's Footprints of the Creator; Scottish National F.iiuration, the Armj and its Officers; Stuart Wortley's Marriage Bill. Hi-ms'* History, Vol. V. Th? Harprr*. For tale by Kranck Taylor, Pa avenue, Waabingt >u We hare received Vol. V of thia republication. The sixth and laat volume, we understand, has been issued. It is a remarkably neat, convenient, and cheap edition, of a work of great and enduring merit, costing, we are told, but forty cents a volume! The Methodist Qosrterly Review says, that it is the purpose of the same publishers to print Gibbon and Macaulay in the s tme form and at the same pries. Tj We have just reoeived the last volume. Kiroav or the Taut, or Paorsasoa J. W Wanna. Iluotou: Phlllipe, haepewo, X Co. For sale by Taylor A. Maury, Waabli^toa. We have hers a full report of the trial of Dr. Webter?the testimony, the arguments of counsel, the charge of Chief Justioe Shaw, the verdict of the coroner's Jury, Ate. The report made pho nographioally by Dr. 8tone. The whole forms a volume of over 300 pages?postage to any part of the United Statin, IB oents. C., APRIL 25, 1850. KEEPING THE QUESTION OPEN. "The Free-Soilers, the Wilmot-Prorisoists? cell tbem by wh.UoTer name you please?are opposed to any scheme of compromise which is calculated to settle the agitating question of the day. They know that, in this e?ent, 'Othello's occupation's gone'?that the means of riding into power upon this hobby would be denied to political aspirants?and that the Abolitionists woull cunae u> ne me mane-weigQi iu poimc.ii uuuir^ia | in some of the Northern States. It is no wonder. therefore, that the?e factious fanatics are opposed ! to all compromises. They want the question kept open for future agitation. Hence, their op! position to acting upon the case of California, in conjunction with the Territories of Utah, New Mexico, &c., Ac. Hence, too, the denunciations of the Abolition print in this city of the scheme of the 'compromise committee."'?washing oh Union The Union greatly mistakes the policy and purposes of what it is pleased to term, "the Abolition print of this city." We do net wish the Territorial Ciuestion kept open. Let it be settled at once, we say, provided it can be done on right principles. Nor are we anxious to separate the question of the admission of California from that of Governments for the Territories, unless for the very reason for which the Union is anxious to conjoin them?that such a conjunction will enable the Slavery-Party to defeat the Wilmot Proviso. Insert this provision ! \a any bill, proposing to organiie Territorial holding a lighted torch, is protruded from the head of the tomb, and uuderueath is the inscription : "Though dead, he illumines the world." To the left rises the Jail towers of old St. Sulpice, and to the right the glazed dome of the Ob servatory. Not a bad panorama of France? workmen, idlers, national monuments, national vanity, magnificent temples reared to a worthless priesthood and to science. What a world Paris is! and how delightful life is in this balmy climate, in this city, filled with all that science has invented or art accomplished! Here, too, is the political centre of Europe. The statesmen of other countries on the continent keep their faces turned toward the capital of France, as steadily as the Mussulman does his to the east when he prays. A Democratic zephyr from F'rance makes fifty Cabinets chilly, and a stiff Socialist breeze throws half a dozen monarchs of shattered constitution into a fever. Never did France occupy the attention of Europe more than now. I n the light of the questions under discussion, the Greek difficulty becomes a mere matter of shutting up a few corn-dealers shops, more or less; the return of the Pope, a parish squabble; and the complications of Germany, wranglings between half a dozen fairhaired, blue-eyed, lymphatic gentlemen, none of whom knows what he wants. The policy of every country in Europe is to a certain point influenced by that of every other. All Europe is united in interest as much as New York nnd Pennsylvania. The parties in different countries are united with those of the same name in every other. Hut Paris is the centre and head of all. Certainly, the political face of Europe would be more changed by the formation of a great German Empire of forty millions, than by any change whatever in France. Hut the order for a German Empire must be given from Paris. What can the German Democrats do against their Kings, until the sympathy and influence of France are thrown on their side ? Look atThe vast importance of the questions : tk. i.' k tl. .t.k> ?< uuw umupjiU(i; vuc 1 X cuv-u x rujur, a uc i iguv ui reunion, the liberty of the press, the bankruptcy of the nation, the independence of the clergy, the accord between the Executive and Legislative powers, the maintenance of the paat majority, the change of the form of Government, the submission to the popular vote of the question between Kepublic and Monarchy. France is in a state of transition?she is passing from monarchical habits and ideas to republican ones; ami her politios are of palpitating interest. Every stage of the change is interestine and worthy of study. We should watch it as the physician does the alterations in the physical condition of a patient under treatment for lunacy produced by intoxicating liquors. Let us examine more closely the situation. At the date of our lost, the union between the President and the Legislative majority appeared perfect. The contract of marriage had been signed and sealed by the President and chiefs of the majority. Nothing wos omitted to give due solemnity to the ceremony. It was declared, with o flourish of trumpets, to be necessary to the safety of society, menaced by Socialism. Alas! nothing remains of this union. It has been swept away. The chiefs hove been disavowed by their followers. At present, M. Bonaparte pulls one way; MM. Molf, Thiers, Berryer, and Montolembert^ a second ; and the rank and Ale of tha majority, a third. The bill against the press is seriously endangered. Amendments are demanded, and will be enforced. Two weeks ago, the provincial press of the Conservative party was clamorous for laws against the Socialist press, and sealous in the cause of the Cabinet. Now, every press in (Vance denounces the Cabinet as awkward, ignorant, feeble, stupid, I and irresolute. One exception should be made: I uovernments, while it admits California, and we shall be satisfied. The word " compromise," as used in American politics, we detest; for it always means, the concession of some rital principle, the sacrifice of some right, to the demands of Slavery. We hare always held, that the only way to stop the agitation about Slavery is, to oppose a uniform, unyielding resistance to all its pretensions. We can tell the Union and the slaveholders whom it represents, how to put an end to the political anti-slavery agitation at the North. Let them consent that the Federal Government shall relieve itself of all responsibility for the existence of slavery within its exclusive jurisdiction. The People of the Free States who are partners in this Government, will then be released from all political support of slavery, and the subject will cease to enter as an element in their politics or to disturb the deliberations of Congress. The question will be reduced to a local one for the action of the States having exclusive jurisdiction over it, nnd whatever interest philanthropists in the free States might take in the matter, it would be out of the sphere of their politics. For one, when we recollect what a corrupt use has been made of I ittte' ^ vfcrjr-a'^Ticstiea by* < wlr.t hollow promises have been made by heartless candidates for office, how little real sympathy is felt by party politicians with the cause of human rights, how deplorably its interests have been mismanaged, how constantly the People are liable to be deceived by them, we deeply lament the necessity which has removed the subject from the sphere of philanthropy, and forced it as a question into Federal politics. But, so long as the slaveholders shall make the question one of political power and consideration. they must expect an opposition as active and unrelenting as their own selfish ambition. FOREIGN CORRESPONDENCE. Paris, April 4, 1850. To tht Editor of the. National Era: We had cold, freezing weather until within a day or two past, when a milder air and constant showers have ushured in the spring The large, soft buds are starting out on the limbs of the elms of the Luxembourg, and the walks of its groves and gardens are once more lively with gay children, chasing hoops, decrepid old men resting on their gold-headed cnnes, as they stop to gaze after the merry youngsters, pensive students with their books, and yonder, in the sunny side of the greenhouse, are half a dozen workmen reading the newspapers. My windows overlook this garden?an epitome of the gi^pcity of Paris. The palace of the Luxembourg, memorable for its Chamber of Peers, but more so for the sessions of the Industrial Congress, presided over by M. Louis Plane, is visible through the trees. In the distance, at the end of a long avenue of elms, rises, high nbove the surrounding houses, the dome of the Pantheon. In the vaults of that immense sepulchre of the mighty dead of France is the tomb of Jean Jac(|ites Rousseau. A hand, ? / ? Ia Nupoi'oit, the President's Sunday paper, upholda the Ministry, denounces the press as an extra-constitutional power, and attempts to prore the late proposition of M. Thiers, " The best of thera is worth nothing " The President and his Cabinet seem to stand alone. K L I sL.t *t- n !-l--a ti X- - ?L. ii WdB dupcu iQHi iur ktcsiucui woum ihkc me hint givea him at the last election, and adopt a more liberal course. The contrary effect has been produced, lie has chosen the course which ruiued Pharoah, and hardened his neck against reproof. Last .Sunday's number of L' Napoleon is more violent, puerile, and insulting, than ever. The Assembly is told, in so many words, that the union between it and the President u shall be durable on ont coniluioa: that the important bills submitted shall be promptly decided one way or the other." This is aping the tone of the uncle, but is mistimed and offensive. It will scarcely hasten the votes of the Assembly. Following this is an article directed to the different employees of the | Government, telling them plainly that the slights est mark of want of zeal in political matters shall j be the signal for removal from office. " By the necessity of things," says Lt Napoleon, "every one who is not openly for the cause of order, and the President of the Republic, is against it. Not to support, not to defend the Government with energy, is equivalent to abandoning it. The functionary who is neither courageous nor devoted | becomes dangerous." As if the moral sense of the I French nation had not been insulted enough, anI other article urges the speedy creation of a Min ister of Police, who may organize the system of espionage through all France. This is destined to Curlier, the officer whose imprudent provocations contributed so much to the loja of the late elections. Another article declares that a few journalists are compromising the destinies of the country on account of their " private interests." The President has learned nothing by experience. He seems more solicitous to gain the good opinion of the army than to do anything else?has gone round to visit all the barracks, distributed crosses to the soldiers, shook hands with some of them, held one or two reviews, ami spared no pains to become popular with them. The incorrigible Socialiits among them have been singled out and sent to Africa, by way of punishment. Indeed, this course has been pursued all over France, and a soldier who votes the Socialist ticket knows he does so at the risk of being sent to the murderous climate of Algeria. The Cabinet is not so bold as it was. It fears defeat. Several severe laws of repression lie in Jberi* portfolios, because there is risk of their be.fvy 'i? , moderated, and the language of the Ministers not so insulting. Thus divided and irresolute, the prospects of the Conservatives in the approaching election? for we are to have a new one at Paris in less than 1 forty days?are of the gloomiest character. The probability is that the Conservative papers, monarchist at the last election, will be decidedly republican at this. The Socialist journals continue to be moderate and judicious in their tone. They are much encouraged by the faults of the Government and the result of the election at Sens, where the entire Socialist ticket for the municipal council was elected, and by that in the Department of Fosses, where the Socialist ticket for the Assembly wag carried, on the 24th, by a majority of nearly seven thousand. Let us now turn to something which concerns America in France. AMERICA DEFENDED vs. M. THIERS. The French Moderates are led by their principles to a systematic depreciation of everything American. M. Thiers is noted for his attempts to discredit the United States. In one of his speeches on the law rorrublic instruction he said : ' Look at the tendency of heads of families wanting their children to learn everything in a short time. P.rents educated their children above their station, giving them Latin and Greek, And other things connected with the learned professions, all so slightly that they were for the most part mere sciolists, knowing a little of everything, and nothing well. This state of things was destructive to the grandeur of the country, and, if persisted in, would lead France at last to the situation of the American nation, who gained their knowledge from the newspapers. It was evident that a social change ought to be effected in this respect." [Cries of Yes, yes, on the right.) This gratuitous and insulting fling at our institutions awoke the wrath of W. H. Fry. Esq., who published an auswer, over His own signature, in Oiilignani's Messenger of the '20th of February. As this paper has produced quite a sensation in the English-speaking circles in Paris, being the subject of both extravagant eulogy and blame, it would not be proper to pass it without notice. In the outset of his article, Mr. Fry claims to speak, " not as an American, but as a man," disclaims "national pride, and that horribly abused Greek and Latin word ' patriotism,' which is a term convertible with colossal selfishness, with national robberies and murders committed for personal and general aggrandizememA Having thus taken a high moral position, he Hnts his proposition, that " America, in essential grandeur, exceeds all other countries, sneient or modern " He then passes in review the general diffusion of education, the intelligence of the clergy, the great number of railroads, canals, and telegraphs, the facility of transport for merchandise, the ease and cheapness of travelling, the sobriety of the sailors, the sroallness of the army, the extent of the foreign commerce, the growth of art, the celebrity of many of the literary and scientific men, such as Franklin. Carey, Iianoroft, Prescott, Irving, Walter Johnson, and Audubon. This is followed up by extracts from the works of travellers, showing the grandeur of America and the excellence of her institutions. The whole is wound up by a peroration, remarkable for its strength of style. Indeed, the answer shows plainly that its author is a man of ability, and rather eccentric withal. His piece would have lost none of its real value by the omission of such phrases as "Elastic democracy is hell proof"?which startle the quiet people who read Gah^nnm as they sip their morning's coffee. A few sentences from this rugged little phrase, the author gives us a specimen of 11 tinstic democracy," for which he has not prepared his rea<lers. What! could we expect a gentleman who has defended the cause of the laborer, and inveighed ag iinst aristocracies and tyrannies through two columns of close type, to turn round at the end and undo his work, by apologising for slavery and Lynch law? What aristocracy and what tyranny does he mean to attack? Alas! it is only what is to be found in Europe, while he defends the moat salient forms of aristocrscv and tyranny in his own country. This democracy is too " elastic" to He proof of criticism, although it may not be proof against the heat of the place Mr. P. wishes to test it in. But here is the passage alluded to: "Slavery in America, so much abused, is a Keavmly destiny for the blaoka It has elevated them from barbarians, killing and killed. It hurls them on to liberty and Christianity. Texas will exolude it. The country of San Franoisco has excluded it. N ?y, more: the American colony of Liberia, democratic though blsck, will within a century carry glad tidings to the heart of Africa. So, too, Lynch law is tiupully held in chronic dishonor. But it is the safety of the back woods It puts to shame the late Dr.tco code of Kngland. It sated California in her first season." What a precious jumble of ideas here is. to be sure I Wettould humbly suggest to Mr. F. that it is not in perfect taste to brand as stupul seventenths of his fellow-citizens, who hold Slavery and Lynch law in " chronic dishonor " And this, too, in a defence of Americans! Fie, Mr. F , this looks like abusing your own countrymen under the pretext of vindicating them from the aspersions of M. Thiers. And do enlighten us on one point. How long do you suppose this heavenly destiny of slavery will be the blacks on to liberty? Apparently, the rate of hurting is a very slow one, as the blacks have been kurl'il on to more than two millions and a half who are still enjoying the "heavenly destiny." What has oonnected in W H F.'a mind the idea of Heaven with that of the slave States must be the analogy?that few enter either place And then, Mr. Fry, if slavery is heavenly, why hurl the blacks on to liberty, which must be h-llmh ? There is a curious oonfuaion in Mr. F.'s mind, of slavery, Lynch law, and Heaven The fact so roundly asserted, of the salvation of California by Lynoh law, is novel and startling. Other Americans, and certainly all the Europeans, were laboring under the illusion that the unsettled state of things in California, during the first year, the violeaoea and murders oomautied, had hindered the immigration of large nambero of peaceable and industrious persons. But it eems that everybody was mistaken. The author's touch at the colony of Liberia? " democratic though black "?is worthy of tho rest of the picture. Certainly it would be natural for those who had been fisrothly axeludsd from the Heaven of Amerioan slavery to got op an imitation Heaven on the shores of A fries, . . VOL. IV. aristocratic dogs as they are I Bat they don't. They are democratic though black. But there is no room to despair, for Mr. F. assures us that 41 within a centnry, they will carry glad tidings to the heart of Afrjca"?which means, we sup rs, mai ine " neaveniy uesuny " or slavery will extended ores that continent, and will hurl the inhabitants on to liberty and Christianity for a few blissful centuries. It is useless to argue with this champion of America, fie is from the free States, and a pretty fair representative of a class of gentlemen whose hearts seem always to be bursting with indignation at the aristocracies of Europe, and sorrow for the miseries of the poor. This sympathy with the poor of a foreign country is a cheap sen timeut, gives room for eloquent declamation, and may lead to a wide-apread popularity. The true test of a man's love of justice, devotion to human rights, and sympathy with the oppressed, is his conduct towards the poor of his own country. Is he content to walk there with the minority, to brave odium, to lahor in and out of season for the d wntrodden ? When an American is brave as a lion in defence of humau rights in Europe, and equally brave in attacking them in the persons of the oppressed in his own country, or not daring to open his mouth for them, he is a bird that always flies with the flock, and his clftims to a devotion to right vary with the longitude, and are what Mr. Burchell would call fudge. The author signs his full name to his article, and thus gives every American the right to say what he thinks of the opinions expressed. We hope that Mr. Fry's next defence will be more deserving of praise for its principles His pen is an able one when employed in a good cvuse ITEMS, The proposition of M. Larochejaquelin to submit the question of the form of Government to the people was quashed at once in the Assembly by the previous question. It is still discussed in the papers, finding few friends and m iuy enemies Its author is handled without gloves by all parties. He was a warm republican in 1818, abjured his royalist sentiments in a harangue before Raspail's club. The budget has been drawing its slow length along for nearly two weeks. An economy of one hundred and forty-four millions on last year's budget has been proposed by the Committee, but this is barely reducing the budget to its old proportions. The receipts are still less than the ex penses. The news from Rome is tbst his HoI'ticrs tmy return to Rome, Sunday in alhii. The ofiioial announcement is ambiguous, and leaves everything uncertain. He will return " if nothing new happed against the public security and tranquillity." "All intercourse is broken off between the Courts of Prussia and Wurtemberg. No danger of fighting, however. They understand each other too well for that. The Erfurt Assembly has taken no decisive step as yet. Speeches have been made and officers elected. Things may return to the basis of the treaties of 1915. They seem to be tending that way. Yesterday's session of the Assembly was s stormy one. M.Jules Favre, the brjilivjf orator 'ot theiiert, m&ifv a most vigorous attack oh the Ministry. He summed up its policy for the interior in these wonls; "To spy everywhere, always, and everybody." In another jart of his discourse, he exclaimed: "You are called the Cabinet of action, but you are only the Cabinet of the police. Your veritable chief is M. Carlier " To-day the Assembly is discussing the law on transportation of political convicts. Yours, &c. W. [continued from fourth page] SENATE PEOCEEDFXCS. Thursday, Atril IS, 1850. The Vice President announced the members of the committee of investigation on the case of Messrs. Benton and Foote, as follows : Messrs. Dodge of Wiscousin, Webster, King, Phelps, Rusk, Bell, Shields. Mr. Dodge, for personal reasons, w.is excused from serving; the requests of other members to be excused were refused During the morning hour, Mr. Benton moved to postpone all business before the Senate, and take up the California bill. Points of order were raised and discussed, until the morning hour having nearly expired, Mr. Clay moved to lay the motion upon the table, and on this the vote was? Yeas?Messrs. Atchison, Badger, Bell, Borland, Bright, Butler, Cass, Clay, Clemens, Davis of Mississippi, Dickinson, Downs, Foote, Hunter. Kiog, Mangum. Mason, Morton, Peirce, Rusk, Sebistian, SouK5, Sturgeon, Turney, Underwood, Whitcomb, and Yules?'->7. Nats?Messrs Baldwin. Hentnn < haae f'larbi* Corwin, Davis of Massachusetts, Dayton, Dodge of Iowa, Dodge of Wisconsin, Douglas, Felch, Greene, Hale, Hamlin, Jones, Miller, Norris, Phelps, Seward, 8hield?, Smith, Spruttuce, Walker, aud Webster?24. So the motion to lay upon the tabic was agreed to. [It will be found that during all this voting, Messrs. Bright, Cass, Dickinson, and Sturgeon, were always present, and always in the ranks of the Slavery party ; and that Mr. Cooper of Pennsylvania, the famous Whig Free-Soiler, was always out of the way j The Senate proceeded to the special order of the day. the unfinished business of yesterday Mf. Foote. I simply rise for a purpose which 1 have no doubt will gratify gentlemen on all sides sincerely and profoundly desirous of action, practical action, on the proposition before the Senate in which the country feels so deep an interest. 1 shall waive any feelings merely ot a person il nature, out of consideration to the exigencies of the hour. I design, therefore, saying not another word ; I only ask for an early vote. Mr. Clay's appeal having been withdrawn, the question recurred on the amendments submitted by Mr. Benton. Messrs Mangum, Clay, and King, hoped that, if there were any discussion, it might all be confined to the oppononts of the committee, end agreed as to the policy of voting down all the amendments. Mr. Benton I never saw the Senate so harmonious. I am entirely of the same opinion with the gentlemen who have spoken all around me? votes and no words. The Senate will recollect the great encomium pronounced upon the Abbe Seyes, the great constitution maker, during the period of the French revolution. It was said by the wits or witlings, as the case may be, of that day, that he kept Constitutions in pigeon holes, and took down one or another as the occasion required. But the point is, that one of those Constitutions contained a clause for a dumb Legislature; one that should vote and not speak. He read it to a friend, and the friend exclaimed, " Ah, Monsieur Seyes, that dumb Legislature will immortalize you !" 1 do not know whether that part of the Legislature in France who were in favor of voting instead of speaking were able to stick to that part of the Constitution or not, but I hope we shall all bo able to stick to it here- vote and not talk. And now, Mr. President, we seem to have made some progress, an 1 the w?y seems to have been entirely clear for me to make the motion which was suggested to me by the gentlemen on the other side. I asked to t ike up the C&lifoonia bill; it was objected to because there was unfinished business. It was objected to liecause the business of yesterday ought to take precedence. Good ;! have nothing to say against that now. That business has been taken up ; now the objection of " unfinished business" is removed And now I act upon the suggestion of the gentleman upon the other side of the chamber, an I move, though it involves a double motion, to lav this question upon the tahle for the purpose of taking up the California hill; and, as the gentlemen have given you a programme of the manner in which they will act, 1 will give you mine. My programme is this: That, if this bill be taken up, as f suppose it may be now, in conformity to tbe suggestion of the gentleman opposite, an I after the reasons given for not taking it up have passed away, my oourse will be, if gentlemen on the other side offer amendments which m >y be in the nature of adding further measures to that bill?of attaching other bills to that bill?why, sir, I nave Bain enougn atreauy to ifi me ocuhw ?..vn tbst I nm what is called uocomprominingl/ opposed to it; and, aa I have given u many res hods for my opposition as can be nsoeessry. now, therefore, i am willing to content myself with *be vote of ? nay " on the different prepositions to add other measures to the California bill when it comes up. Now, sir, my opinion is. that in this way we can finish the CnJif?rni* bill in this sitting to-day, while ths si? gentlemen are here who will be absent next week by order of the Senate. I therefore mako the motion, which I think will sooompiish that #hjao,> 'or the yeas and . , The Vice President It is moved that the question now under consideration be laid on ths table, and on that notion the ytas and nays are demanded. The yens and nays were then ordered by the Ssnatn, and being taken, resulted as follows : Yeas?Messrs. Baldwin, Benton, Bradbury, Chaae, Clarke, Corwin, Davis of Massachusetts, Dayton, Dodge of Iowa, Dodge of Wisconsin Douglas, Pslch, Greene. Hale, Hamlin, Jones, Millar, Nerria. Phelps, 8ewsrd, Shields, Smith, Walker, and Webster?24. Nars?Messrs. Atchison, Badger, Bell, Bor land, Bright, Butler, Cass Clay, Clemens, Davis of Mississippi, Dickinson, Downs, Foote, Hunter, King, Maogum, Mason, Morton, Psaroa, Rusk,