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i THE NATIONAL ERA.
WASHINGTON, APRIL '2\ 18.'?0
We have compiled from the reports of the
daily papers, a full account of Senate proceedings
last week, throwing in brackets such editorial explanations
and comments, as our personal observation
suggested.
f~ir To Each 8cbsc riser.?I)ou't forget, when
you renew your subscription, to send & V, which
will pay for yourself and two new subscribers.
$Z)r To Advkrtiskr.n.?Don't forget that we
can allow four columns for advertisements, and
that the Era is probably the best paper for giving
extensive circulation to advertisements, published
in Washington city.
Mrs. Southworth's Story.?As those of
our readers who dislike Fiction have probably
paid little attention to Mrs. South worth's story,
we earnestly request them to read the chapter
this week, on the first page. It is a powerful and
painful exhibition of one part of a subject in
which they are deeply interested.
Or Tiir Anti-Slavery Men of Kentucky.?
We hope nobody will overlook the two series of
articles now appearing in our paper?one by
Cassius M. Clay, the other by John G. Fee, of
Kentucky. Kentuckians are apt to feel deeply
and speak boldly.
The Free Soil Men of Connecticut, it would
seem, hold the balance of power in the Legislature.
Mr. Baldwin's term in the Senate will expire
with this Congress, and a successor must be
chosen by the coming Legislature, or the neit
succeeding one. Mr. Baldwin has proved himself
an honest and able friend of Anti-Slavery
principles; and he has never been wanting in bis
duty to the cause of Free Soil. We hope that
the Free Soil members of the Connecticut Legislature
will see to it that his place be tilled by a
man equally worthy and faithful.
Or Mr. Cokwin.? Mr. Corwin, of the House,
recently made a Free Soil speech, which the Telegraph
informed certain newspapers in the West
was delivered by Senator Corwin. Other Western
journals, noticing the mistake, comment with
severity on the silence of Mr. Corwin of the Senate,
construing it into evidence of want of fidelity
in the present crisis. We regret that he has not
yet seen proper to deliver his views, but we know
'-i-, . \ biTOy*-** to allof lyiph an^injnutaty^ to pass
without repelling it. A\ e believe Mr. Corwin is
1 true on the Question now agitating Congress, and
no doubt the country will hear from him, after
the report of the Compromise Committee shall
.1 have been made.
?
Mr. Benton.?Mr. Benton has distinguished
himself by the gallantry, the firmness, and consistency
of his course in relation to the admission of
California. His zeal in her cause and his present
course have been attributed to the fact that one
of her Senators is his son-in-law. It so happens
that he manifested equal zeal for the territorial
f org tnizition of Oregon, where no such motive
could operate, and that the policy he now pursues
dates long anterior to the election of Col.
Fremont. It will be time enough to charge him
with such petty selfishness, when he shall violate
the principles he has always professed, and depart
from the policy in relation to the Territories
of Oregon, California, and New Mexico, which
he has always pursued.
Mr. Cleveland of Connecticut?Mr. Cleveland,
of Connecticut, made an admirable speech
last Friday, in defenco of Free Soil, doing justice
to its advocates nnd to its enemies. We shall
publish it in our next.
TERMINATION OF DEBATE.
??
"Mr. Doty of Wisconsin has given notioe of his
intention to introduce next Monday a resolution
to terminate debate the 1st of May, in Committee
of the Whole, on the California message, and on
his bill for its admission.
A SCENE IN THE SENATE.
Last Wednesday a transaction took placo in
the Senate, which has excited much comment
throughout the country. Towards the close of a
long aud laborious session, during which a deeply
exciting struggle was going on between the friends
find opponent!) of Compromise, Mr. Foote, who
had for the moRt pnrt kept himself in the back
ground, roHO to reply to some remarks of Mr.
Benton, referring, in condemnatory terms, to the
Southern Address. Mr. Foote defended that
document and its authors, and asked, with indignant
emphasis, "By whom was that address denounced
? By the oldest Senator?by a gentleman
who"?
Here he suddenly paused, and we saw him
hastening from the place where ho stood, to the
area in front of the Secretary's desk. At the
same instant we observed Mr. Benton approaching
the seat of the Senator from Mississippi.
This at once explained the movement of the latter,
who, the moment he gained the open area of
the Senate, faced about, and then, for the first
time, we saw a pistol in his hand, ready, as we
supposed, to be used, should Mr. Benton approach
and assail him, as Mr. Foote seemed to
think he would do. Mr. Benton was greatly excited,
appeared to be struggling to reach the Mississippi
Senator, and at one time he threw open
his coat, exclaiming in his loudest tones, " Let the
assassin fire ! 1 am unarmed and with the most
vehement indignation he denounced as false and
cowardly the imputation that he had come armed
to the Senate. At last, he was induced by his
friends who had surrounded him, to take his seat,
and Mr. Foote, who gave up his pistol to Senator
Dickinson, returned to his seat.
Mr. Foote explained that he did not make a
practice of going armed?that he had never assailed
any rann with deadly weapons?that he had
never come armed to the Senate until after the
threat made by the Senator from Missouri some
weeks since?thst, in consequence of that threat,
being in feeble health nud of small stature, he
had yielded to the advice of his friends, and
armed himself, not for the purpose of assaulting
any man, but simply as a matter of precaution
against assault?that seeing the Senator from
Missouri approaching him, he believed he was
intending to execute bis threat, and that he (Mr.
Foote) had immediately left his place, taken his
stand in the area, and drawn his pistol, merely to
defend himself against what he verily believed,
meditated violence.
Mr Benton reiterated that it was base and
cowardly to charge hiui with wearing arms; he
never carried deadly weapons
After thin, a Committee of Investigation was
appointed.
It was a most painful exhibition, one which we
hope never again to witness in the Senate of the
United States. The people of the whole nation,
judging from the intensely indignant comments of
the press, regard the transaction as n national
disgrace.
But we cannot sympathize with the violence of
denunciation heard on all sides. In one section
Mr. Benton is vilified as a bully and a rutlian'
in another, Mr. Foote is styled a rutlian and an
assassin; and there are cries for their expulsion
Great injustice is done both Senators. There
is no evidence that violence was premeditated by
either. Both had become somewhat excited by
the events of the day ; both acted on the impulse
of the moment, under a serious misapprehensionMr.
Benton seemed to be under the impression
that Mr. Foote had said or was saying something
grossly personal. This was a mistake. Whatever
may have been the intention of Mr. Foote, up to
the moment when the interruption took plaoe, no
insulting word had escaped him. On the other
hand, Mr l>ote believed, according to his own
statement, that Mr. Benton was shout to commit
violence upon him?and his conduct confirms his
T
statement, lie drew his pistol in self-defence,
and we saw no indication of a purpose to use it, !
to assassinate his opponent. We do not believe
that be harbored any such intention.
No deliberative body, however grave and dignified,
is entirely exempt from theee sudden out- j
bursts of passion ; but generally, the best corrective
of the evil is, the deep mortification of the
parties concerned, the just indignation of the
body, and the stern rebuke administered by an
outraged public sentiment. Violent remedies
would rather exasperate the evil, by arousing a
| revenge ful spirit in the parties sought to be pun
ished. and by provoking sympathy in their favorWe
trust that an event so humiliating to the
whole nation, may not pass without i's lesson to
the Senate. That body has rendered itself re*
sponsible, to a great extent, for what has happened,
by its connivance at personalities. An
impulsive speaker, with an active imagination,
and a passion for invective, in the excitement of
speaking is very apt to run into inconsiderate
personalities, unless checked by calls to order.
If not admonished, without any clear understanding
of what he is about, without a malignant purpose.
he is sure to say things extremely offensive,
and tending to provoke violence.
Is he alone blameworthy ? Or, should we not
equally condemn the conduct of the members,
who, sitting calmly in their seats, and seeing
clearly the tendency of his remarks, permit Vim '
to go on, till it is too late to repair the mischief
of his intemperate remarks? We have seen
such speakers in Congress, men of kind hearts,
but hot impulses, who would really have thanked
a member for calling them to order, thereby
preventing remarks which none would deplore
more than themselves in their cool moments.
THE COMPROMISE COMMITTEE.
The Southern Men, (Whigs an 1 Democrats
united, always excepting Mr. Benton.) by t)*aid
of seven of the sixteen Northern Democratic
members of the Senate, succeeded in carrying
their Compromise Committee. To the credit of
the Whigs from the free States, be it spoken,
only two of them were consenting to its formation
These two were Mr. Webster nnd Mr.
Cooper.
Mr. Webster, on the hrst test question, when
his vote, if recorded with the Northern Men,
would have put an extinguisher upon the project
of a Committee, recorded it on the side of Compromise.
At later periods in the action on Mr.
Foote's motion, when his vote could not affect the
i result, he voted against the Committee
s^tte tacts People must draw their o#n
inferences.
Mr. Coopkr of Pennsylvania canvassed that
State for General Taylor and Free Soil, denouncing
Slavery from the stump with extreme
bitterness, pledging the Whig Party and himself
specially to the maintenance of Free Soil. Since
he has taken his seat in the Senate, not a word
haa fallen from him, not a vote has been given by
him, that could betray the slightest opposition to
Slavery or its extension. We understand that
he was induced to give countenance, if not to
pledge support to the scheme of a grand Compromise
Committee; that on the day when that
subject was to be brought up, and every Senator
interested for or against ihe question wascxpected
to be at his post, it being known that the proslavery
and anti-slavery parties were to try their
strength upon it, he left for New York ; that he
attended the Clay Festival in that city the following
day, making a speech in honor of the
Great Compromiser, at that moment engaged in
a mighty effort to put down the Wilraot Proviso?
that on returning to this city, he became writsposed,
A? room during the n-ltok period
the Senate tras involved in the struggle which fiuslly
terminated in the triumph of the Pro-Slavery
i Party!
We like to see men one thing or the other. If
the Lord he Lord, serve hiin ; if Baal, serve him.
We can understand Daniel Dickinson of New
York. He thiuks the North wrong, and the
j South right; he abominates the principles and
policy of the former on the Slavery Uuestion;
he likes those of the latter. What he thinks, he
3ays, and what he says, he acts out and adheres
to. On any question concerning Human Liberty,
you can predict his vote with infallible certainty.
He plays no double gnme?he is open, thorough,
uuwavering, consistent in his support of Southern
policy ; an l of course, disappoints nobody.
| Has Mr. Cooper seen cause to abandon his anti;
slavery views? Let him manfully declare the
change, and act in accordance with his new light.
If he retains the opinions he proclaimed so
zealously during the Presidential canvass, let
him proclaim them now. Did his constituents
expect him to be a mere cipher in Congress?
to say nothing, do nothing, voto nothing?to
desert his post at the critical hour when the
struggle between Freedom and Slavery was to be
j decided ?
The fact that this scheme of a Compromise
Committee originated with the Slaveholders, that
it was sustained by them unitedly, (with a single
exception,) that all tho Northern men present,
but five, opposed it, necessarily invests it with a
sectional character: so that the report of the
Committee can have no more weight than a document
from any other Committee presenting the
I opinions of only one party to a controversy.
It may he said that the Committee in its organization
fairly represents the views of both sections
of the Union Far from it ! Who constitute
it? On the part of the South, six of its
ablest men, all of them, except one, notorious for
their ultra pro-slavery opinions. They are,
H'Aiij.f, Mangum, Bell, Berrien; Democrats, Mason,
King, Downs?all representing extreme
Southern opinions. While on iho part of the
North, we have, Webster, Cooper, Phelps;
Democrat. , Cass, Bright, Dickinson?every one
except Mr Phelps, opposed to the Northern view
of the Slavery Uuestion, and sympathizing with
the Southern. And the Chairman of the Committee,
Henry Clay, is now the most efficient
champion of all that the Slaveholders demand.
Of the Committee of Thirteen, then, the Chairman
and eleven members are pledged supporters
of the slaveholding policy of No-SlaveryHestriction?leaving
Mr. Phelps as the sole representative
of that large majority of the American
People who are in favor of the Jeffersonian
policy of Restriction!
To what consideration is a Committee so constituted,
entitled '
It is a fact worthy of notice, that after all, tht>
friends of this f unous scheme were indebted to
the courtesy of its opponents for the power to
carry it into execution. The result of the balloting
for Chairman was, ."to votes, and 4 blanks
The blanks, of course, were not counted, and the
Vice President announced that there was no
choice, because a quorum of the Senate had not
voted I To relieve the Senate from its ridiculous
predicament, Messrs. Webster and Benton offered,
it it was desired, to deposite their ballots,
and so by the courtesy of those who had voted
against the Committee, the Senile was enabled
to execute its order to nppoint one! And yet,
a scheme so ill-supported, is to adjust ^his
great question, and give peace to the country!
I)..t tkn fw?'t on.ln nf Mia PAtntniHnA ut?Pi> HllhitPf to
another mortification. The members having been
chosen, Mr. Phelps rose nml begged to be excused
from serving His health was poor?he
was opposed to the organization of such a Committee?
he anticipated no good from it?his
views would not be in harmony with those entertained
by it! Mr Maagum entreated him, piteously,
to withdraw his request?he was besieged
en all sides?an 1 Mr Webster openly appealed
to him to give them the benefit of his counsels.
Mr. Phelps declined to withdraw his request, but
was williug to submit it to the Senate?and the
Senate refused to excuse him.
Mr. Benton remarked, while the motion of Mr.
Foote was under consideration, that the appointment
and action of the Committee would either
create alarm or a laugh, lu view of what has
since transpired, the People will experience any
other emotion than that of alarm.
HE NATIONAL ERA
MOVEMENTS IN NEW MEXICO.
The New Mexican, published at Santa Fe, in its
number for January 17, and in an extra of the
same date, contains two long and well-reasoned
articles in favor of the formation of a State Government
The writer refers to a letter to Mr
Skinner, from Senator Foote, strongly opposing
the organiution of such a Government, and to
concurrent etTorts on the part of Mr. Berringer
(Bedinger?) of Virginia. We leirn from another
source that the letter advised the formation of a
ounjn t ui cir?w*=ijr, nuru mh iu i? u uuiiniiHTUKltJ I
portion of the territory that lies south of the ootn- I
promise line? No."
He then proceeds to argue that the only way
to extricate the people of New Mexico from their
condition of anarchy, and terminate the struggle
in the States, is, to organise at once a State Government.
It seems that Mr. Foote's letter against the formation
of a State Government was forwarded before
or duringthe meeting of the Convention held
to determine the question of a Territorial Government?
that the concurrent efforts of the
South were made at the same time ; and by
another paragraph in the New Mexican article,
we learn that different counsels emanated from
the Executive at Washington :
" It is known," says the writer, " that Mr. Skinner,
besides the Foote letter, brought with him
the result of a conversation with the Secretary of
State, who gave it as his opinion,1 that the jrople of
New AL hco couhl not obtain from Congress a Territorial
Government.' I Ie also gave it as his opinion,
that the claim of Texas was sufficiently formidable
to induce the people of New Mexico to semi to
Congress her Senators and Representatives to
vote on this question, as well as Texas. This, we
know, can only be accomplished by the formation
of a State Government."
Hut, as the result showed, the sentiment of the
people of New Mexico against slavery, (which is
said to be decided.) nndtho influence of the Chief
Executive, proved of no avail against the power of
the Slavery-Extensionists ; who carried, first, tho
question in favor of a Territorial Government;
secowlly, tho question against the Proviso.
The facts stated warrant the apprehension that
the Slavery Party in New Mexico is really in
the ascendency. And yet the New York Express,
the New York Tribune, and other Whig Journals,
formerly advocates of the Wilmot Proviso, following
now the lead of Mr. Webster, talk of the
Proviso as if it were a mere abstraction?and as
if Freedom iu New Mexico were safe, without
any such precautionary measure.
They profess to bo confirmed in this view by
thf* fnllnu'intr iMtor Pnun \1 ? RmllK #ka
from that Territory, in reply to one addressed to
him l?y Mr. Webster, who is seeking in every
quarter to find some support for his new position.
W ashinoton. April 9, 1850.
To thr Hi>11. Daniel Waaler. U. S. Smote:
Dkar Sir I have the honor to acknowledge
the receipt of your letter of the ^fh instant, and
reply to It with great pleasure. New Mexico is
an exceedingly mountainous country, Sante Fe
itself being twice as high as the highest point of
the Alleghanies, and nearly all the land, capable
of cultivation, is of equnl height, though some of
the valleys have less altitude above the sea. The
country is cold. Its general agricultural products
are wheat and eorn, and such vegetables as grow
in the Nortern States of this Union. It is entirely
unsuited for slave labor. Labor is exceedingly
abundant ami eheap. It may be hired for three
or four dollars per month, in quantity quite sufficient
for carrying on all the ngriculture of the
Territory. There is no cultivation except by
irrigation, and there is not a sufficiency of water
to irrigate all the land.
As to the existence, at present, of slavery in
New Mexico, it is the general understanding that
it has been altogether abolished by the laws of
Mexico; hut we have no established tribunals
which have pronounced, as yet, what the law of
the land in this respect is. It is universally considered.
however, that the Territory is altogether
a free Territory. I know of no persons in the
country who are treated as slaves, excent such
tis may l>e servants to gentlemen visiting or passing
through the country. I may add, that the
strongest feeling ngninst slavery universally prevails
through the whole Territory, and I suppose
it quite impossible to convey It there, and maintain
it by any means whatever
I have the honor to be, with regard, your obedient
servant, Hi'uh N. Smith.
To these opinions of Mr. Smith, no doubt hon- !
estly entertained, of the natural obstacles to slavery,
we oppose the facts?that the system prevails
amid the snows of Russia ; that it had obtained
foothold in Oregon, from which it was
only excluded by positive law, that backed as
they were by the Ordinance of 17H7, the friends
of Freedom in Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, had a
hard struggle to keep down the advocates of the
introduction of slavery; that slave labor has already
been found profitable in California, which
was also declared to be fit only for free labor; and
Territorial Government, without the Proviso; but
should a State Government be resolved upon, it
urged total silence on the subject of slavery.
It seeius, then, that leaders of the slaveholding
party have been somewhat busy in the affairs of
New Mexico, laboring to prevent there the result
which has been reached in California. The
suspicion we have long entertained, and often
hinted, is thus confirmed.
Mr. Foote has done what he had a right to do.
Believing it important to the interests of the
South that no barrier should be erected in New
Mexico ngainst the introduction of slavery, he
has not confined himself to efforts to prevent restrictive
legislation by Congress?he has extended
his operations to New Mexico itself, endeavoring
to induce the People there to abstain from all
action agtinst slavery.
This course of conduct is legitimate, and we
trust that his example may not bo lost. If there
be influential members of Congress who are sincerely
desirous of seeing free institutions established
in New Mexico, let them neglect no honorable
means of impressing the people of that
Territory with their own convictions. It is not
improbable that the struggle between Slavery and
Freedom may be transferred to that country?
and with them may rest the decision whether
their soil shall be consecrated to Liberty or
prostituted to Slavery.
The writer of the articles in the New M'.rican
urges the expediency of forming a State Government,
chiefly in view of the great division of sentiment
in the States and in Congress on the question
of slavery in relation to the Territories. He
refers to the position of Mr. Benton on one side,
that of Mr. Calhoun on the other?to the action
of the Free Soil Convention that brought out Mr.
Van Burcn for the Presidency?to the fact that
"a majority of the present Congress is opposed to
the admission of any more territory, except with
the prohibition of slavery.
' What," he asks, " has been the universal legislation
upon this subject, from the days of the
Missouri compromise to me present time > lias
t.w? , L vA r Altai \iroh c r attknCvoVmrlCf*.; ui 1
what this has been the absorbing question ' Has
there been legislation of late years upon this subject,
that has not convulsed the whole country ? ,
And uow as to this very Territory acquired by the
treaty with Mexico, lying south of the compromise
line, Southern statesmen, of both parties, declare
to the world that they have the right to take their
slaves there, and that it is the duty of the Congress
to protect them in their slave property in
this Territory acquired by the common blood and
treasure of both the North aod South. The moment
that a movement is male in Congress to
form a Territorial Government, the Northern
Free Soil men proclaim that it alone can be admitted
as free territory, that is, with the prohibition
of slavery ; and Southern statesmen have as
boldly proclaimed that they would alone abide the j
Missouri Compromise; that territory north of
3f>? should be admitted free, an I that all south
should be received us the Southern States, with
slavery. Now, am I sustained by the facts? Look
at the whole legislation of Congress on this subject?look
at the last Territorial Government bill
passed by the Congress. I mean the Oregon bill.
Why was the Wilmot Proviso attached to that
bill? It could have uo practical operation as to
that Territory; and yet we find this very question
ngitating the public mind at the time ot' the
formation of that Territorial Government. Southern
Congressmen submitted to the bill because
they said the whole of the territory was north of
the Missouri Compromise line, but publicly
proclaimed that they would never submit to the :
prohibition of slavery south of the compromise \
line. Now, facts are stubborn things, and judg- j
ing of the future by the past, what are we to ex
pect ? That Congress can establish for us a Ter- .
ritorial Government, as we ask it, silent on the I
U WASHINGTON, D.
j * " ??
that, if there be valuable minca as it is said there
are in New Mexico, the same kind of labor will
be found to be exceedingly remunerative there
and to his statement that the strongest anti-slavery
feeling prevails in that country, we oppose the
fact, that the counsels of Mr. Foote and his
Southern associates proved more than a match for
| it, when, under their influence, a Territorial Govpmmpnt
ur rWi.i?<i nnon instead of a State
-r-_
Government, and all action restricting slavery
was oarefully abstained from.
What effect the proceedings of the present
I Congress, so far as the report has reached New
Mexico, may have upon the People?it is difficult
to say. Perhaps the State Government party
miy desire new arguments from the condition of
things here, in favor of their position, and renew
under better auspices their struggle for a State
organization. If the question be kept open much
longer, we should not be much surprised to see
New Mexico coming to Congress and asking admission
as a State?a movement, we apprehend,
that would be very unpalatable to Messrs. Clay
and Webster, who seem bent on throwing contempt
upon the President's policy of non-action
LITERARY NOTICES.
Cm a and thi Ci'bans. H y the Author of Letter* from
j ('aba. New York: Samuel Hue*ton. For sale by R.
K artibam, Penuylvania avenut, Wasbisgtsn.
Weobserved, theother day, a copy of this work
1 lid npon the desk of every member of Congress
It is a highly instructive book, presenting an interesting
view of the present social, political, and
domestic condition of the people >of Cuba. It
also contains ample statistics of the trade of the
island. In an appendix the question of annexation
is treated at large, and with much ability ;
j the writer, who appears to be a native Cuban,
urging the vast importance of the measure by a
great variety of considerations.
White Jackkt; ob, Thb World in a Man of-War.
! By Herman Melville. New York: Harper A Brothexs.
I For sale by Franek Taylor, Washington, P. C. l>no|
decimo, pp. 4W>.
In this volume we have reo/t/y, not romance. In
1 ninety-three brief chapters, the author paints as
many distinct Bcenes of life on board a man-ofwar.
There is plenty of incident, but it is made
subservient to the very laudable purpose of exhibiting
the condition of our navy, its discipline,
the treatment of the sailors. &c.
Facts concerniig the use of rum and of the
cat-o'-nine-tails are detailed, which must arrest
the attention of the nation. The book should be
placed in the hands of every member of Congress
'n gires a ?tfcarer insight into thi* abuses prevalent'
in our navy, and a better conception of the necessary
remedies than any work within our knowledge.
It entitles its author to the warmest
thanks of every American interested in the imI^vement
of the condition and elevation of the
character of our stilors.
Tub Knickerbocker. New York S&iuuel Hueston.
April, I860
The gossip of the editor this month with his
readers and correspondents is better than all the
rest of the magazine, with the exception of one
or two poems. The Knickerbocker has merits of
its own, and is altays attractive.
Blackwood's Kdinicroh Maoa/ink. March, 18.vi. New
York: Leonard Scott A Co. For sale by W. Adam, Fa.
avenue, Wanhingtot
The opening and closing articles of this number
arc purely political, the first treating of
Civil Revolution in the Canadas, the last of the
Corn Law*, Free Trade, Sic. The policy of the
English Government in relation to the Canadas
is severely condemned. It is contended that, by
admitting their colonists to a representation in
Parliament, making them e<|ual partners with the
people of England, in the Government, the annexation
movement may be arrested ; but a contrary
policy must lend to the most disastrous results.
The literary articles arc highly entertaining.
l'llKKN JLllOy AMI) THJ| Kca i rvi'R is. Hy Kcv. Jehu Flerpont.
New York: Fowler &. Well*.
Mr. Pierpont in this lecture attempts to show
the liurmony of the psychology of Phrenology
and that of the Scriptures. He presents several
instructive and striking views, which we commend
to those who are under the impression that
Phrenology is infidelity in disguise.
Sartain's Uniom Maoazinb. May, 1850. Philadelphia.
This number is excellent in its contributions
ami its embellishments. Mr. Godey's attempted
disparagement of the magazine has promoted its
circulation, if we may judge from the announcement
of the publishers, that for the third time
they have been obliged to reprint the early numhers
of the present volume, to supply the increased
demand.
Graham's Magazine. May, 1350. Philadelphia.
Among the contributors to the May number,
we notice George I). Prentiss, W. II. C. Hosmer,
and other well-known writers. The proprietors
announce that their writers and artists are preparing
for the production of " a most glorious number
for July?the first number of the new volume"?nnd
that the leading plate in it will be
Jknny Li.nd, the world-renowned singer. The
enterprise of the publishers is worthy of all
praise.
Mkthooist Quarterly Kevibw April, IR'O. J. McClintock,
l>. P., Kdltor. New York Ijine A Scott.
This certainly is one of the best quarterlies in
the country. With enough of denominational
matter to commend it to the body of which it is
an organ, its general merits, as a literary review,
and its distinguished liberality entitle it to the
respect and patronage of the public at large.
Some of the articles in the number nre quite
elaborate, and all may be read with profit.
Piarv or a Physician in California, by James L.
Tyson, M. It. New Vork . P. Apple ton A Co. For ?ale
by K Furntiani, P*. avenue, Washington.
Dr.Tyson furnishes a sufficiently minute account
of his journey to and from California, over
the Isthmus, and of his residence in that country,
the whole occupying not quite a year.
There is nothing very novel in the Diary, but
it contains practical suggestions that it would be
well lor California adventurers to attend to. The
Doctor does not present a glowing picture of fortune-hunting
hi IhWgold diggings.
Tiir North Uritisu Kavisw. February, IsoO. N?w
Vork : lwonaril Scott A Co. For vale by W. Adam, Pa.
aveou*, Washington.
The North British Review does not offer a
very tempting table of contents in this number.
The majority of the topics discussed are of local
or technical interest. We give the running titles
of the articles: Lord Cocltburn's Letter to the
v i n , . n.ALi.1. o.... t i.a:
liUrvi r H'tuhv . nuniiaiii s ucfcii ui aivui*
tecture ; Pope Joan j Soutbey's Life an<l Correspondence;
Muller's Treatise on Sin; Miller's
Footprints of the Creator; Scottish National
F.iiuration, the Armj and its Officers; Stuart
Wortley's Marriage Bill.
Hi-ms'* History, Vol. V. Th? Harprr*. For tale by
Kranck Taylor, Pa avenue, Waabingt >u
We hare received Vol. V of thia republication.
The sixth and laat volume, we understand, has
been issued. It is a remarkably neat, convenient,
and cheap edition, of a work of great and enduring
merit, costing, we are told, but forty cents a
volume! The Methodist Qosrterly Review says,
that it is the purpose of the same publishers to
print Gibbon and Macaulay in the s tme form and
at the same pries.
Tj We have just reoeived the last volume.
Kiroav or the Taut, or Paorsasoa J. W Wanna.
Iluotou: Phlllipe, haepewo, X Co. For sale by Taylor
A. Maury, Waabli^toa.
We have hers a full report of the trial of Dr.
Webter?the testimony, the arguments of counsel,
the charge of Chief Justioe Shaw, the verdict
of the coroner's Jury, Ate. The report made pho
nographioally by Dr. 8tone. The whole forms a
volume of over 300 pages?postage to any part of
the United Statin, IB oents.
C., APRIL 25, 1850.
KEEPING THE QUESTION OPEN.
"The Free-Soilers, the Wilmot-Prorisoists?
cell tbem by wh.UoTer name you please?are opposed
to any scheme of compromise which is calculated
to settle the agitating question of the day.
They know that, in this e?ent, 'Othello's occupation's
gone'?that the means of riding into
power upon this hobby would be denied to political
aspirants?and that the Abolitionists woull
cunae u> ne me mane-weigQi iu poimc.ii uuuir^ia
| in some of the Northern States. It is no wonder.
therefore, that the?e factious fanatics are opposed
! to all compromises. They want the question
kept open for future agitation. Hence, their op!
position to acting upon the case of California, in
conjunction with the Territories of Utah, New
Mexico, &c., Ac. Hence, too, the denunciations
of the Abolition print in this city of the scheme
of the 'compromise committee."'?washing oh
Union
The Union greatly mistakes the policy and
purposes of what it is pleased to term, "the Abolition
print of this city."
We do net wish the Territorial Ciuestion kept
open. Let it be settled at once, we say, provided
it can be done on right principles. Nor are we
anxious to separate the question of the admission
of California from that of Governments for the
Territories, unless for the very reason for which
the Union is anxious to conjoin them?that such
a conjunction will enable the Slavery-Party to
defeat the Wilmot Proviso. Insert this provision
! \a any bill, proposing to organiie Territorial
holding a lighted torch, is protruded from the
head of the tomb, and uuderueath is the inscription
: "Though dead, he illumines the world."
To the left rises the Jail towers of old St. Sulpice,
and to the right the glazed dome of the Ob
servatory. Not a bad panorama of France?
workmen, idlers, national monuments, national
vanity, magnificent temples reared to a worthless
priesthood and to science. What a world Paris
is! and how delightful life is in this balmy climate,
in this city, filled with all that science has
invented or art accomplished! Here, too, is the
political centre of Europe. The statesmen of
other countries on the continent keep their faces
turned toward the capital of France, as steadily
as the Mussulman does his to the east when he
prays. A Democratic zephyr from F'rance makes
fifty Cabinets chilly, and a stiff Socialist breeze
throws half a dozen monarchs of shattered constitution
into a fever.
Never did France occupy the attention of Europe
more than now. I n the light of the questions
under discussion, the Greek difficulty becomes a
mere matter of shutting up a few corn-dealers
shops, more or less; the return of the Pope, a
parish squabble; and the complications of Germany,
wranglings between half a dozen fairhaired,
blue-eyed, lymphatic gentlemen, none of
whom knows what he wants. The policy of every
country in Europe is to a certain point influenced
by that of every other. All Europe is united in
interest as much as New York nnd Pennsylvania.
The parties in different countries are united with
those of the same name in every other. Hut Paris
is the centre and head of all. Certainly, the political
face of Europe would be more changed by
the formation of a great German Empire of forty
millions, than by any change whatever in France.
Hut the order for a German Empire must be
given from Paris. What can the German Democrats
do against their Kings, until the sympathy
and influence of France are thrown on their side ?
Look atThe vast importance of the questions
: tk. i.' k tl. .t.k> ?<
uuw umupjiU(i; vuc 1 X cuv-u x rujur, a uc i iguv ui
reunion, the liberty of the press, the bankruptcy
of the nation, the independence of the clergy, the
accord between the Executive and Legislative
powers, the maintenance of the paat majority, the
change of the form of Government, the submission
to the popular vote of the question between
Kepublic and Monarchy. France is in a state of
transition?she is passing from monarchical habits
and ideas to republican ones; ami her politios are
of palpitating interest. Every stage of the change
is interestine and worthy of study. We should
watch it as the physician does the alterations in
the physical condition of a patient under treatment
for lunacy produced by intoxicating liquors.
Let us examine more closely the situation. At
the date of our lost, the union between the President
and the Legislative majority appeared perfect.
The contract of marriage had been signed
and sealed by the President and chiefs of the majority.
Nothing wos omitted to give due solemnity
to the ceremony. It was declared, with o
flourish of trumpets, to be necessary to the safety
of society, menaced by Socialism. Alas! nothing
remains of this union. It has been swept away.
The chiefs hove been disavowed by their followers.
At present, M. Bonaparte pulls one way;
MM. Molf, Thiers, Berryer, and Montolembert^
a second ; and the rank and Ale of tha majority, a
third. The bill against the press is seriously endangered.
Amendments are demanded, and will
be enforced.
Two weeks ago, the provincial press of the Conservative
party was clamorous for laws against
the Socialist press, and sealous in the cause of the
Cabinet. Now, every press in (Vance denounces
the Cabinet as awkward, ignorant, feeble, stupid,
I and irresolute. One exception should be made:
I uovernments, while it admits California, and we
shall be satisfied.
The word " compromise," as used in American
politics, we detest; for it always means, the concession
of some rital principle, the sacrifice of
some right, to the demands of Slavery. We hare
always held, that the only way to stop the agitation
about Slavery is, to oppose a uniform, unyielding
resistance to all its pretensions.
We can tell the Union and the slaveholders
whom it represents, how to put an end to the political
anti-slavery agitation at the North. Let
them consent that the Federal Government shall
relieve itself of all responsibility for the existence
of slavery within its exclusive jurisdiction. The
People of the Free States who are partners in
this Government, will then be released from all
political support of slavery, and the subject will
cease to enter as an element in their politics or to
disturb the deliberations of Congress. The question
will be reduced to a local one for the action
of the States having exclusive jurisdiction over it,
nnd whatever interest philanthropists in the free
States might take in the matter, it would be out
of the sphere of their politics. For one, when
we recollect what a corrupt use has been made of
I ittte' ^ vfcrjr-a'^Ticstiea by* <
wlr.t hollow promises have been made by heartless
candidates for office, how little real sympathy
is felt by party politicians with the cause of
human rights, how deplorably its interests have
been mismanaged, how constantly the People are
liable to be deceived by them, we deeply lament
the necessity which has removed the subject
from the sphere of philanthropy, and forced
it as a question into Federal politics.
But, so long as the slaveholders shall make the
question one of political power and consideration.
they must expect an opposition as active and unrelenting
as their own selfish ambition.
FOREIGN CORRESPONDENCE.
Paris, April 4, 1850.
To tht Editor of the. National Era:
We had cold, freezing weather until within a
day or two past, when a milder air and constant
showers have ushured in the spring The large,
soft buds are starting out on the limbs of the
elms of the Luxembourg, and the walks of its
groves and gardens are once more lively with gay
children, chasing hoops, decrepid old men resting
on their gold-headed cnnes, as they stop to gaze
after the merry youngsters, pensive students with
their books, and yonder, in the sunny side of the
greenhouse, are half a dozen workmen reading
the newspapers. My windows overlook this garden?an
epitome of the gi^pcity of Paris. The
palace of the Luxembourg, memorable for its
Chamber of Peers, but more so for the sessions of
the Industrial Congress, presided over by M.
Louis Plane, is visible through the trees. In the
distance, at the end of a long avenue of elms,
rises, high nbove the surrounding houses, the
dome of the Pantheon. In the vaults of that
immense sepulchre of the mighty dead of France
is the tomb of Jean Jac(|ites Rousseau. A hand,
? /
?
Ia Nupoi'oit, the President's Sunday paper, upholda
the Ministry, denounces the press as an
extra-constitutional power, and attempts to prore
the late proposition of M. Thiers, " The best of
thera is worth nothing " The President and his
Cabinet seem to stand alone.
K L I sL.t *t- n !-l--a ti X- - ?L.
ii WdB dupcu iQHi iur ktcsiucui woum ihkc me
hint givea him at the last election, and adopt a
more liberal course. The contrary effect has
been produced, lie has chosen the course which
ruiued Pharoah, and hardened his neck against
reproof. Last .Sunday's number of L' Napoleon
is more violent, puerile, and insulting, than ever.
The Assembly is told, in so many words, that the
union between it and the President u shall be durable
on ont coniluioa: that the important bills submitted
shall be promptly decided one way or the
other." This is aping the tone of the uncle, but is
mistimed and offensive. It will scarcely hasten the
votes of the Assembly. Following this is an article
directed to the different employees of the
| Government, telling them plainly that the slights
est mark of want of zeal in political matters shall
j be the signal for removal from office. " By the
necessity of things," says Lt Napoleon, "every
one who is not openly for the cause of order, and
the President of the Republic, is against it. Not to
support, not to defend the Government with energy,
is equivalent to abandoning it. The functionary
who is neither courageous nor devoted
| becomes dangerous." As if the moral sense of the
I French nation had not been insulted enough, anI
other article urges the speedy creation of a Min
ister of Police, who may organize the system of
espionage through all France. This is destined
to Curlier, the officer whose imprudent provocations
contributed so much to the loja of the late
elections. Another article declares that a few
journalists are compromising the destinies of the
country on account of their " private interests."
The President has learned nothing by experience.
He seems more solicitous to gain the good opinion
of the army than to do anything else?has gone
round to visit all the barracks, distributed crosses
to the soldiers, shook hands with some of them,
held one or two reviews, ami spared no pains to
become popular with them. The incorrigible Socialiits
among them have been singled out and
sent to Africa, by way of punishment. Indeed,
this course has been pursued all over France, and
a soldier who votes the Socialist ticket knows he
does so at the risk of being sent to the murderous
climate of Algeria.
The Cabinet is not so bold as it was. It fears
defeat. Several severe laws of repression lie in
Jberi* portfolios, because there is risk of their be.fvy
'i? ,
moderated, and the language of the Ministers not
so insulting.
Thus divided and irresolute, the prospects of
the Conservatives in the approaching election?
for we are to have a new one at Paris in less than
1 forty days?are of the gloomiest character. The
probability is that the Conservative papers, monarchist
at the last election, will be decidedly republican
at this.
The Socialist journals continue to be moderate
and judicious in their tone. They are much encouraged
by the faults of the Government and
the result of the election at Sens, where the entire
Socialist ticket for the municipal council was
elected, and by that in the Department of Fosses,
where the Socialist ticket for the Assembly wag
carried, on the 24th, by a majority of nearly seven
thousand.
Let us now turn to something which concerns
America in France.
AMERICA DEFENDED vs. M. THIERS.
The French Moderates are led by their principles
to a systematic depreciation of everything
American. M. Thiers is noted for his attempts
to discredit the United States. In one of his
speeches on the law rorrublic instruction he said :
' Look at the tendency of heads of families wanting
their children to learn everything in a short
time. P.rents educated their children above
their station, giving them Latin and Greek, And
other things connected with the learned professions,
all so slightly that they were for the most
part mere sciolists, knowing a little of everything,
and nothing well. This state of things was destructive
to the grandeur of the country, and, if
persisted in, would lead France at last to the situation
of the American nation, who gained their
knowledge from the newspapers. It was evident that
a social change ought to be effected in this respect."
[Cries of Yes, yes, on the right.)
This gratuitous and insulting fling at our institutions
awoke the wrath of W. H. Fry. Esq.,
who published an auswer, over His own signature,
in Oiilignani's Messenger of the '20th of February.
As this paper has produced quite a sensation in
the English-speaking circles in Paris, being the
subject of both extravagant eulogy and blame, it
would not be proper to pass it without notice. In
the outset of his article, Mr. Fry claims to speak,
" not as an American, but as a man," disclaims
"national pride, and that horribly abused Greek
and Latin word ' patriotism,' which is a term
convertible with colossal selfishness, with national
robberies and murders committed for personal
and general aggrandizememA Having thus taken
a high moral position, he Hnts his proposition,
that " America, in essential grandeur, exceeds all
other countries, sneient or modern " He then
passes in review the general diffusion of education,
the intelligence of the clergy, the great
number of railroads, canals, and telegraphs, the
facility of transport for merchandise, the ease and
cheapness of travelling, the sobriety of the sailors,
the sroallness of the army, the extent of the
foreign commerce, the growth of art, the celebrity
of many of the literary and scientific men, such as
Franklin. Carey, Iianoroft, Prescott, Irving, Walter
Johnson, and Audubon. This is followed up
by extracts from the works of travellers, showing
the grandeur of America and the excellence of
her institutions. The whole is wound up by a
peroration, remarkable for its strength of style.
Indeed, the answer shows plainly that its author
is a man of ability, and rather eccentric withal.
His piece would have lost none of its real value
by the omission of such phrases as "Elastic democracy
is hell proof"?which startle the quiet
people who read Gah^nnm as they sip their morning's
coffee. A few sentences from this rugged
little phrase, the author gives us a specimen of
11 tinstic democracy," for which he has not prepared
his rea<lers. What! could we expect a gentleman
who has defended the cause of the laborer,
and inveighed ag iinst aristocracies and tyrannies
through two columns of close type, to turn round
at the end and undo his work, by apologising for
slavery and Lynch law? What aristocracy and
what tyranny does he mean to attack? Alas! it
is only what is to be found in Europe, while he
defends the moat salient forms of aristocrscv and
tyranny in his own country. This democracy is
too " elastic" to He proof of criticism, although it
may not be proof against the heat of the place
Mr. P. wishes to test it in. But here is the passage
alluded to: "Slavery in America, so much
abused, is a Keavmly destiny for the blaoka It
has elevated them from barbarians, killing and
killed. It hurls them on to liberty and Christianity.
Texas will exolude it. The country of San
Franoisco has excluded it. N ?y, more: the American
colony of Liberia, democratic though blsck,
will within a century carry glad tidings to the
heart of Africa. So, too, Lynch law is tiupully
held in chronic dishonor. But it is the safety of
the back woods It puts to shame the late Dr.tco
code of Kngland. It sated California in her first
season."
What a precious jumble of ideas here is. to be
sure I Wettould humbly suggest to Mr. F. that
it is not in perfect taste to brand as stupul seventenths
of his fellow-citizens, who hold Slavery
and Lynch law in " chronic dishonor " And
this, too, in a defence of Americans! Fie, Mr.
F , this looks like abusing your own countrymen
under the pretext of vindicating them from the
aspersions of M. Thiers. And do enlighten us
on one point. How long do you suppose this
heavenly destiny of slavery will be
the blacks on to liberty? Apparently, the rate
of hurting is a very slow one, as the blacks have
been kurl'il on to more than two millions and a
half who are still enjoying the "heavenly destiny."
What has oonnected in W H F.'a mind
the idea of Heaven with that of the slave States
must be the analogy?that few enter either place
And then, Mr. Fry, if slavery is heavenly, why
hurl the blacks on to liberty, which must be h-llmh
? There is a curious oonfuaion in Mr. F.'s
mind, of slavery, Lynch law, and Heaven The
fact so roundly asserted, of the salvation of California
by Lynoh law, is novel and startling.
Other Americans, and certainly all the Europeans,
were laboring under the illusion that the unsettled
state of things in California, during the
first year, the violeaoea and murders oomautied,
had hindered the immigration of large nambero
of peaceable and industrious persons. But it
eems that everybody was mistaken.
The author's touch at the colony of Liberia?
" democratic though black "?is worthy of tho
rest of the picture. Certainly it would be natural
for those who had been fisrothly axeludsd
from the Heaven of Amerioan slavery to got op
an imitation Heaven on the shores of A fries,
. .
VOL. IV.
aristocratic dogs as they are I Bat they don't.
They are democratic though black. But there is
no room to despair, for Mr. F. assures us that
41 within a centnry, they will carry glad tidings
to the heart of Afrjca"?which means, we sup
rs, mai ine " neaveniy uesuny " or slavery will
extended ores that continent, and will hurl
the inhabitants on to liberty and Christianity for
a few blissful centuries.
It is useless to argue with this champion of
America, fie is from the free States, and a pretty
fair representative of a class of gentlemen whose
hearts seem always to be bursting with indignation
at the aristocracies of Europe, and sorrow
for the miseries of the poor. This sympathy
with the poor of a foreign country is a cheap sen
timeut, gives room for eloquent declamation, and
may lead to a wide-apread popularity. The true
test of a man's love of justice, devotion to human
rights, and sympathy with the oppressed, is his conduct
towards the poor of his own country. Is he
content to walk there with the minority, to brave
odium, to lahor in and out of season for the d wntrodden
? When an American is brave as a lion
in defence of humau rights in Europe, and
equally brave in attacking them in the persons of
the oppressed in his own country, or not daring
to open his mouth for them, he is a bird that always
flies with the flock, and his clftims to a devotion
to right vary with the longitude, and are
what Mr. Burchell would call fudge.
The author signs his full name to his article,
and thus gives every American the right to say
what he thinks of the opinions expressed. We
hope that Mr. Fry's next defence will be more
deserving of praise for its principles His pen is
an able one when employed in a good cvuse
ITEMS,
The proposition of M. Larochejaquelin to submit
the question of the form of Government to
the people was quashed at once in the Assembly
by the previous question. It is still discussed in
the papers, finding few friends and m iuy enemies
Its author is handled without gloves by all parties.
He was a warm republican in 1818,
abjured his royalist sentiments in a harangue before
Raspail's club.
The budget has been drawing its slow length
along for nearly two weeks. An economy of one
hundred and forty-four millions on last year's
budget has been proposed by the Committee, but
this is barely reducing the budget to its old proportions.
The receipts are still less than the ex
penses.
The news from Rome is tbst his HoI'ticrs tmy
return to Rome, Sunday in alhii. The ofiioial announcement
is ambiguous, and leaves everything
uncertain. He will return " if nothing new happed
against the public security and tranquillity."
"All intercourse is broken off between the
Courts of Prussia and Wurtemberg. No danger
of fighting, however. They understand each
other too well for that. The Erfurt Assembly
has taken no decisive step as yet. Speeches
have been made and officers elected. Things may
return to the basis of the treaties of 1915. They
seem to be tending that way.
Yesterday's session of the Assembly was s
stormy one. M.Jules Favre, the brjilivjf orator
'ot theiiert, m&ifv a most vigorous attack oh the
Ministry. He summed up its policy for the interior
in these wonls; "To spy everywhere, always,
and everybody." In another jart of his
discourse, he exclaimed: "You are called the
Cabinet of action, but you are only the Cabinet
of the police. Your veritable chief is M. Carlier
"
To-day the Assembly is discussing the law on
transportation of political convicts.
Yours, &c. W.
[continued from fourth page]
SENATE PEOCEEDFXCS.
Thursday, Atril IS, 1850.
The Vice President announced the members of
the committee of investigation on the case of
Messrs. Benton and Foote, as follows :
Messrs. Dodge of Wiscousin, Webster, King,
Phelps, Rusk, Bell, Shields.
Mr. Dodge, for personal reasons, w.is excused
from serving; the requests of other members to
be excused were refused
During the morning hour, Mr. Benton moved
to postpone all business before the Senate, and
take up the California bill.
Points of order were raised and discussed, until
the morning hour having nearly expired, Mr.
Clay moved to lay the motion upon the table,
and on this the vote was?
Yeas?Messrs. Atchison, Badger, Bell, Borland,
Bright, Butler, Cass, Clay, Clemens, Davis
of Mississippi, Dickinson, Downs, Foote, Hunter.
Kiog, Mangum. Mason, Morton, Peirce, Rusk,
Sebistian, SouK5, Sturgeon, Turney, Underwood,
Whitcomb, and Yules?'->7.
Nats?Messrs Baldwin. Hentnn < haae f'larbi*
Corwin, Davis of Massachusetts, Dayton, Dodge
of Iowa, Dodge of Wisconsin, Douglas, Felch,
Greene, Hale, Hamlin, Jones, Miller, Norris,
Phelps, Seward, 8hield?, Smith, Spruttuce, Walker,
aud Webster?24.
So the motion to lay upon the tabic was agreed
to.
[It will be found that during all this voting,
Messrs. Bright, Cass, Dickinson, and Sturgeon,
were always present, and always in the ranks of
the Slavery party ; and that Mr. Cooper of Pennsylvania,
the famous Whig Free-Soiler, was always
out of the way j
The Senate proceeded to the special order of
the day. the unfinished business of yesterday
Mf. Foote. I simply rise for a purpose which 1
have no doubt will gratify gentlemen on all sides
sincerely and profoundly desirous of action, practical
action, on the proposition before the Senate
in which the country feels so deep an interest. 1
shall waive any feelings merely ot a person il nature,
out of consideration to the exigencies of the
hour. I design, therefore, saying not another
word ; I only ask for an early vote.
Mr. Clay's appeal having been withdrawn, the
question recurred on the amendments submitted
by Mr. Benton.
Messrs Mangum, Clay, and King, hoped that,
if there were any discussion, it might all be confined
to the oppononts of the committee, end
agreed as to the policy of voting down all the
amendments.
Mr. Benton I never saw the Senate so harmonious.
I am entirely of the same opinion with
the gentlemen who have spoken all around me?
votes and no words. The Senate will recollect
the great encomium pronounced upon the Abbe
Seyes, the great constitution maker, during the
period of the French revolution. It was said by
the wits or witlings, as the case may be, of that
day, that he kept Constitutions in pigeon holes,
and took down one or another as the occasion required.
But the point is, that one of those Constitutions
contained a clause for a dumb Legislature;
one that should vote and not speak. He
read it to a friend, and the friend exclaimed,
" Ah, Monsieur Seyes, that dumb Legislature
will immortalize you !" 1 do not know whether
that part of the Legislature in France who were
in favor of voting instead of speaking were able
to stick to that part of the Constitution or not,
but I hope we shall all bo able to stick to it here- vote
and not talk. And now, Mr. President, we
seem to have made some progress, an 1 the w?y
seems to have been entirely clear for me to make
the motion which was suggested to me by the gentlemen
on the other side. I asked to t ike up the
C&lifoonia bill; it was objected to because there
was unfinished business. It was objected to liecause
the business of yesterday ought to take
precedence. Good ;! have nothing to say against
that now. That business has been taken up ; now
the objection of " unfinished business" is removed
And now I act upon the suggestion of the gentleman
upon the other side of the chamber, an I
move, though it involves a double motion, to lav
this question upon the tahle for the purpose of
taking up the California hill; and, as the gentlemen
have given you a programme of the manner
in which they will act, 1 will give you mine. My
programme is this: That, if this bill be taken up,
as f suppose it may be now, in conformity to tbe
suggestion of the gentleman opposite, an I after
the reasons given for not taking it up have passed
away, my oourse will be, if gentlemen on the
other side offer amendments which m >y be in the
nature of adding further measures to that bill?of
attaching other bills to that bill?why, sir, I
nave Bain enougn atreauy to ifi me ocuhw ?..vn
tbst I nm what is called uocomprominingl/ opposed
to it; and, aa I have given u many res hods
for my opposition as can be nsoeessry. now,
therefore, i am willing to content myself with *be
vote of ? nay " on the different prepositions to
add other measures to the California bill when it
comes up. Now, sir, my opinion is. that in this
way we can finish the CnJif?rni* bill in this sitting
to-day, while ths si? gentlemen are here who
will be absent next week by order of the Senate.
I therefore mako the motion, which I think will
sooompiish that #hjao,> 'or the yeas and
. ,
The Vice President It is moved that the
question now under consideration be laid on ths
table, and on that notion the ytas and nays are
demanded.
The yens and nays were then ordered by the
Ssnatn, and being taken, resulted as follows :
Yeas?Messrs. Baldwin, Benton, Bradbury,
Chaae, Clarke, Corwin, Davis of Massachusetts,
Dayton, Dodge of Iowa, Dodge of Wisconsin
Douglas, Pslch, Greene. Hale, Hamlin, Jones,
Millar, Nerria. Phelps, 8ewsrd, Shields, Smith,
Walker, and Webster?24.
Nars?Messrs. Atchison, Badger, Bell, Bor
land, Bright, Butler, Cass Clay, Clemens, Davis
of Mississippi, Dickinson, Downs, Foote, Hunter,
King, Maogum, Mason, Morton, Psaroa, Rusk,

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