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The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, June 20, 1850, Image 2

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may of the pretended providential assignment of
the African alone to bondage !
But, again, Mr. Chairman, 1 am opposed to the
further extension of slavery, and in favor of the
Ordinance of 1787, (or the Wilmot Proviso, as it
is more recently called,) because the South, today,
is possessed of nearly 360,000 square miles of
territory ntore than the North. Tiiis is an area
sufficient, iu the estimation of many intelligent
men, to keep the sUvery-propagaudistsconsUntly
engaged in extendiug the institution tor three
hundred years to come. Though such be the fact,
[nnd though the South has, according to the positive
declarations of someof her eminent rocu on this
tloor, controlled the tiovcruineut for the last fifty
years,yef they have the unblushing impudence to
tell us, in the most emphatic terms, that, should
we reeiiaef the Ordinance of 17S7, which was
unanimously passed by our fathers, they will dissolve
the Uoion ! Sir, does the perpetuity ot this
mighty Republic, constituted of thirty sovereign
States, hang upon such a tenure as the carrying out
the views, and complying with the selfish wishes,
Iof the Southern portion of the Union? Sir, I,
for one, do not believe that this Government can
he overthrown, for the purpose of extending the
institution of slavery , and 1 believe that when
an attempt of this kind is made by any portion of
the States, they will find that they have reckoned
without their host. They will find that we have
a commander in the Bhip of state, who is not
afraid to meet the crisis, and who will prove as
true to his country, in the day of trial, as the noble
Lawrence did when he fell bleeding on the
deck of his vessel, and his last words will be like
his?" Don't give up the ship."
I HE NATIONAL EKA.
WASHINGTON, JUNK M, 1880.
" THE SOUTHERN PRESS.''
This is the name of the uew Southern organ in
this place. It appeared last Monday, and is published
as a Daily, Tri-Weekly, and Weekly. It
is better tempered than the Union, less conservative
than the lulrlliftTirrr ratiipr wnvi> cttrMnii
than either in its doctrines respecting .Southern
rights and interests.
The Intelligencer, noticing its appearance, avails
itself of the occasion to magnify its own devotion
to sectional interests. If, it says, " they," (the
editors,) u shall devote themselves to the true interests
of the Union, and, above all, to those of the
South, with more steadiness than this press has
been able to do daring the existence of fifty years,
nobody will be more willing than the editors of
this paper to congratulate them."
jlifif-e afl, to those of Me StUilhf- ao (
i"- *terests
of the South above those of the Union?
Good Heaven?is there any other place than
11 the South"1 in some people's geography ? Hut,
why feel surprise at the language of the Press,
when we sec both Houses of Congress acting on
precisely this same geographical dogma?
We wish the Southern Press all the patronage
it shall deserve. It is edited by Ellwood Fisher
and E. De Leon, published by G. A. Sage and
Her. H. Heath. So far as we understand, the
editors believe that Slavery is the normal condition
of humanity, and Freedom the exception;
and they are just the men to prove this, if any- 1
body can.
A One thing, we are sure, will gratify them, as
an indication of the sound feeling of this commu- 1
nity on thesubjectof slavery. The National Era, '
a paper somewhat respectable for contents and np- 1
pearance, pretty well domesticated in Washington,
tolerably known, with a few contributors of
ascertained merit, has not been favored with the
| (slightest token of recognition by the old presses
here, from the time of its birth. The reason is,
that d btlifVts hi the Divin?. ru;lit of Iliimun nature
to Freeilom: it is suspected entertaining certain
dogmas concerning Unman Rights proclaimed in
the Declaration of Independence, and now and
then broached in the North.
I On the other hand, the "Southern Press" unfortunate
ns it is in its outward being, no
sooner appears, than tho old presses here, take
off their hats and greet it as a most respectable
M personage And the reason?highly Haltering
1 to their taste and g?od sense?is, that the grand
fidea of the new organ is to be the Dame nyhi of
Shivery.
NASHVILLE (IIHVVKNTHW.
The Nashvillo Convention, after a session of
nine days, adjournod to meet again at the saroo
place, six weeks after the adjournment of Congress.
Its proceedings have excited little interest. It
was an abortion, and it is not worth a word of
comment.
PROCEEDINGS IN THE SENATE.
The Compromise bill is gradually assuming u
shape, adapting it more satisfactorily to the views
of slaveholders. Congress is to interpose no obstacle
to the introduction of slavery into the Territories.
The Territorial Legislatures are prohibited
from interfering sgninst its introduction,
but are permitted to pass police regulations to
enforce its claims, should it be extended there.
Aud, as if to encourage the slaveholders to emigrate
thither with their slaves, the Senate, last
Monday, after a full discussion, resolved, by a
vote of thirty-eight to twelve, that "when the
said Territory, or any portion of it, should be ad
a_ mittotl m u State, it shall be received into the
; Union, with or without slavery, mm their Constitution
may prescribe at the time of their admission
!" The yeas and nays were as follows:
Yean?Messrs. Atchison, Badger, Hell, Benton,
Berrien, Bright, Butler, Cass, Clay, Clemens,
Cooper, Davis of Mississippi, Dawson, Dodge of
Iowa, Douglas, Downs, Koote, Houston, Hunter,
Joues, King, Mason, Morton, Norris, Pcaroe,
Pratt, Husk, Sebastian, Shields, Soul6, Spruance,
Sturgeon, Turney, Underwood, Wales, Webster,
Whitcoiub, and Yulee?.'iH.
Navs?Messrs. Baldwin, Chase, Clarke, Davis
of Massachusetts, Dayton, Dodge of Wisconsin,
Greene, Hale, Miller, Smith, Upham, and Walker?12.
So the amendment was agreed to.
Senators from the free States voting in the
attirmativc Bright, Cass, Dodge of Iowa, Donglas,
Jones. Norris, Shields, Sturgeon, Whiteomb?
Drmocrats) !t. Cooper, Webster?Whigs, 2.
The amendment was moved for several purposes.
It was desirable to druw a distinct line
between the Free Soil men and the old parties,
so as to destroy, if possible, the iutluence of the
former. It was important to have a provision in
the bill which should give countenance to the
idea that Slavery could legally obtain l'oothold in
the Territories. It was an object to stimulate
the immigration of slaveholders to the Territories,
and therefore necessary to remove any apprehension
in their minds, that they might he di
vested of their stores if they went there. Although
the Amendment in mi Abstraction, although
one Congress cunnot bind the action of snot her,
still it was of groat importance to the shareholders,
to extort from the free State members a provision,
which might serve as ground for the
charge of had faith against the North, should its
Representatives hereafter, true to the interests of
Freedom, resolve to discountenance the formation
of slave States.
With a full view of all the hearings and the
real significance of such a measure, Messrs Webster,
Cass, and their followers, gave it their zealous
support! ,
By the Missouri Compromise line, the larger
portion of the Territory then in dispute between
Slavery and Freedom, though all of it was under
ths tow of Slavery, was expressly set apart for
the benefit of Freedom, and .Slavery forever prohibited
therein. By this Compromise bill, pushed
forward under the auspices of Messrs. Clay,
Webster, and Cass, the whole of a far larger
(Territory, though every portion of it to now free,
is to be left utterly unprotected against Slavery,
and the Senate solemnly announces that if the
People of any part of it, on organizing a State,
wish to introduce Slavery, they shall have that
most holy privilege.
The whole procedure is infamous; and if tolerated
by the People, will stamp thcin as retrograde
in civilization, more corrupt than at any
1
former period of their history. In the name of
God and Humanity, how long shall these things
he?
? i, n
PROCEEDINGS IN THE HftlSE.
It is impossible to convey to those at a distance
a true idea of the state of things in the House of
Representatives during the last week. It contains
a majority of at least forty in favor of the
admiasiou of the new State of California, as a
separate measure, bat their will is bullied by parliamentary
expedients. In fact, one-third of the
memlters, by the aid of rules made for the pro
tection of the rights of minorities and the prevention
of haste in legislation, is enabled to violate
the rights of theother two-thirds, and prevent
any legislation at all. There is no way provided
by the rules of the Honse, of extricating itself
from this condition of anarchy. It can be terminated
only by the submission of the majority and
the triumph of faction, or by force. If Force be
resorted to, there is an end of our present form
of Republican Government. The constitution
ia superseded by the sword; the country ia at
once plunged into a revolution If Faction triumph
over the majority, the freedom of Congress
is gone ; the vital principle of a democratic representative
government, that the majority should
rule, is repudiated ; the People's representatives
no longer Ban Ieg'rafote in obedience to the will of
their constituents, unless allowed to do so by a
few men who, taking advantage of parliamentary
rules, may exercise a complete veto upon all legislation.
In short, the National Legislature becomes
the mere tool of faction, which will govern
the country as absolutely as a despot who should
require legislation to be the mere transcript of I
his will.
The mode of procedure now attempted by
Southern men, has long been meditated ; and, we
are sorry to say.has.beeu reooinmended by political
presses at the South, usually distinguished for
their moderation and fairness. They proceed on
the assumption that, by preventing action upon
the Appropriation bills, or any measure of general
importance, and by obstructing any proceeding
on the Slavery question till the demands of
the South be complied with, the minority will be
able to compel the North to submit?for. say
they, the Northern People will yield, sooner than
have the wheels of Government stop. Is it a fact,
then, that the Northern People have more patri- I
more untionali?y/ ?har* ! '
twe feeJ^a dee/ier concern the honor
and good faith of the Government, and the repu- ]4
tation of the Nation abroad, than the Southern ?
Is it nothing to the Southern People, and everything
to the Northern, that the Government
should cease practically to exist ? These journals
pay a very poor compliment to their own section.
Suppose the North, sooner than see the cause
of Republicanism disgraced by the cessation of
Government, should yield to the demand of Faction,
what a lesson to future malcontents, who
may choose upon any other question to array
themselves in actual rebellion against the majority
of the People! If forty men may block legislation
on one question, the same number may on
mother. The members of the minority that accomplishes
this year its unhallowed object by
in abuse of the privileges secured to it by the
rules of the House, may suffer next year vital
detriment from a similar abuse by another minority.
Besides, they will gain nothing by such conduct.
The American People are a practical, reasonable
people. They will recognise the right
of a minority to resist the action of a majority by
arguments and votes, and by so using parliamentary
expedients as to delay action and secure time
for due deliberation ; but they will brand as factious,
disorganizing, and revolutionary, such a
use of these expedients as shall be manifestly intended
to coerce a majority into absoluto submission
to a minority. The cause that, is attempted
to be sustained by such a policy must suffer in
the public judgmeut.
People will begin to ib?
*alue of a Government whose powers are sought
to be controlled by a Sectional Interest. What,
they will ask, is the use of a Union, under which
no national want can be satisfied, till the demands
of Slavery be complied with ? Why send representatives
to the Federal Legislature, if they go
there merely to register lhe edicts of the Slave
Power? I low is a Democratic Beprcsentative
Government to be maintained by a Union of
States, if the will of the mtyority, fairly expressed
in constitutional forms, is to be thwarted
by the factious opposition of a minority who will
bankrupt the Government sooner than yield their
views of policy ?
For ourselves, we have no hesitation in saying,
that if this policy of Obstruction, as it is called,
is to become a usage whenever any question involving
sectional considerations is concerned, the
sooner the different sections of the country dissolve
federal connection with each other the
better for all. Union is worth nothing, if one
interest is to possess a veto ou all other interests?
if the minority is to be suffered to impose an absolute
check upon the majority. A necessity
which should justify this would justify revolution.
COMMON SCHOOL REPORTS.
We have received the Third Annual Report of
the Commissioner of Common Schools in New
Hampshire; and also the Twentieth Annual Report
of the Common Schools of Cincinnati?both
documents of great value.
The New Hampshire report presents an encouraging
view of the condition of common schools
in that State. The Commissioner, R. S. Rust,
appears to be a man of energy and deep devotion
to the cause of popular education. In the discharge
of his official duties he has travelled two
thousand miles, delivered more than fifty public
addresses, visited three hundred schools, and
aided in conducting several institutes. As most
favorable judications of the advancement of the
cause of Education, he refers to the fact that the
Legislature at its extra session increased the
amount of money to be raised for the support of
schools '-'0 per cent, on the sum previously required,
and that a majority of the towns during
the year 1K-19, voluntarily raised, by a tax on
property, a sum nearly one-third larger than is
required by law. This is honorable to New
Hampshire, and a fine illustration of the elevating
influences of education on the masses.
Mr. Rust devotes a chapter to the discussion
of the propriety of employiug women as teachers.
11$ shows very clearly their peculiar qualifications
for tho task. "It is thought," ho says,
" that competent females succeed much better
than males, in schools most notorious for their
disorder." Several cases of this description have
eonie to his knowledge, in whioh "females were
employed to complete tho terms of schools commenced
by males, who, unable to govern, were
either dismissed for incompetency, or were disheartened
and voluntarily retired "
What a email pittance is allowed to teachers
under the coinmou school system! It cau never
be so efficient as it ought to be, until better
wages shall he given The following table shows
the amount of compensation, exclusive of hoard,
in the States named.
Males, Females,
per luuoth. per month.
Massachusetts - - $44.00 $807
Connecticut - - 16(H) 6.50
New > ora - ' * ? ?? "
New Hampshire 13 40 6<W
Vermont * 1242 8.06
New Hampshire thisyear giTes$I4.I3 to males,
? "> 0.') to females
The whole number of school districts in the
State is V 1:17 , whole number of scholars in the
wiuter, SO,07V, in summer, 04,030 ; male teachers
in winter schools, 1,310, female teachen, M)7;
whole amount of money raised during the year
for the beuefit of the schools, *100,000.
In Vermont, the whole cost of tchoole is eeti.
mated at $230,000. Female teachers are at the
head of sixty-eight per cent of the schools.
The common schools of Cincinnati, Ohio, re
THE NATIONAL ER1
! fleet honor upon that city; but it will require
great exertion to make the means of education
keep pace with the rapidly growing population
It is certain that they are now insufficient The
city is divided into twelve districts. The number
of teachers, male and female, employed at the
eud of the year, was 124; the number of pupils
enrolled at the same period, 11,544. But the
number of white children between the nges of
I and 21,1a 1949, was 33,548. The number of
children between 4 and 1?, is probably about
25,000.
Among the educational institutions provided
at the public expense, are German and Knglish
| schools, evening schools, and a central school, in
which great advantages are secured for a thorough
practical education.
We are glad to see the announcement by the
Board that it is their intention to take measures,
under the law of 1838, as amended at the last
session of the Legislature, for the education of
the colored people. It justly remarks, that "they
; are taxed for every municipal, State, and county
purpose; they compose a portion of the masses
of which our city is made up, and their character
for good or ill must be formed among us. It is
unjust to expect obedience to the laws, and a
willingness to bear their share of the public burdens,
unless we educate their minds, and their
hearts; and we feel that it is not only our duty,
but it should be our privilege to impart to this
hitherto neglected and oppressed class the benefit
of moral and intellectual culture."
It would be well for the good People of Washington
to learn a lesson from these just remarks.
They are apt to complain of the existence of a
large class of free colored people here, although
it seems to us that they are just as useful and
well behaved as any class of people, with no more
educational advantages than they have, would
be. Instead of finding fault with them for their
degradation, why not strive to meliorate their
condition? Many of them are property holders,
living in comfort and respectability Their property
is taxed, and taxed too for school purposes,
while not a single school facility is extended to
theni!
Is this right ? Ought we n?t to blush to take
a portion of the tax on their property, to provide
for educating our children, while they are denied
any aid in the work of educat.ng themselves?
, JilB COJIPROIISB - ITS SIPPIIRTERS AM
A . PROSPECTS J
* -^?L - % I
The weather ia growing hot; Congress lias
been in session for nearly seven months; all the
important business is yet to be disposed of;
members are tired, unstrung, heated; what
wonder that they begin to betray symptoms of ir- 1
ritability !
Just at the moment when they should be i
possessing their souls in utmost patience, all 1
things seem to combine to disturb their equanimity,
and render their sensibilities morbid.
We do not, however, concur vith our neighbors
of the Union, in the belief taat there is any
dangerous excitement in Washington. He seems 1
to imagine that we are slumbering over a volcano; '
he feels the throbbing of its mighty heart, and 1
shivers in apprehension of the moment when its 1
agony shall find vent in an eruption. I le tells the
people abroad that they cann?t conceive of the ]
fearful exoitement which prevails here; and he ]
suggests that Congress should adjourn for three I
days and go to prayer. Better, he says, " would (
it be for Congress to take a recess of three days,
for the members to talk calmly to each other, and ,
take the sandals off their feet, an J go together to |
the altar nf the A liniffhtv. and nrav for a more
compromising Bpirit to descend upon them, and
for more fraternal affection, to preserve the union
of their country." i
By the way, if anybody desire to he filled with
the spirit of compromise, he must go to some other 1
altar than that of the Almighty, who, as Thomas
Jefferson said, has no attribute that oan take part
with the oppressor.
Wo are sorry to see tbe editor nt ??. York
TrUninr. contributing Mil shave ufwards getting np a
panic. In one of his letters, dated at Washington,
he says there are sixty disunionists in Congress!
We should liko to see them. Point them out?
name them. If there be more than a dozen deliberate
Disunionists in the Capitol, we have studied
the members to very little purpose. Men who
were present during the debates on the Missouri
question, and are now observing the proceedings
of Congress, say that there is far less real feeling
now than there was then.
A panic may help the passage of the Compromise.
If the Union and other papers can only
make the people of the free States believe that
the Government is on the brink of ruin, Senators
and Representatives from those States may be
able to excuse themselves for their support of the
measure, lor 11 no nappens mat muiijr ui luoiu arc
anxious to find some apology for Toting in favor of
it. We hope the good people will keep as cool as
the weather will permit. Plenty of hard words wo
shall hare, hut no blows. Nothing terrific is
meditated in either House, although under the
conjoint proTocation of hot weather and bad temper,
the proprieties of debate are occasionally violated
by even gray-haired statesmen.
Hut panic making is not the only way of promoting
the spirit of compromise. Once upon a
time, as the chroniclers say, Massachusetts and
South Carolina, at swords' points upon the question
of slavery, entered into a business negotiation,
the upshot of which was, that Massikchusetts
agreed to the importation of slaves for twenty
years, and South Carolina agreed to permit Congress
to pass navigation laws byasimpleuugority.
Prom that time the Union has breathed the atmosphere
of compromise. No great question can now
be settled except on business principles. Politics
have become mercantile, and issues involving human
rights arc determined by pecuniary considerations.
Por example, if Pennsylvania will abandon
the doctrine of slavery restriction, and agree to
throw open the Territories to slavery, the South
will agree to tax foreign iron, so as to give that
State the command of the homo market. And if
the people of Massachusetts will generously subscribe
a memorial in favor of the Compromise
hill?a memorial now circulating in that State?
the Lowell manufacturers are assured, from distinguished
sources in Washington, that iu six
weeks they could have a reasonable and satisfactory
modification of the tariff*! The following is
the form of mernoml in circulation: ?
To the Massachusetts Delegation in Congress:
Gsnti.kmkn : The political stale of the country,
we think, justifies and demands the expression of
the opinions and wishes of those of your constituents
who feel that the nation is in a dangerous
position. We see on every side an unprecedented
excitement of feeling, unfavorable alike to wise
counsels and friendly dispositions; and even in
Congress we think we peroeivc an alarming deficiency
of the spirit of Qonoiliation and mutual concession.
We ueed not remind you that no controversy
can be settled without a large measure of
that spirit on both sides. That alone can restore
the nation to its accustomed calmness of progress,
and give us that beneficent legislation for which
Congress whs created, and without which there
can be neither peace nor prosperity; and we
would urge you by every consideration which can
be drawn from the recollections of our history,
and the hopes of our futurity, not to he wanting
in your share of that temper which will lead to a
reasonable adjustment o( existing difficulties, to
let no pride of power, no desire to obtain advantages,
nor to push politioal rights to an unwiae extreme,
prevent you from adopting measures whioh
will tend to restore peace, prosperity, and kind
feeling. We desire to be represented in Congress
as meu acting with forbearance. We trust, therefore,
that you will be induced to give a ready support
to those measures which will most speedily
produce and will longest maintain the spirit of
union Respectfully, &c.
The paternity of this memorial in favor of an
! " adjustment," as ths Chios terms the Compromise,
is not to lie mistaken. It is a reproduction of the
sentiments of Mr. Webeter, and belongs to the
wbi flunily as the Uoslon and Newbnryport
Letters. We should like to know what kind of
aasuranoes ooaoerning a tariff were given by certain
Southern men to the agent ef a large manufacturing
company in Masaachusotta, and his
i
V,
WASHINGTON, D.
friends, luring their sojourn recently in Washington.
The wealth/ people of Massachusetts must
feel big)]/ honored ut being put up for sale in the
Southern market, for the benefit of the manufacturers
of Lowell, ami the conscientious tradesmen
who haw been recalled to a sense of their oonstitutionallobligations
b/ Daniel Webster.
Next, considerations connected with the Texas j
boundary are relied upon as greatl/ favoring the
passage of the Compromise. At first, Mr. Clay j
oould n?t understand the policy of associating
the question of the admission of California with
any other question?he did not thiuk such an
amalgamation proper. But, some new light dawned
upon him. He changed his views, and became
impressed with the importance of agglomerating
in one bill thoquestions respecting the admission
of California as a State, the organization of Goveruments
in New Mexico and Utah, and the settlement
of the Texan boundary. The last subject
had no possible connection with the first, no
necessary connection with the second. Each one
had its peculiar advocates and adversaries?each
involved peculiar principles?there was nothing
in common between them. Why amalgamate them
in one bill, and make the fate of one dependent
upon that of the others? Why not take np each
separately, on its own merits. ana dispose or 11
according to the will of the majority, honestly
expressed upon them ? The answer is obvious.
Proceeding in this legitimite way, the free State
of California would have been admitted, but the
slaveholders might have failed in securing the
organization of Territorial Governments without
the Proviso. Or, even had both these measures
succeeded, Texas might not have received the
sum of tea or fifteen millions of dollars, to enable
her to discharge her debts. By amalgamating
all these measures, the friends of California, but
opponents of Territorial Governments without the
Proviso, the advocates of Territorial Governments
without the Proviso; the whole Texas interest,
including the State of Texas and her bond-holders
all over the country, might be compelled to
cooperate in carrying through a compound measure,
no single portion of which was approved by
the conscientious judgment of all.
Now see what an important part this corruption
fund of ten or fifteen millions of dollars must
play in such a transaction ! Texas bonds are not
worth thirty-five cents on the dollar. In anticipation
of the passage of the Compromise bill, 1
speculation has already begun; and the recent
jyvtafia *?tl M holders, have the deepK'.ZVS.
'* ' VY ' I
ure. Bonds now not worth three millions of
dollars would go up at once to ten or twelve. ^
iiuw iiiiiiij ioriuurM uepenu upon me measure:
Is it to be supposed that among the three hundred
members of Congress, mauy of them formerly
deeply sympathizing with Texas in her
struggle for independence, there arc not holders
of her bonds ; and that there are not other members
with relatives or friends, whose fortunes now
hang upon the success of the measure ?
A correspondent of the New York Courier and
En'/uirer, writing from Washington, May 28th,
says that the support of the Texas Senators can
be secured for the bill only by the pecuniary consideration
proposed to be given by Texas, and he
adds?
" This fact illustrates the influence which Texas
scrip is destined to exercise over the proposed
adjustment; and 1 say it without meaning the
least disparagement, or impeachment of the molives
of the Senators in question. They are
doubtless acting for the best interests of the State
which they represent, and under the persuasion
of duty. There are others, however, and outaiders,
who are not entitled to the same indulgence
of opinion, and who are now operated upon
by the prospective advantages that must inevitably
result from the passage of this measure. Let
Congress order an inquiry, as to the amount of
bonds now held or recently held by the members
of the two Houses, or their immediate relatives,
before the vote is taken, and 1 venture the prediction
that the compromise will be worse than
doomed from the day the report of such a committee
is made. I charge and mean no corruption
of any kind ; bnt I am fully persuaded th it the
vast moneyed interests staked upon its sdoption
or rejection wilt exercise almost a controlling inMm??
? 1? aWhuts fate. Immense muhibU of
this scrip are In the hands of leading politicians,
editors, and managers, and does anybody believe
I mil turn w uuio ivi vo itiii uv/v uo wiuuiuru iu
carry a scheme which insures remuneration for a
debt that has for years been considered worse
than doubtful, and which has been hawked about
without finding a bidder, until the Compromise
suddenly created the spirit of speculation ?"
There is no use in attempting to disguise the
fact, that the United States Treasury is to be
taxed to the tune of ten or twelve millions of
dollars, to secure the passage of the Compromise.
But this is not all. General Houston, some
mouths ago, found it necessary to visit his family
or constituents in Texas. Soon after, rumors of
decided measures on the part of Texas, looking
to the possession of New Mexioo, began to prevail.
Next we hear of an expedition under Major
Neighl>ors, organizing a government at the
El Paso, and then proceeding to Santa Fe, the
capital of New Mexico. General Taylor is desirous
of preserving the existing state of things
in the Territory, which has no government but
that emanating from Washington, no protection
except that of the Federal Executive; but his
Cabinet can find no authority for resisting the
usurpations of Texas?no authority for protecting
territory belonging to the United States, or
to whioh they sssort a claim. The Secretary of
War, Mr. Crawford, who ought to have been
turned out of the Cabinet so soon us his connection
with the Galphin all'.iir was ascertained,
issues his orders to the United States officers to
respect the pretensions of Texas ; to abstain from
opposition to her policy, to submit to the acts of
her officials! A more flagrant dereliction of duty
no Cabinet could be guilty of. Did not the Chief
Executive know that the Uuited States had a
claim to the territory of New Mexico? Did it
not believe that the claim of Texas was fraudulent?
Was it not solemnly bound to maintain
unimpaired the claim of the United States, to see
to it that their rights were not impaired, to prevent
any change in the statu 71/0, until the controversy
concerning the boundary should be decided
by competent authority ? Instead of doing
this, New Mexico is abandoned, the rights of the
United States are unasserted, the claim of Texas,
is virtually acknowledged by the Executive,
whose high duty it was to watch over the People
of New Mexico and the claima of the Federal
Government.
Now, see the use made of this shameful betrayal
of trust, (for so we must consider itj to
promote the passage of a bill, on whioh so many
private fortunes are depending. New Mexico is
in danger of bsing lost, s.?ys the A'-w Yerk 7Vibune.
I low can sho organize a State Government,
it is asked, when she is in possession of Texas 1
The President's plan is now impracticable, cries
one. This Texan boundary (|Uestion must l>e settled,
before Territorial Governments can be created,
say Clay and Webster. There will be collision
and bloodshed, exclaims Mr. Foote. Strangely
enough, as if to defeat his own plan, and promote
the success of a compromise to which he is
understood to be opposed, the President, by his
course in relation to New Mexico, has furnished
one of the strongest arguments now urged in favor
of the lattor and against the former.
We havo exposed the intiuences brought to
-ilk . ?U? Af fAWAli.* ?ka Anan a Iwa.a US 11
wuu m fmn v? iviviu^ iuc wiuuiym uiii
through Congress. That it ia destined to pugg
the Senate, we have no doubt: we have had 110
doubt from the moment we understood the interests
that were to be oombined in ita support. Iiut
the People shall know by what influences and by
what men the measure is oarried forward. It will
be for them to say how much they owe the Whig
and Democratic parties, the Administration, and
Messrs. Clay, Webster, and Cass, for a measure
which takes from them ten millions of dollars to
pay a miserably fraudulent claim, and which, as
its Hon them advocates triumphantly assert, ooters
the Wilmot Proviso with infamy. And let
them judge, teo, how mush they are willing to be
taied for the purpose of rewarding the Iron Men
of Pennsylvania and the Manufocturers of Lew ell,
for their disinterested support of this so-salted
" Adjustment
C., JUNE 20, 18601
IMTRIICT10JI OP IDIOTS.
Some Are years ago. the Legislature of Massachusetts,
at the suggeatioo of several benevolent
gentlemen whoee attention had been turned to the
subject, appointed a Commission to inquire into
the condition of the Idiots of the Common wealth?
to ascertain their numbers, aud whether anything
could be done in their behalf.
The Commissioners were Dr. Sainuel G. Howe,
so well and honorably known for his loug and
arduous labors in behalf of the blind, Judge Ityington,
aud Oilman Kemball. The burden of the
labor fell upon the chairman, who entered upon it
with the enthusiasm, perseverance, and practical
adaptation of means to ends, which hare made him
so efficient in his varied schemes of benevolence.
On the 26th of the 2d month, 1S48, a full reportof
the results of this labor was m ?de to the Governor,
accompanied by statistical tables and minute
details One hundred towns had been visited by
the chairman, or his reliable agent, in which
hundrfd and snxniy-fivt persons, in a state of idiocy,
were discovered These were examined, carefully,
in respect to their physical as well as mental condition
; no inquiry being omitted which was calculated
to throw light upon the remote or immediate
causes of this mournful imperfection in the
creation of God. The proximate causes Dr. Howe
mentions are to be found in the state of the bodily
organisation?deranged and disproportioned by
some violation of natural law on the part of the
parents or remoter ancestors of the sufferers.
Out of 420 cases of idiocy, he had obt.iined information
respecting the condition of the progenitors
of 359; and in all but four of these cases
he found that one ur the other or bo'h of their
immediate progenitors had in some way departed
widely from the conditiou of health; they were
scrofulous, or predisposed to affections of the
brain, and insanity, or had intermarried with
blood relations, or had been intemperate, or
guilty of sensual excesses.
Of the 575 coses, 430 were those of idiocy from
birth, and 155 of idiocy afterwards. Of the born
idiots, 187 were under 25 years of age, and all
but 13 seemed capable of improvement. Of those
above 25 years of age, 73 appeared incapable of
improvement in their mental condition, being
helpless as children at 7 years of age. Fortythree
out of the 420 seemed as helpless as
children at two years of age, and 33 were in the
condition of mere infants. Two hundred and
twenty were support/*. I th%?SHibUc charge,in
alms-houses. A large nropqrtio^ of {hep were
found*to 'be given over to fflfhy KnU %at>isome
habits, gluttony, and lost, and constantly sinking
tower towards the condition of absolute brutishness.
Those in private houses were found, if possible,
in a still more deplorable state. Their parents ,
were generally poor, feeble in mind and body,
ind often of very intemperate habits Many of
:hem seemed scarcely able to take care of themselves,
and totally unfit for the training of ordi- (
nary children, it is the blind leading the blind; ,
imbecility teaching imbecility. Some instances (
31 ine experiments 01 pareni&i iguorance upon
idiotic offspring, which fell under the observation
it Dr. Howe, are related in his report. Idiotic
children were found with their heads covered
over with cold poultices of oak bark, which the
foolish parents supposed would tan the brain and
harden it, as the tanner does his ox-hides, and so
make it oap&ble of retaining impressions and remembering
lessons. In other cases, finding that
the child could not be made to comprehend anything,
the sagacious heads of the household, on
the supposition that its brain was too hard, tortured
it with hot poultices of bread and milk to
ncften it. Others plastered over their children's
heads with tar. Some administered strong doses
of mercury, to "solder up the openings" in the
head, and make it tight and strong. Others encouraged
the savage gluttony of their children,
stimulating their unnatural and bestial appetites,
on the ground that "the poor creatures had ,
nothing else to enjoy but their food, and they i
should have enough of that!"
(a oMtaequnnc* of this reporv, the Legislature,
in the spring of 1848, made an annual appropriation
of $2,500, for threo years, for the purpose of
training and teaching ten idiot children, to be
selected by the Governor and Council. The
trustees of the Asylum for the Blind, under the
charge of Or. Iiowe, made arrangements for receiving
those pupils. The school was opened in
the autumn of 1848; and its first annual report,
addressed to the Governor, and printed by order
of the Senate, is now before ns.
Of the ten pupils, it nppears that not one had
the usual command of muscular motion?the languid
body obeyed not the service of the imbecile
will. Some could walk and use their limbs and
nanus in simple motions ; omers couiu oniy mate
slight use of their muscles, ami two were without
any power of locomotion.
One of these last, a boy six years of age, who
had been stupefied on the day of his birth by the
application of hot rum to his head, could scarcely
see or notice objects, and was almost destitute of
the sense of touch. He could neither stand nor
sit npright, nor even creep, but would lie on the
floor iu whatever position he was placed. He
oould not feed himself, nor chew solid food, and
had no more sense of decency than an infant,
if is intellect was a blank; he had no knowledge,
no desires, no affections. A more hopeless object
for experiment could scarcely hate been se- .
looted.
A year of patient endeavor has nevertheless i
wrought a wonderful change in the condition of this
miserable being. Cold bathing, rubbing of the
limbs, exercise of the muscles, exposure to the air,
and other appliances, have enabled him to stand
upright, to sit at table and feed himself, aud chew 1
his food, and to walk about with slight assistance. 1
His habits are no longer those of a brute, he observes
decency, his eye is brighter, his checks
glow with health, his countenance is more expressive
of thought. He has learned many
words and constructs simple sentences, his affections
begin to develop; and there is every prospect
that he will be so far renovated as to he able
to provide for himself In manhood.
In the case of another boy, aged twelve years,
the improvement has been equally remarkable,
The gentleman who first oalled attention to him,
in a reoent note to Dr. Howe, published in the
report, thus speaks of his present condition
u When I remember his Termor wild and almost
frantic demeanor when approached by any one,
and the apparent impossibility of communicating
with him, and now see him standing in bis class,
playing with hia fellows, and willingly and familiarly
approaching me, examining what I gave
him; and when I see him already selecting articles
named by his teacher, and even correctly
t. A
J'runmiiuiup, nui'itj |>i imr\? VII vmuo iui|MVf\'
ment doe* not convey the idea presented to mj
mind , it is creation ; it is making him anew."
All the pupils have, more or less, advanced.
Their health and habits have improved, and there .
is no reason to doubt that the experiment at the
close of its three years will be found to have been
quite ns successful as its most sanguine projectors
could have anticipated. Dr. Howe has been ably
seconded by an accomplished teacher, James
II. Richards, who has devoted his whole time to
the pupils. Of the nature and magnitude of
their task, an idea may be formed only by considering
the utter lisllessness of idiocy?the incapability
of the poor pupil to fix bis attention upon
anything, and his general want of susceptibility
to impressions. All his senses are dulled and
perverted. Touch, hearing, sight, smell, are all
more or less defective. Hie gluttony is unaccompanied
with the gratification of taste?the moat
savory viands and the offal which he shares with
the pigs equally sstisfy him. 11 is mental state is
still worss than his physical. Thought is painful
and irksoms to biro. His teacher can only
engage his attention by strenuous efforts, loud,
earnest tonss, gesticulations and signs, and a constant
presentation of sons visible object of bright 1
color and striking form. Tks eys wanders, and
the spark of consciousness and intelligence, which ,
has been formed into momentary brightness, j
darkens at the slightest relaxation of the teacher's
exertions. The names of object* presented to
him mnet sometime* be repeated hundreds of
times before he oan learn them. Yet the patience
and enthusiasm of the teacher are rtvrarded by a
progress, slow and unequal, but still marked and
manifest. Step by step, often compelled to turn
back and go over the inch of ground he had
gained, the idiot is still creeping forward ; and by
almost imperceptible degrees, his sick, cramped,
and prisoned spirit casts oft the burden of its
laxly of death?breath ns from the Almighty is
breathed into him?and he becomes a living soul.
After the senses of the idiot are trained to take
note of their appropriate objects, the various perceptive
faculties are next to be exercised. The
greatest ]>osaible numberof facts are to be gathered
up though the medium of these faculties into the
storehouse of memory, from whence eventually
the higher faculties of mind may draw the material
of general ideas. It has been found difficult,
if not impossible, to teach the idiot to resd, by
the letters first, as in the ordinary method ; but
while tbtt ?ari?'J powers of the three letters A, 0, t,
0001< 1 noidSe understood by him, he could te made
to oroprtttend the complex sign of the word hat,
made by uniting the three.
The moral nature of the idiot needs training
and development as well as his physical and mental
All that can be said of him is that he has
the latent capacity for moral development and
culture. Uninstructed, and left to himself, he
has no ideas of regulated appetites and propensities,
of decency and delicacy of aff ection, and social
relations. The germs of these ideas, which
oonstitute the glory and beauty of humanity, undoubtedly
exist in him, but there can be no
growth without patient und persevering culture
Where this is afforded, to use the language of
the report, " the idiot may learn what love is,
though he muy not know the word which expresses
it; he may feel kindly affections, while unable to
understand the simplest virtuous principle; and
he may begin to live acceptably to God before he
has learned the name by which men call Him." j
In the facts and statistics presented in the re.
port, light is shed upon some of the dark pages of
God's Providence, and it is seen that the suff ering
and shame of idiocy are the result of sin, of a
violation of the merciful laws of God, and of the
harmonies of his benign order. The penalties
which are ordained for the violators of natural
laws are inexorable and certain. For the transjy
the laws of life there is, as iu
X""
seek it earnestly and with tears." The curse
cleaves to him and his children. In this view,
how important becomes the subject of the hereditary
transmission of moral and physioal disease
and debility, and how necessary it is that there
xnuuni ix* a clearer unuersiauaing 01, ana a wining
obedience, at any coet, to the eternal law
which makes the parent the blessing or the curse
of the child, giving strength and beauty, and the
capacity to know and do the will of God, or bequeathing
loathsomeness, deformity, and animal
appetite, incapable of the restraints of moral faculties?
Even if the labors of Dr. Howe and his
benevolent associates do not materially lessen the
amount of present actual evil and suffering in this
respeot, they will not be put forth in vain, if they
have the effect of calling public attention to the
great laws of our being, the violation of which
has made this goodly earth a great lazar-house of
pain and sorrow. J. G. W.
For the National Kra.
GEN. CASS'S LAST SPEECH.
Mr. Editor: In the speech of Gen. Cass, delivered
lost week in the Senate, there are several
droll things so much superior to the average of
Joe Miller, that one would be faithless to the
cause of fun who should suffer them to pass unnoticed.
I confine myself, for the present, to that
part of the General's speech in which he reviews
the late letter of Mr. Mann to his constituents;
for it would make the sides of Comus himself
ache, to look at all the ludicrous plights in which
the General has placed himself, in that speech.
He says, as Mr. Mann "uses my nam<*, and
subscribes his own. I violate none of the courtesies
of the occasion11 in referring to him. Tho
General remembered to forget that, in his part mm
inmulto speech of January last, he went out of
his way to attack Mr. Mann. But this was only
stnipressio veri; and, according to the General's
ethics, as we muBt presume, not at all reprehensible.
The General reads a very solemn lecture to
Mr. Maun, for his " want of reverence" in (quoting
Scripture, and remarks, with a strong odor
of sanctimoniousness, that "the Holy Scriptures
have a higher object than to be introduced into
the party contests of the day " He shows his
sincerity, by quoting Scripture, six several times,
in this very speech, in the Bsme way as Mr.
Mann did once. Is there any canon of the
Church which forbids Mr. Mann to quote
Scripture, but allows it to a seeker for the Presidency
?
But what is most remarkable in this land of
rm.u.i n...i s.
theological knowledge. The prohibition in the
Deoalogue against bearing false witness, he calls
"the third Commandment!" When there were but
ten in the whole, could he not get nearer than within
sir of the right one? He hud better drawn lots
for the true number. Did the General in his
childhood never study his catechism, or see the
"New England primer ?" Since then, has he never
been to church and seen the Ten Commandments
printed on tablets, and set up behind the altar?
Should he go there now, I think the whole Decalogue
will frown on hltn. Most earnestly do we
commend Lis case to the Sunday School Society.
Such ignorance in the American Senate will tie
quoted abroad to the scandal of our juveniles.
This is no " error of the types." His hearers are
witnesses that he was correctly reported. Be assured,
my dear General, if yon had only obeyed
the Commandment, which in your ignorance you
intended to quote, I would not have exposed you!
The General declares Mr. Mann to be a
"brave" man, because he made this statement:
"Gen. Cass never took the ground that slavery
could not exist in the new Territories." He then
goes on to prove, by quoting from his own " Nicholson
letter," that Mr. Mann was right. It is not
often that an accuser proves the innocence of him
he accuses. Such fatuity is rare. Hut Gen.
Cass has done this, and more. He has proved
Mr. Mann's innocence, and his own guilt, the
" third Commandment" notwithstanding. The passage
quoted by himself, in defence of himself, convicts
himself. It states hypothetioally, and as a
presumption or probability, that slavery would
not go into the new Territories. But he nowhere
affirms, absolutely and without qualification, that
it cannot go there, which was the point of Mr.
Mann's assertion. I suppose Mr Webster to be
the original and sole discoverer of that irrepenlable
and immutable law of nature, which makes
it as impossible for slavery ever t? exist in California
or New Mexico, as it is for the sun to
radiate darkness. Gen. Cass, therefore, has committed
a double wrong here. He not only broke
the " third," commonly called the ninth Commandment,
by hearing false witness against Mr. Mann,
but did he not also break the nehth, by stealing
Mr. Webster's "thunder ?" Salmoneus had better
not set himself up fbr Jove.
But Gen. Cass, although expending a whole
column upon Mr. Mann, has not touched the
main point in issue between them. In his " littlein-much"
speech, he declares that the Constitution
nowhere confers upon Congress any power to
legislate for the inhabitants of the Territories ,
and he puts all our Presidents, lawmakers,
judges, jurists, and commentators, for the last
Bixiy yearn, mio one onnuie, wnicn ne a*sume* I
to label11 nonsense.'' He says he derived his power
to take and administer Territorial oaths, nnd hold
Territorial offioea, and receive Territorial saliries,
for the greater part of his official life, not
from the Constitution, which he kept swearing to
support, but from some source above it or outside
of it This he called " moral necessity." I le thus
altered the Constitution. To all the grants of
power which it makes, he added the phrase, " and
also in cases of moral necessityand to all the
prohibitions it contains, he subjoined, '-except in
canes of moral necessity."
But he has since accepted a place on the Compromise
Committee, and, as a member of it, has
reported a bill to do what he declares the original
Constitution forbids,?that is, to legislate for
the Inhabitants of the Territories. But as though
this were not oontradiction enough, he contradicts
the contradiction, by providing, in the bill itself,
that the inhabitants of the Territories shall not
legislate for themselves on the subject of slaveryHe
reasons thus The Constitution confers no
power to legislate for the inhabitants of the Territories.
Therefore Cougress must lsgialsts for
them from " moral necessity." Bet u morel necessity
" requires (:<>ngrees to forbid their teaching
the subject of slavery. Therefore, thongh Ccngvsso
has no power to legislate for them nnder the Constitution
in sny case, and though they have the
Inherent right nnd power to legislate for thenA
Ml
?VOL.
IV. I
selves in all cmw, yet the body having no power ;
ia boand by ' moral necessity" to prohibit the !
body having all power from legislating to e?. I
elude slavery. Thus the inference which opens I
the Territories to slavery is a clear deduction fl
from the natural and inherent rights of uisn !
Now, in view of all this, we hove one question I
to propnuud to Gen. Cass, which we earnestly I
hope he will answer. After holding offices, re- I
ceiving salaries, and sweariug to support the Con- !
stitution, times almost without number , and after I
virtually declaring that, so far os the Territories 5
are ooncerued, all the offices he had helj weie |
usurpations, and all the salaries he had received I
I were embeixleineuts, and all his oaths perjuries I
because not provided for by the Constitution, or
' because prohibited by it, we wish to a*k thu
General, should he fail of being a candidate for
the neat Presidential term, whether he will not
again repudiate, again aocept Territorial offices,
and once more pocket salaries ami take OAths, as
before. _ _____ Qikrk.
LITKRARV miCEt 1
Eithanart; or, Happy Talk toward* ths End of Lift.
fw-Bl edition, with additions By William Bm.m .
Pnb i?hed by Crosby k Nichols, Boston. For ral( by
Taylor k Maury. I'p. xii and 511.
The design of this work, as its title indicate*
is to assist persons in strengthening their faith in
the superintending providence of God . in tin
cerning the meaning, objects, and religiousness of
life under all its aspects, especially of privation
sickness, and sorrow ; in soothing and elevating
the feelings, and inducing spiritnal tranquillity
and meditation.
It is -written in the form of conversations betweeu
an old man and his young friend, who has
experienced the harshest lot, but drawn from it
its wisest and holiest lessons. As they feel that
age and sickness are drawing them to the grave,
| they speak of the ways of Providence of the
beauty of all things in the material world, and
I mutually cheer and sustain each other with the
light that beams upon them through the opening
| vista of the future.
We regard the work as a valuable contribution
to our religious literature, and the rapid sale of
| the former edition is the best proof of the need
and value of a work free from sectarianism, to
clear away the mists from the eyes of sorrow, and
to guide the desponding to the source of all consolation
and hope. *
Tin Daltons : or. Tbc Three Koadj in Life. By ('harlri
I.ever, fcsq , author of Koland Ca*hel, 'harle* t I'Mal'ty
etc. New York: Harper k Brother*
This is the first number of the series. A smalt
pamphlet of sixteen page*, so xhort us scarcely to
V'ri ..** t* *- A *- - i
we cannot speak of its merits ; but the reputation
of the author us a pleasant writer will secure for
the forthooming work abundant success.
For sale by Kranok Taylor.
JA great variety of new publications to be
noticed next week.
THE MISSIM'KI COXPROIISE.
The Nashville Convention, it is said, has indicated
its preference for a settlement of the present
controrersy by the extension of the Missouri
Compromise line to the Pacific. The ultraSouthern
men insist upon this policy, and the entire
South seems willing to test the North npon this
point. The Washington Uhioh ia assenting, but
it thinks such a settlement cannot be had.
There is every indication of a purpose in the
House to try whether this mode of terminate#
the contest may not prove uocessAil. Of course,
it would divide California, giving slavery a
, chance to gain foothold in the Southern portion
We need not say that the project is impracticable.
The North is yielding enough, hut this it
will never yield. Califurniu will come in with
her present boundaries, or she will not come in at
all. The Missouri Compromise line reduee*~?he ,
boundaries of slave territory, by setting apart a
large portion of it to freedom. The extension of
that line to the Pacific now would reduce tbe
boundaries of free territory, by setting apart the
larger portion of it to slavery. No Northern
Representative, unless he has made up his miaJ J
to blot himself out of political existence, will Jaw
to give countenance to such h proposition. TWe
sooner the extreme men of the South shanriou
the scheme, the less will be their mortification,
and the less time will be lost.
THOUGHTS FOR THE PEOPLE - No. 9.
To the Editor of the Notioruil Em :
In England, an industrious man, with a family
of eight persons, who manages to keep out of the
poor house, and to get along comfortably, pays for
war preparations at the rate of two thousand dollars
in fifty years. In this country, a man in similar
circumstances pays at leust fire hundred dollars
in the same time.
The increase of our expenditures for war prepsrations.
within the last half century, has been more
than ten fold. A like increase for a half century
to conie, would amount to the enormous sum of
300,000,000 dollars annually. We shall soon overtake
our leaders, at this rate.
Hut why this mimicry of European despots?
Surely there oannot he the same motive with our
Government as with them The Austrian Gov
ernment wants 700,000 bayonets, for the double
purpose of fleecing the people, and of compelling
ibem to lie still nnd be fleeced without kicking
It takes a great many soldiers to hang, imprison,
or whip all the men and trouwi that do not exactly
toe to tne line of the imperial will.
Our Senators and Representatives, who have
just gone from the people, and are soon to return
to them, and to be of them, can hardly be influenced
by such motives. Why, then, this mimicry
of European despots? Twenty millions a year sre
not necessary for the nations) defence. No sensible
man thinks that. No one, I suppose, believes
it, unless it be some senseless gull, of too little iudependence
to think for himself, into whose ear it J
has been whiapered by bia party leader*, ?r uy
some one who eipecta to be benefited by the large
amounts squandered on military preparations. So
man certainly can suppose it will become necessary
to hang, imprison, or whip, honest republican
men and women in this country, as in Austria
Pacifk i's.
The Opinion ok ihk Richmond Enquirer.?
The editor of the Ku/imom/ (Va) K'tt/uifr, who
was in Washington some weeks since, aaya, if the
Compromise of Mr. Clay fail, the President?
plan must prevail. ) ie liaa no hope that the latter
can then he defeated by any parliamentary
maixruvring In a letter dated New York, May
21th, he says?
"Under all the circumstances, I very much
fear that, unless the prorient compromise /with
modifications! be accepted, the oooecipiemvs to
the South will he much wonts in every respect
If the compromise be defeated,'the presidents
policy' (which the Administration ie now pres*
ing with criminal zeal) must prveaxl; Jrte-tou
California irill he admitted; the Territories of
I'tuh and N'ir Meriro sacrificed to milittt",
usurpation ami frit-toil machination*; and civil
war openly rage between Texas and New
Mfxico. / do not Muve that the South eta.
!>y any )tarl\ameutnry marumvres, deft at th* mlmis
* ion of California sillily. The minority hare not
the nufuronte or physical means to hold a siegr
against the turned forces and hot teal of the majorat,,
trho can detail their men, relieve guard, Hie. In ?urh
h Uruggle, the minority must be crushed, or, if
they succeed, it must produce en eicitement
which will place the Union in en impractieshle
crisis. The course of the South on the Nashville
Convention question, and recent indication*. '
show that she will not stand Jinn ami united oh Oa
present usue, and will not make disunion the alternative
of the admission of California."
Of course she will not. What mno man ever
(uppoeed that she would 7
Mr. Cos win.?Sons* ' J^writers are
making free with Mr. CerWin One in the Nm
York TnUunt saya?
u -|'he nMr u*t lion. Tom Corwin of Ohio is
to make speeeh in a frw days agiinst Mr Clay,
and in favor of the admission of California, sod
refusing TmHerial Governments to Utah and
New Mexico, if not true. If he makes a speech it j
- ? -U.ml I
will be for reaaoaa thai nave not yei mi?
theweelvea to bia mind , and, should be speak I
venture tbe prediction that tbe Free-Soil party
and AbolUioniaU will forever thereafter refret
hie effert, ac much ac one, General Crary of
Michigan did on a former memorable oooaeion
Mr Cor win tbinka that thia controversy sbonM
be ended, and delay in fettling it ie far mora dan
geroaa to the canee of Freedom, tbaa to the propagation
of slavery over territory now free." J
Thia is all stud. Mr Cor win baa a very sol- C
emu face and a very noletnn tone when he chooere I
to bailie iutruaive ourioaity by <|uiatioc it. I

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