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The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, August 22, 1850, Image 2

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Senator trom^kw Hampshire entertains and ! 1
avows the opinimR as he now expresses them, and j (
m r. --^hm the Srmmr who Hit* behind him. 1
a & ^L\' "j...a?i' IMIMKn to expel 1
^?e SemWUKn New York, I shall include him 1
in the motion, and more to expel him also, with '
the utmost pleasure in the world ! (Laughter] 1
Now sir, are we hire acting f?irly toge her us '
equals ' I look at the Constitution of the coon- 1
try. I see nothing in it violative of any law '
which I am pledged to obey in preference to it. '
Senators s?y that the portion of the Constitu'ion '
i'ie I'nited Slates which protects the mister 1
in the property of his slaves is violative of the
Supreme law ; and that the Supreme law, being 1
higher than the Constitution, they are bound to
obey it. Now, I say that the honorable Senator
who entertains that opinion has not properly
qualified himself to be a member of this body,
and should not be permitted to remain here.
Mr. Hale. 1 ask the Senator from Maryland
when he crer heard me any so ?
Mr. Pratt. Say what?
Mr. Halr. That I hold that part of the Constitution
which recognises the holding of glares
as contrary to the Divine law, and did not feel
bound to support it.
Mr. Pratt. I never heard the Senator from
New Hampshire say so. But this brings me
back to the remark with which I commenced?
that the Senator argued that that was the higher
law of which he spoke. He argued against me,
? and wanted to hold my course up to rebuke, because
i stated *n oiunfon whiph he uVoies, ana
ays he never entertained. 1 stated that he so |
understood ^ne, ana ne ?? wo
me., and yet he seemed desirous of making a remark
by which it might go out to the world, and
break the effect of the remarks I made, leaving
the impression that I had a want of respect to the
Supreme Being, as if I were some sacrilegious
person who had no respect for that Supreme Being
for whom he professes to entertain so profound
a ?aspect
I will not detain the Senate longer upon this
subject. I*Btarted with the proposition that there
is contained in the speeches of the honorable Senator
from New York, as he spoke?and 1 believe
as they have been written out and since printed?
this proposition: that there is a l>w higher than
the Constitution of the United States; and although
he has sworn to support that Constitution,
yet that it violates this higher law, and he is not
bound to stand by it at all. Now, the Senator from
Connecticut, in his exposition of what the Senator
from New York meant, said that it was a
higher law in harmony with the Constitution
Why, we all believo in that law. We all believe?I
do most sincerely and humbly?in the
truth nf th*t. notation. as nromulirated UDon earth I
from Heaven. Now, the Senator save that he
understood the Senator from New York so to
confine his remarks as to make that application
of it to that higher law which is consistent
with the Consrirution. The Senator from New
York never said that?never meant that. He
I Slid it overrode the Constitution, and he would
" stand by that itf ptvtrrence ^o it. (Yd all acknowledge
that law consistent with the Constitu
tion, the Supreme law, the Supreme Being which
is higher th tn the Constitution, and, being consistent
with it, imposes an additional obligation
to support it It is only, therefore, when the
Supreme law is annulling the Constitution that
the whole remark of the honorable Senator can
have any sense in it.
Mr Baldwin. Mr. President, I rise simply to
?nt myself right in regard to the answer which
gave to the general inquiry of the Senator from
Maryland, as to what the Senator from New
York was understood to say, in regard to
that higher law of which he spoke. I said, in reply
to the inquiry of the Senator from Maryland,
that I understood the Senator from New York,
when he spoke of that higher law, to say that it
was in harmony with the Constitution. I noticed
a smile of incredulity upon the face of the
Senator from Maryland when I made that reply,
and 1 was desirous, therefore, of procuring the
speech of the Senator from New York, in order
that 1 might refresh my own memory. J have in
my hand, nnd will read from it. The Senator
from New York bays, in speaking of the public
domain:
" Hut there in yet another aspect In which thie principle
must be examined. It regent* the domain only as a poeeee
ion to b enjoyed either in common or t>v partition by the
cifix-n* of the old Stetee. It ie true, indeed, that the national
domain ie our*. It ie true that it waa acquired by
the valor and with the w-alth of the whole nation Hut we
hold, nevertheless, no arbitrary power o?er it We hold no
arbitrary authority orer anytbinjr, whether acquired law
fully or eeieed hy usurpation. The Constitution regulate*
our stewardship, the C'on-titution derote* the domain to
union, to juatioe, to defence, to welfare, and to liberty.
" Hut there ie a higher law than the Constitution, which
regulates our authority or* r the domain, and devotes It to
the same noble purpose* The territory Is a part, no inconsiderable
part, of the common heritge of mankind, bestored
upon thern by th* I reatnrpf the Uni??"?e. We are
Hi* stewards, and must so dl" charge our trust as to secure,
In the higK'.et ?t<*i?*t>le degree, their happiness."
That is the part of the speech to which 1 re#
1 1 ? Wi-aia 1 V?nll/.wn ennnn/iitin iA mn t?U*l_
xerrpa, IIIIU naivu i ?rt-nc?c, nvvumiu^ vv U?J
eral recollection of it, is published substantially,
if not literally, as it was spoken. But, sir, I rose
not merely lor the purpose of making this explanation,
but to state <m the amendment proposed
by the Senator from New York, that 1 shall be
obliged to record my rote against it. And i wish
to state to the Sennte that I shall rote, not because
under the circumstances in which New
Mexico is now placed, f should vote against her
admission, if she oaine here with a Constitution
demanding admission into the Union, in fulfilment
of the stipulation of the treaty by which
she was acquired ; for in that case I should feel
bound, under the circumstances now existing, to
record my vote in her favor. But for reasons
which have been stated by my friend from New
Jersey and my friend from New Hampshire, I
feel myself constrained to vote against this amendment
of the present amendment of the Senator
from Maine.
Mr. Chase. Before the question is taken on
this amendment of the Senator from New York,
I wish to say a word or two. The first is in regard
to the general appeal made by the Senator
from Maryland. In reference to that I have to
gay that 1 never understood the honorable Senator
from New York as stating the proposition
attributed to him by the Senator from Maryland.
But I think that matter is sufficiently disposed
of by the quotation from the speech given by
the Senator from Connecticut. Of course I have
no idea of concurring in the measure which the
Senator from Maryland has intimated a purpose
of bringing before the Senate. I would rather
express a wish that instead of Ibis general denunciation,
and instead of an occasional threat of expelling
some Senator, they would put that purpose
in a definite form, and have the action of the
Senate upon it. 1 have nothing further to say
upon that point.
Mr. Foote Will the honorable Senator give
vray for a moment.
Mr. Chase. No, sir; I cannot.
Mr. Foots. I wished only to gratify your
wish.
Mr Chase. I expressed no wish that the
thing should be done. But I think it would he a
great deal better, instead of announcing purposes,
to do deeds. Now, in regard to the amendment
proposed by the Senator from New York, all I
have to say is, that when the Constitution of New
Mexico is before this body, and the boundaries
In the Constitution nre found to be such as arc
proper and legitimate, I am ready to Tote for the
admission of New Mexico with these boundaries.
If the boundaries are not found to be such
as she is legitimately entitled to, then I am ready
to rote for her admission with a reduction of her
boundaries But, to explain my position upon
that point, I ask leave to re al to the Senate a resolution
adopted by the Democracy of Ohio, assembled
in Convention on the 4th of July last.
1 do not refer to that party known as the " Free
Democracy," who hold opinions on the subject of
slavery nor altogether in aeoordanoe with those
entertained by fbe old Democratic party. I refer
to that body of the Democracy that supported the
honorable Senator from Michigan at the last
Presidential election, and not to the portion that
supported Mr. Van Buren. Well, sir, that Democracy
held a Convention on the last 4th of
July, and this was the resolution that was unanimously
adopted. J quote the resolution as published
in the Ohio Statesman, the organ of the
Ohio Democracy :
Rnolrci rbktw* liitil with high oatisfrctInn the action
of the of t'aliturnia and New Mexico ia tha formation
of KoTcrument* tor tbemarlvea; and wr insist on fhsir
mlmtssi'in into the t'nion with the et tistituMons they bars
adopted without tli-Uy.
In accordance with the spirit of that resolution,
which has the approbation of my judgment, I am
prepared to act. But upon this present amendment
I am not inclined to vote.
JMr. Foot* I simply rise to make an explanation.
I have no unkin l feelings with regard to
the honorable Senator from Ohio, or anybody in
this body. But I meant to be understood?and
would have said so distiuctly if the honorable Senator
had given way?that if any member of this
body will avow the odious, abhorent, and unprincipled
sentiment which I am about to state, I will
move his expulsion luatantly. That Rentiment is
this?that in taking his seat upon this Hoor he felt
there was any law higher or lower than he would
be bound to obey, in the process of legislation
here, in opposition to the Constitution that he
ewore to maintain. That that sentiment was uttered
here by somebody, at acme time, is as true
as that God reigna in heaven. This w?e understood
by every intelligent member in this bodyby
every intelligent press in the oountry?advocated
in that sense by the whole Abolition press
of the North, and denounced by every true Ke- j
publican press in the South and North. That
was uttered in the first rpeeoh ; and although it |
was modified very ingeniously in the second I
^
TH
|foech of the honorable Senator from New York, (
io man can read it in the firat speech without ,
>oining to the ooncineion that be did use the pre:ise
language that has been often denonneed by
he Senator from Kentucky and others, and which (
tow I am glad to find the original author himself I
s very anxious to induce the world to believe he (
lever intended to use it in the sense in whioh he
las employed it 1 will conclude as 1 begun, that
here is no Senator in this body?be he the oldst
or the youngest, the most distinguished or
he most obscure?that shall dftre to utter a sen:iment
that has just now been stated, without my
raoving his expult-ion instantly. 1 do not feel that
I could trust the great interests of the oountrr
is the hands of one who held auch senlimenta.
Thk Prkmoknt. The Chair will remark that
when this discussion commenced respecting the
opinions of individuals, he was not in the chair.
The subject-matter in discussion is the amendment
of the Senator from New York. The Chair
will be under the necessity of enforcing the rule, I
and bringing gentlemen back to the consideration
of the subject before them. He regrets that the
matter has progressed so far, and cannot permit
it to proceed any further..
Mr Skwaed. I throw myself upon the magnanimity
of the Senate, and ask its unanimous consent
to make a single explanation
Mr. Ci.ay (in hia seat) Hear him.
Mr. Skwabd The speech which has been referred
to was printed vtrbafim as it was delivered
in the Senate, and that, I think, can be testified
to by the reporters. No material alterations were
? - * * *' ?w?e ? k I ?? a
K? ?* ? - ----- ' I
mm \}tntv)vutu.
**** ?^*1? *n V?r. nn/.n itlA trlrtfw i
tion of Mr. Seward's amendment, it was decided j
in the negative?yea 1, nays 42,as follows:
Yia?Mr. Seward ?1.
Nays?Messrs Atchison, Badger, Barnwell,
Bell, Benton, Berrien, Bradbury, Bright, Butler,
('ass, Clarke, Clay, Cooper, P*vis of Mississippi,
Dawson, Dayton, Dickinson, Dodge of Iowa, Douglas,
Downs, Felch, Foote, Greene, Hunter, Jones,
Ktug. Mason. Morton, Pratt, Rusk, Brkootisn,
Shields, Smith, Soul*, Spruance, Srurgeon, Turney,
Underwood, Wales, Walker, Whitcomb, and
Yulee?42.
So the amendment was rejected.
THE NATIONAL ERA.
WASHINGTON, AUGUST 22, 1850.
Will not some of our friends at different
I post offices, where several euDscripuons 10 me i
[ Era are now running out, gee to it that they are '
renewed in time? This kind of friendly attention
is required to keep up the circulation of a ,
paper conducted rigidly on the cash system, as
the Era is.
CONGRESS OP TUESDAY.
Tb?e Senste was occupied on TuAedwjiy la the
consideration of the Fng'itive Slave bill. An j
amendment offered by Mr. Pratt, to compensate
slaveholders for their runaway slaves, was the
topic of discussion. It was opposed by Mr. Day- '
ton and Mr. Butler, and supported by Mr. Badger
and Mr. Underwood, and others. Mr. Butler
entered into the opposition to the amendment with
considerable warmth, alleging that it would operate
as a sort of emancipation act; and would in- i
duce masters to connive at the escape of their j
slaves.
The House made some progress with the Civil
and Diplomatic appropriation bill.
A LAW HIGHER THAN THE CONSTITUTION.
Certain Senators and Representatives In Congress
from the slaveholding States have been
much shocked and scandalized by the annunciation
of a higher law than the Constitution. They
j unhesitatingly charge all who profess to believe
| in the existence of that higher law, with the dej
liberate purpose of perjury and treason, and un
sparingly denounce mem &a unprincipiea iinaucs.
We have seen nothing to warrant this grave
charge ; no Northern man in the public councils,
to our knowledge, has declared, or left it to be
inferred, that he would violate his official oath in
obedience to any higher law. That the Senator
from New York, who has incurred so much denunciation
by his speech on the 11th of March,
meant to be thus understood, we never imagined
until w? read or he?rd the strayed ^uon
placed upon his language by his enemies.
But there is a party or section of this country
which holds the Constitution and laws of the
United States subordinate to a higher law. In
South Carolina as well as in several other
Southern States, one of the plainest and most
important provisions of the Constitution has
been nullified by legislative enactments, by men
who have taken a solemn oath to support that
instrument. We allude to the second section of
the fourth article of the Constitution, which declares
that " the citizens of each State shall be
entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens
in the several States " In direct violation
of this express guaranty of the Constitution, the
Legislatures of most of the slaveholding States
have enacted laws prohibiting on pain of perpetual
slavery, or other severe penalties, the free
colored people of other States coming into their
borders! Here, then, are barbarism and recklessness
of oaths oombined, not to characterize
the transaction in harsher terms. No man possessing
a particle of truth or candor can pretend
that South Carolina has any right to determine
the question of citizenship for Massachusetts
or New York. Those States, by their fundamental
laws, treat colored men as freemen?as
citizens, so does every free State, and most of the
slave States. To prohibit these people, therefore,
the enjoyment of any privilege in the several
States, which the white citizens of those States
exercise, is to commit a gross, palpable violation
of the Constitution of the United States, and, in
obedience to the higher law of what they call
necessity, to disregard the oaths which they
had taken to support the Constitution. The
members of every State Legislature, it is to be
borne in mind, no less than the members of Congress,
take an oath to support the Constitution of
the United States. So, in like manner, do the
judges of the State oourts who enforce these iniquitous
violations of the supreme law of the land
Here, then, is a lesson of morality which the
chivalry of the South has given to the puritanism
of the North, which cannot fail to excite
disgust snd abhorrence in every honorable mind.
We are not only willing, but anxious to believe,
that the great m jority of those who were the
passive instruments of a few diabolical leaders
in the enactment of these infamous nullities, did
so under the influence of a blind prejudice and
ignorance, whioh shielded them from a meditated
ini-tinh rvf ih? Puiniitiition. But that the more
enlightened among them, the lawyers and polili*
clans well read in the Constitution, can plead
auch an excuse, is incredible. An eminent jurist
of South Carolina, the late Judg* Johnson, declared
that the State laws to whioh we hare referred,
prohibiting free colored persons from going at
pleasure from State to State, were so palpably
unconstitutional, that the question would not admit
of argument. Such must be the unhesitating
judgment of every honest man.
We have remarked, that the Constitutions
of the free States invariably treatcolored people
as citizens The denial of the right of suffrage
to that clans of persons, in some of those States,
cannot be construed into a denial of citiienship,
any more than a similar exclusion which extends
to women and minors can be so interpreted. If a
colored man is not a citizen because he cannot
vote, neither is a woman. But the laws and Constitutions
of all the States treat women as citizens,
protect them in the enjoyment of their liberty
and property, and extend to them every
privilege and immunity of citiienship, except the
right of suffrage and of holding oftioe. Indeed,
the very clauses of the Constitutions of the free
Sutes which exclude women, minors, and colored
people, from the polls and from office, generally
admit, by the clearest implication, their citiienship,
because they usually run thus: " every
white male citizen shall, Ac.," from whioh it Is
evident that there are colored citizens, as well
as female citizens.
But, in regard to Massachusetts and some
I other free States, there is not a shadow of ground
for denying oitizenship to oolored persona, because
they enjoy all the rights and privileges of
[E NATIONAL ERA,
khe whit* raoe. To impriaonor otherwise molest '
i colored sitissn of Massachusetts who choooea
to go to South Corollas, for ao crime bat that of !
sol or, is, tMrefore, treason against the Conatitation
of th* United States, on the part of the lo- i
csl authorities
We belistre that the framers and supporters of
these laws rarely insist upon their constitutionality.
They boldly and impudently base them on
the tyrant's plea of necessity, which is the
" higher lsw" to which they bow, and before
whose altar they trample oaths and Constitutions
under theii feet.
Forth* National Kra. ! _
TO A. I., 11
?\ KE( Kli'INd A BASKET OF SEA MOSSES. i
Thanks for fhy gift
Of ocean flowers, * *
Born when the goldsn drift I
Of tb? iiIan sunshine fail* s
Down the green tremuloue vail*
Of water, to the cool, (till ooral boweri
, Where nndef ralnbowa of perpetual sbowere,
God's gwdena of the Peep
Hie patient angels keep; <
Gladdening the dim, strange solitude j
With fairest forms and thus
Forever teaching us
The lesson wklch the many-colored skies, 1
The flvwsrs a|1 leases, sad painted butterflies. I
1 be deer s bmnrfb 6 aimers toe gaj uird that Stiff ,
tie eeiaen wines.
The brightness of t^e human eountenanet, A
Its play of smiles, the magie of a glance, 1
Forevermore repeat, I
la varied tones and sweet,
That Beauty, iu and of itself, Is good
Ob, kind ?ad generous friend, o'er whom
The sunset hues of Tims are cast,
fainting, upon the overpast
And scattered clouds of noouday sorrow,
The premiss of a fairer morrow,
An earnest of the better life to eomt,
The binding of the spirit broktn,
The warning to the sriing spoken,
The esmfort of the sad,
The eye to see, the band to cull
From common things the beautiful, I
The absent heart made glad
By sim|le gift or graceful token
Of love It needs as daliy foodAll
own one source, and ail are good.
Hence, track ing sunny ocve and reach,
Where spent wsves glimmer up the beach,
And Utt their gifts of we?(l and ahell
from foam; curve and combing swell,
No unbefitting task was thine,
To weave these flowers so toft and fair,
In unison with His design
Whs lorstb beauty everywhere,
And makes In every tone and clime,
lo ocean and in upper ?tr,
" All things beautiful in their time."
n
For not alone in tones of awe and pewvt
He speaks to man ;
The cloudy horror of tbe thunder-shower
His rainbows sptu;
And where the osravsn
Winds o'er the desert, leaving, ss in sir
The crane flock leaves, no trace of pssetge there,
He gives ths wesry eye
The palm-leaf shadow for the hot noon hours,
And on its branches dry
Calls ont the acacia's flower*;
And where the dark shaft pierces down
Beneath the mountain roots,
Seen by the miner's lamp alone,
The star like crystal shoots;
So, where the winds and waves bslow
Ths coral-branched gardens grow,
His climbing weeds and mosses show
Like foliage on each stony bough,
Of varied hues more strangely gay
Than forest leaves in autumn's day
Thus evermore,
On sky and wav? and shore,
An all-pervading beauty seems to say?
(iod's Love and Power are one ; and they
Who iiks the thunder of a sultry day
Smite to restore,
And they who like the gentle wind npllft
The petals of ths dew-wat flowers, and drift <
Their perfume on the sir,
Alike may serve Him, each with their own gift,
Making their lives a prayer.
J. G. W.
FllilTIVE SLAVES-THEIR NUMBERS - RANDOLPH
OF liiMU. J
A writer styling himself " Randolph of Roan- 8
Oil A," O as leirelly I |,e CTI(tH((nl tu * f- fl
all sorts of " Hydras and Gorgona dire," for the c
amusement of the Southern people. Among the 1
chimeras with which he haa attempted to relieve 1
the dreary monotony of the dog-days, is a very
imposing calculation of the number and value of <
the slaved who escape from their masters in the 1
South to the free States. We have rarely met I
with an estimate of the kind heralded forth with
greater pretensions to fairness and accuracy of i
an/1 Kqbh a a ot?Mnrn I
Rtntruit-Ub IIIIU lUIClVHUC, WUU nv
witnessed u more absurd or ridiculous perversion
of facts.
In order to show that there must hare been an
immense stream of fugitives pouring into the free
States for the last forty years, he sets out with a
statement of the numbers of free oolored persons
in the years 1810 and 1540, as shown by the census
, and since the numher at the latter period is (
far greater than the natural increase of that existing
at the former, he assumes that the differ- .
ence is to he accounted for by the fugitives from .
the South The exoess of free oolored people in i
1940 over the increase of those existing in 1810,
and which the writer assumes to be fugitive
slaves, is estimated to amount to 40,294 ; and by
the year 1850 he supposes it to rise to 61,(524 !
This property, valued at $27,730,800, Randolph t
regards as spoliations of the North upon the South, i
unjust and iniquitous, and warranting reprisals,
or even war, If the South were to act in the mat- <
ter upon the recognised principles of international
law, which governs the intercourse of the na- .
tions of the world. i
After wading through three or four columns of
statements and inferences, of moralising and .
anathematiiiag upon the enormity of the wrongs (
which the Ssuth has suffered at the hands Gf
the North, as shown by his unnerring calculations,
the fact suddenly ti ishes upon the mind of ,
the writer, that there were a few slaves emancipated
in the Northern States between the years
1810 and IS'iO, which circumstance, to unsophisticited
ininds, might in some degree account for
the great increase of the free blacks. This (
thought could not have been indigenous in a mind
having such a proclivity to error. It must have
been suggested by some less demented friend at
the writer's elbow. We are warranted in this
suspicion by the manner in which the objeotion
to his foregone conclusion is disposed of. He
says 1
*' i ncueye iu? uaia wqicq nave luruieu lae oanis
of all my calculations and estimates, have hwn <1
moderate to a tW<. Jmt, i am anre they are, t
and fairer they could not be. But it has juat oc- f
ourred to me that New York and New Jersey
tnanutuitted a number of slaves in the oourae of r
the thirty yearahetween 1810 and 1840,and Penn- I
sylvania some also. I hare heard, indeed, that a
large proportion of theae were removed to the
South before their terms of manumiasion took
effect, and that their bondage, or at leAat their 1
service, continuing there, their domicila in these f
States were loet. Be that aa it may, I am not t
willing to leavt these estimates to distrust; so, to c
guard all possible mistakes. 1 shall now strike
one-fifth, or twenty per centum, from the estimates
of both the aggregate and annual losses, u
reducing the former to S"^Vt,l84,640, and the latter
to $553,400, and (for good measure) casting
into the amount. New England's share of liability
to the South during the same period, for the like
aggressions,and not less than five hundred slaves,
(valued at $235,000) whom the North assists annually
to escape to Canada.''
The above paragraph occurs near the middle
of the fourth column of the essay of Randolph,
after the au'.hor has entirely disposed of the statistical
question involved. We leave it to candid
men to say kow far we are warranted in haiarding
the conjecture that soma friend must have '
suggested the important drawback upon the soundness
of his sonolusion He admits, evades, extenuates,
denies, and at last compromises with
the objecjjpy, by allowing one-fifth of the fll,fl24
colored pPfl* to have been manumitted by the
Northern IVople I Now, we should liks to know
why ths witter pounces thus suddtnly upon the
proportion of one-fifth? Where are his premises?
Why not go the whole hog, and insist that
every slave existing in the free Statu at the respective
eres of the passage of emancipation acta,
were forthwith spirited off to the South ? Why,
WASHINGTON, D. (
A?r thai disposing of the four-fifths, should
Randolph higgle about the remaining fifth 1 There
i a proverb, which says that a man may as well
e hanged for an old sheep as a lamband we
dviae Randolph, that the next time, he should
,"0 the entire mutton for the sake of consistency.
The number of slaves liberated by New York,
^ew Jersey, and other free States, between the
rears 1810 and IS40, was just 26,377 ; and allowng
them to increase at a less rate than Randolph
daima for the slaves of the South, they would
iK?t number at the latter i>e
iod. In other words, the '28,377 negroes who
vere slaves in mill, would, with their progeny,
lumber not lees thin 52,734 in 1840. Randolph
nakee out only 48,224 for the exoeea above the
latural increase of the fir' negroes?so that we
lave more than aooouuteJ for the excess, without
illowing anything for the fugitive slaves; and, in
'act, the actual state of the case precludes the
luppoaition that any considerable number of the
>resent colored population of the free States oan
>e fugitives or their descendants
The fugitives are nearly all males, and of
course there can be little or no natural incre&so
rrom them. It is further to be considered that it
s only within a few years, say ten or twelve, that
:hey have received any systematic aid from abolitionists
: orior to which time the number escaping
sas very small. This is demoueuable from the
b /- ?Im ?Mwhv elaar aa we I
ihall prooee?i to show, that the assertions of Raniolph,
that the slaves in New York aod New
Jersey were removed to the South, is utterly inconsistent
with the (state of facts. For it so happens
that the free colored population of those 1
States increased pan paiiu with the diminution of
the slaves; in ether words, the slaves became
freemen. Further, It also appears from the same
tables, that the free negres of those States increased
more rapidly before the year 1830 than
they have done since; notwithstanding that, prior
to that period, there were no abolition societies,
and no agitation of the subject of slavery. The
following tables will exemplify these remarks
FREE COLORED.
1880. 189a 1840.
New York - 29 980 44,870 30,027
New Jersey - 12,BU9 18,303 21,044
SLAVES.
1820 1831. 1840.
New York - 10,088 75
New Jersey - 7,557 2,234 074
It is obvious from the above tables, that the in rease
of the free colored persons in New York and
New Jersey has been in exact proportion to the
iiminution of the slaves, and at the same periods.
No candid artnd can requires clearer refutation
)f the statements of "Randolph."
But if a shadow of doubt remains on the mind
>f a human being, it must vanish before the fact
:hat in New York, there is an excess of females
iver the males of 2,409. Now the fact is well
tnown, that five-sixths of the fugitive slaves are
nales; and if their number amounted to oneiweutieth
pert of the estimates of " Randolph,"
heir relative proportions to the females would be
he reverse of what the census shows it to he.
rhe reason of the excess of the females over the
nales in New York is doubtless attributable to
he emigration of the males to the West, and perhaps
some of them to the more southern States.
The census table* show that the colored population
is rapidly deserting the more Northern
Yee States, and this fact fully accounts Kir their
ncrease in the Northwestern States. Initiating
heir whits neighbors, they emigrate to the West.
The following table shows that the free colored
lopulation inorsssed more rapidly from 1820 to
840, in the Northwestern Slates, than it has
lone ainoe:
lr*?. 1831). 1811).
Ohio 4,8ti2 9,568 17,342
Indiana 1,230 3,629 7,165
Illinois 506 1,637 3,598
It is apparent from the above, that the aboitionists
have had next to nothing to do with the
icopling the Northwest with the colored raoe,
ince tne process weni on as rapiuiy oeiure me
ffitition o[ the slavery ^nasHon, as since, Ths
olored people of that region hare emigrated from
Sew England, as every man of common candor
nnHt admit, who looks at the facts stated above.
As a further illustration of the absurdity of
the statements of Randolph, we subjoin the following
table, showing the rapid Increase of the
free colored population of Pennsylvania, from
1700 down to 1*20. Since that time, the ratio of
increase has much diminished, Randolph's stream
of fugitives from slavery to the contrary notwithstanding
:
1700 - ' - - - - 6,537
1800 14,564
IS 10 22,492
1820 32,153
1830 37,930
1840 47,854
The high ratio in the earlier years, is acsounted
for by the act for the abolition of
ilavery in the State, which was adopted in 1780
By its provisions, all born after that period were
;o he free; and by the year 1820, the females born
sefore the former period had ceased to have chillren.
Pennsylvania also received, no doubt, a
jonsiderable accession of colored people from the
solder New England States.
We have now shown from the census tables,
hat the calculations of Randolph are utterly falacious
; that his naked assumption that the slaves
sf the free States were removed, or sold at the
South, cannot he true, as is shown by the existing
state of facts. We will next demonstrate from
:he statute books of New York, New Jersey, and
Pennsylvania, which States contained all the
ilaves north of Mason and Dixon's Tine, in 1810, !
hat the slaves could not have been exported with>ut
incurring heavy fines and penalties.
New York.
Slavery was abolished in the State of New
k'ork, in the year 1817. The act declares that
ill slaves born after the 4th of July, 1709, shall
>e free at the age of 28 years ; and that their mas
era are required to teacn tupm to read They
ire not fo be carried beyond the limita of the
State under any pretext, on pain of forfeiture of
he slave, and incurring the penaltiee of a misdeneanor
See laws of 1817-1818; and Revised
itatues, vol. 1, page 926?Congress Library.
new jcrsby.
The act of emancipation passed in 1820. All
ilaves born after the year 1808, to be free at
wenty-five years of age A fine of one thousand
lollars and imprisonment, for transporting slaves
>eyond the limits of the State, except ?laves of
'all age, who freely consent to go, before a judge
if one of the Courts in private. See statutes of
Pennsylvania?Congress Library.
Pennsylvania.
The abolition act passed in 1780 ; amended in
789?see statutes for the year. All are declared
reeatthe age of twenty-eight, who have been
lorn since 1780. Penalty seventy-five pounds for
arrying a slave beyond the limits of the State.
In conclusion we will remark, that although
tnable to estimate the number of fugitive slaves,
re think it evident from the above stated facts
nd considerations, that the calculations of Kaniolph
are at least ten itmrt too large. He quotes
rom a publioation by the Anti-Slavery Society,
howing that thsy have assisted 151 slaves in eaaping
during the past year. It is understood
hat this society has an organization, extending
dong (he whole frontier of slavery, as well as to
he ports end harbors of the slave States, on the
Ulantio and Onlf of Mexioo?at least such is
he allegation of the Southern presses and people.
This organised society for running off slaves
hen, would bo cognisant, we should imagine, of
:very escape, and being proud of their achieveuenta,
would not fail to ohrouiole every suoh oase.
t is therefore fair to pranume, that the nnmber
>81 is not far from thstrue number; at any rate,
t is all for which tha North can be held chargeible,
for if alavaa esoape without any assistanoe
'rom Northern men, the8outhjMBMoomplain?
hey must regard It as one of f^^Htitable imperfections
of their peculiar iai^^K But the
lumber of 181 fugitive*, assisted by the Antlilavery
Society, is regarded aa a great achieve
X AUGUST 22, 1850
ment by thorn who participate in such trunmo- i
tionB, and we presume that it exceeds the efforts '
of any former year; so that after all the grievance
to the South, inflicted by abolitionists, is
very trifling, even now, when it is represented as i
so enormous. It can hardly justify a resort to disunion,
even in the judgment of the moot ultra |
pro-slavery man, if he will look at the facts as ,
they exist, and not as they have been represented ,
- - ? -?
Adding many oomplimenta to M. C hangar nier.
The haughty General did not answer, except by
strolling his moustaches, and the Minister found
that his humiliation must be its own regard.
The Assembly has reestablished the censure on
theatres, under pretext of public morality. This
institution existed under the reign of Louis Philippe,
without any famous moral benefit to the
people. It operated only the elimination of allusions
to the King or Government, but let pass the
dirtiest puns, the roost gross double-entendres,
and the most revolting obscenities. It was under
the censure that the filthy theatrical pieces
of M. Clainville were in such vogue, and thAt sooh
dramas as that of the Paris Rnqman were produced.
The Provisory Government abolished the censure,
snd the theatres have rather improved than
otherwise. There are more political pieces, but
the filthy ones have in a measure disappeared.
On the ground of moralising the theatre, the censure
is reestablished, though confessedly inadequate
to the end. The whole policy of the Assembly,
on the subject of theatres, is incomprehensible.
Only a few days since, a large sum
was voted as a donation to the theatres of Paris.
These establishments Are considered so moral as
to be the worthy recipients of a large portion of the
taxes wrung from a people groaning under its
burdens, and a week after, so immoral as to need
a censor. If the Government withdrew its aid,
one half of the present tbestres of Paris would
not be sustained by the people. They would fall
almost to the level of such institutions in the
United States.
The Assembly is now discussing a bill for
granting better terms to the oompanies which
have undertaken to construct the railroads from
Orleans to Rordeaux, and from Tours to Nantes
In behalf of the companies, it is Affirmed that
their stock has depreciated to such a degree
that they are unable to fulfil their contracts.
The Government favors the bill granting them
new privileges. The opposition says that if the
companies cannot fulfil their contracts, they can
abandon them, and leave the State to finish the
roads, and that the bill puts improperly into the
hands Of the companies a million more than it
would cost the State to finish the roads. This
last statement is not contested, but it is prohable
the bill will psss. Is Jovrtuil dex Dtbatx opposes
its passage, and the opposition press looks on it
as the commencement of a series of acts of favoritism,
like those which produced so much scandal
under the reign of Louis Philippe.
In the sitting of the 29th ult., M. de Flavigny,
of the imyority, pronounced a passably violent
philippic against the United States, for the seiin
pp nf curta 1 ti l''rpnph mnrrKunl uKina a# Qon
bj t be excuea mucj 01 iv?uuuipBFOREIGN
CORRESPON DENCE.
Paris, August 1, 1850.
To Ike Editor qf the National Era :
The morning papers of to-day all hear the red
stamp of the tax gatherer. A deeper tint of the
oolor would be more appropriate, for every stroke
of the stamp draws blood from thepreaa Several
journals cease to appear. And which one, think
you, heads the list of the dead 1 It is 1/ Pouvoir,
so late the favored organ of the hot imperialists
of the Etyele. Verily, the friendship of these
gentlemen is dangerous Their kisses seem to be
the signals for leading the caressed object to execution.
Or do they, like some birds of ill omen,
hover around the dying only ? Napoleon diet!
some two months since. Its numerous subscribers
among the functionaries of every grade were
informed, last week, that the balance of their subscriptions
would be transfered to Le Pouvoir,
M.1J mmmt UatMjl of If Nottol'O^ NoW
that both are dead, their Unto waf Se Co*
Le Monileur du Soir, which is now the special
representative of the ultra imperialists who govern
at the Elysrfe, and which may be expected to die
before long of a surfeit of their favors.
This last-named paper has entered with great
eolat on its new functions of favorite It brought
us last week to the brink of a revolution. This is
a serious word, and not to be lightly prono^ced
But the truth is, that France waa on the brink of
the precipice for fifteen minutes, last Friday afternoon
about four o'olock. The two great powers
of the State, the Exeoutive and the Legislative,
were for that length of time about to come to a
violent oollision. This grave aituation was the result
of the violent jealousy which has so long
reigned between the Preeident and the Assembly,
and which has been so ill-conoealed daring the
war they have made in common on the rights of
the nation. When the Assembly condemned
L> Pouvoxr to pay a tine of Are thousand francs
for attacking its prerogatives, the President was
placed in a delicate position Everybody knew
that he was the one the Assembly intended to
punish, and yet he oonld not acknowledge the
blow. TherfcruiAe t?i LA Pouioir 9&a iVaolu ulrectly
to its author, M. Romieu, the private secretary
of the President, and was supposed by the
public to have been written under his own inspiration.
After the condemnation, the organs of
the FJysle kept up a hot fire against the Assembly,
which answered them by the election of a
committee of vigilance for the period of adjournment,
composed of members hostile to the ambitious
projects attribute}) to the President, and
some of them hostile to him personally. Thereupon,
the Monilntr du Soir, in an article ascribed
also to the pen of M. Romieu, opened a broadside
on the Assembly. The article is too long to be
good, hut one or two passages will show sufficiently
its tenor.
" The effect of that list | members of vigilance
oommittee] has been that of the head of Medusa,
in seeing figure on it names of such a notorious
hostility to the President, that their choice should
be considered as a challenge thrown to him by the
Assembly, everybody has been petrified. It is not
a list of fusion, but one of provocation." * *
" What interpetation is it intended the public
should place on the choice of General de Lnmoriciere
the personal insulter of the President?"
" Who could blame bim (Louis Bonaparte,]
the nephew of the Emperor, the ohoice of
six million citiiens, for feeling so keenly this insult
as to rise in his foroe and in his popularity
against the parliamentary parties who seem to
amuse themselves by braving publio opinion, and
insulting the one who issneeomia?^ fey tha?7?np*thiesof
the people?" * * * u France waits for
nothing but a word from the President. Are you
not afraid lest he may say it?" * * * "We
do not at all fear that the Elysf e will disavow
us."
This article, with another not less direct, was
used at the tribune last Friday by M. Dupont de
Bussac, a member of the Left. Although the article
had produoed a great sensation, none of the
members of the Right would take the initiative,
fearing to get into a pass from which there would
be no retreat and no alternative, except to precipitate
a struggle between the Assembly and the
President. The Left was also in a dilemma : it
could not, consistently with its professions of devotion
to the liberty of the press, claim the punishment
of the publisher of the Moniteur. After
a consultation between the leaders, it was agreed
that M. Dupont de Bussac should demand, not a
prosecution of the publisher, but an inquiry into
the source whence this and similar articles emanated.
When the orator descended from the
tribune, there was a general cry for a Minister to
disown the article, but not one of them moved
from his seat. The excitement was on the increase,
for the silenoe of the Ministry seemed
the sanction of the injurious articles, and of the
threats of usurpation. M. Jules Favre, the
Brougham of the Assembly, mounted the tribune
and attacked directly the Ministry in one of his
most parliamentary but most incisive and sarcastic
speeches. The acclamations of the whole
house compelled M. Baroche to answer. The
purport of his speech was, that it was unfair to
hold the Ministry responsible for newspaper articles.
" But you are responsible for those of your
favored journals, whose sale you permit in the
streets," was cried to him from several parts of
the house. " As to that," answered M. Baroche,
44 the Government has no intention to forbid the
sale of Le Moni/rvr du Soir.:> These words came
like a clap of thunder on the Assembly. It is
said by persons who should know, that a greater
agitatiou has never been known on the floor of the
house. The members all started from their seats.
Many of those of the Right surrounded the
Ministerial benches, and begged and threatened
by turns. M. Bate, a member of the Changarnier
party, and questor of the Assembly, sprang
to the tribune. " The question no longer regards
a journal," said he, u it regards the Ministry,
the Elysfe, the President. We sre, perhaps, on
the eve of a usurpation " He concluded by demanding
that the Assembly should retire into
the bureaus and deliberate on the steps necessary
in the conjuncture. This was about to be done,
when the courage of M Baroche gave way. He
apologised to the Assembly for hi* first speech,
which was m.ide in answer to the Mountain, a party
that had outlawed the majority, and would do
it again ; that his feelings had been wounded by
the suspicions entertained of him ; that so long
as the present Ministry remained in power, no
attempt would be made against the Assembly ; and
that the Ministry disavowed entirely the articles
of / Monueur du Sou and other jturuala, whioh
had so justly aroused the susceptibilities of the
Assembly. This second speech satisfied the
Right, and the inoident was dropped. Had M
Baroche persisted, it is impassible to tell what
the result would have been. The A-sembly
would have adopted measures for its own protection,
and the two great powersof the State would
have found themselves fees to face In a combat
which could have ended only in one of two wsys?
the President would have passed to the Tuilleries
or to the State prison of Vinoennea In my
opinion, to the latter, for Oeneral Changarnier,
who has the command of the army of Paris, wonld
have had no difficulty in securing the pereou of
M Bonaparte, and receiving himself the succession
ef the Presidency.
I: is currently reported here, however, that a
very different opinion prevails at the Elysde,
where it la thought that so fhvorabls an occasion
will not again be offered ; that it had been agreed
on in advanoa that thn Ministry should disavow
nothiag, that the second speech of M. Baroche
has givsn grsat offence to the fhvoritee of tho Ely*
> 4
and that the Preaident haa determined to
dismiss him from the Cabinet at an early period.
Certain it ia that M. Baroehedidaetdeny that
the offensive article# had been prepared at the
Elyale, that the Preeident meditatee a usurpation,
or that the attempt is to be shortly made.
His speech, examined cloaely, contains only one
substantia) aeaertion, which is, that the Ministry,
as at present constituted, will not officially aid
any such attempt. In the circumstances, this is
as much as M. Baroehe conld say, for it is well
known that two parties exist in the Ministry
itself on this suhj et. And, on the whole, we
may congratulate ourselres that the storm has
blown oyer. An explosion now between the
Legislature and the President would he the signal
for retulsions far from profitable to the
people.
Last week, a warm discussion was kept up between
the two journals, Ia Poucoir, and L Atsmnhlit
yational/, one attacking ?nd the other defending
the Assembly. You may be surprised
to learu that these journals, so bitter to each other,
are owned by the same person, published in
the same office, and edited, for the roost part, by
the same body of editors. One is the champion
of the Executive, and the other of the parliamentary
power.
l/i Protrrit, a monthly commenced by the exiles
at London, has not appeared'this month.
The Paris publisher has refused to continue its
publication, having been menaced by the Government
with the withdrawal of his license to print.
It is probable that this magazine will cease to appear.
The discussion of the budget of 1851 progresses
? , > . ? ?. urv^i.
r*|MUI/ 1U lUt M a
voted in a single sitting. The dowry of the
of peers have passed almost ViVncW
A w*rm debate spruug up on the chapter relating
to public instruction. The committee on the
budget, M. Berryer, chairman, had in its report
attacked most insidiously the university for the
benefit of the Catholic clergy For instance, (he
normal school, which supplies the oollrges of
Franoe with professors, was menaced with a reduction
in its annual allowance which would
have ruined it altogether, and the colleges were
to be reduced in number, and to lose their chairs
of Philosophy and History. Thess measures
were voted for by the Catholic party and their
allies, the burxravts or chief of the royalist parties,
but the mass of the members rallied in defence
of the university. M. Berryer, who dieplayed
in the discussion a good deal of his former
adroitness and eloquence, was beaten.
On the Artny budget. General Grammont proposed
to reduce the credit for the immense army
of Paris. He alluded in plain terms to the notorious
quarrel between General Changarnier,
commander-in-chief of the army of Parts, and
(i?npr?l D'Hautnonl Minister of War 1 sav
notorious, because numerous collisions between
them has* made it a matter of common fame.
When General Changarnier arrests a colonel for
answering a letter from the Minister; when he
countermands an order by the Minister for the
removal from Paris of a large number of troops,
vini by ttrts"u.tAbife movement of the troops occasions
an expense of about thirteen millions, which
is evident on the budget; when he breaks up, by
his decided opposition, the Minister's plan of
forming a camp at Veraailles; and when these
facts have been followed by the thrice-repeated
resignation of the Minister, a resignation not accepted
by the President, one would suppose it impossible
to deny the dissension. But this is preciselv
what, the Minister did in the discussion
Francisco. The orator declared that English
ships seized at the same time had been released,
while the French ones had been so long detained
as to hare suffered a great deterioration in value.
The goods they bore had been sold at auction
with a heavy sacrifice on the value. He demanded
what measures had been taken to procure
compensation for the loss on the cargo, and the
deterioration of the vessels. He was answered
by M. Lahitte, in a very polite and diplomatic
speech. He stated, that as soon as he had heard
of the seizure, he had taken the necessary steps
at Washington, for the release of the vessels;
the order had been given immediately, and only
delayed in its execution by the length of time required
to transmit it to California. He intended
to prosecute the affair to the end, and anticipated
no difficulty in doing so successfully. His diplomatic
expressions, translated into plain English,
mean that the justice of compensation has been
admitted by theGovernment of the United States,
but the amount has not yet been agreed on.
The papers atate the number of condemnations
of venders of journals, since the entry
of M. Carlier into offioe, at three hundred.
The English papers will give you the full details
of the oombats of the 34th, and the battle
of the 23th ult, in the Duchy of Schleswig. As
the description of movements of troops, and
changes of fortune during the day, would little
interest your readers, I will confine myself to the
general result. Their victory hAs put the Danes
in rurafiinn nf thu whftl* HnrKv nf .QaKlaawiw
while the army of the Duchies h is retreated into
Hcrtstein. The two eorp# of it hate effected their
junction, and await the attack of the Danes. It
ie doubtful whether the Danish army will oroes
the Holstein frontier, as such a step is protested
against by Prussia. Meanwhile, General 'WflVi
sen. commander of the army of the Duchies, has
refused to surrender. The German papers give
glowing accounts of the levies of recruits in Germany,
and the contributions of money for the aid
of the Duchies, but these are probably highly
eiaggerated.
The relations between Austria and Prussia
are again disturbed, and eaoh j arty pretend to be
getting ready for a war. But this will probibly
blow over. Yours, &o., W.
^CALIFORNIA CORRESPONDENCE.
8an F*anci*co, June 30, 18.riO.
To ike Editor of Ike Rational Era :
By the transient steamer which left for Panama
on the 18th instant, you hare, of course, ere
this, been informed of the disastrous fire which
ocourred here on the 14th?the third fire within
the apace of seven months, and one which reduoed
to ashes a portion of the oity which had escaped
the two previous fir* s The whole ground is again
covered, however, aud business there is lively as
aver. Such is the energetio and enterprising
character of our citixens, that miafortunes of this
nature only create action with double vigor.
In order to prevent a recurrence of these severe
aud terrible conflagrations, our citixeus have
united themselves into Kngine and Hook and
Ladder Companies, and there ere already two
large end effective engines ready for nee, and five
or six more have been ordered. Under the direction
of the city authoritiaa, en artesian well
is now being bored in the main plana, and Ihves
cisterns, each eapable of holding 93,000 gnMowe
of water, are nearly completed. Many it the
houses lately erected upon the bnnrt greesd nrn
I
r\ i ^
VOL. IV.
of brick. The common council here forbidden
the erection of wooden houeee orer fifteen feet in
height; end, with ell theee guards, we need here
no fear of any conflagration no terrible aa those
which hare lately risited oa.
Onr citixena and the anthoritiea hare been
in a enarl erer eince the firat organisation of
the Board of Aldermen. These disinterested,
patriotic gentlemen commenced their labon by
imposing a see ere tax on erery kind of industry
and sotlng to themaelrea the rery moderate ?um
of $6000 por annum, for their aerricee. This
touched the people. Public meetings to remonstrate
were held, and a committee appointed to
preeent to the Board of Aldermen a series of
resolutions adonted bv a laree m?u ? >
Portsmouth Square. The committee waited upon
the Board, but only their chairman was allowed
to enter within the bar. The resolutions were
presen'ed by him, end after some little discussion
their consideration was indefinitely postponed
This intuiting course of the oouncil called down
a great deal of ftdignation, and finally the local
tax bill has been entirely repealed, and thesalaiy
bill promisee to meet the same fate.
The fact is, that California is regarded by aj. ^
most everybody who comes here as a great goose
out of whom feathers are to be plucked, and he
who succeeds in getting the most is considered the
best fellow This is particularly exhibited in our
governmental bfTtira; and where salaries are
pVadki bu cnvruauaaty fiigb, a cur responding 8 stem
of taxation must be made to meet them
jS .te.. A \ e y**- ?? %. ?
lars per annum, and a county tax of t hree 1 These
we are paying now, and they are used for the purpose
of supporting in offioe politician*, who generally
will leave California as Boon as they have
mnde their " pilewhich, at present rates, will
not be long. Poor California! from her conquest
to the present time, she has been lorded over by
military and naval tyrants in epnnlcts; drained
by her local officers, insulted and oppressed by the
officials of the General Government, and utterly
neglected by the mother that should have cheriahed
her ae her most worthy child. And yet,
with all this, there is not found upon our whole
continent a more loyal class of citizens than are
those in California. True, we have amongBk.oB
Hotspurs, ambitious men, ready to build their own
fame and fortune, if necessary. updl the ruins of
our State, but an immense majority of our citizens
are true to the oore, and the cry of disunion
has as yet, among us, received not a serious
thought.
The progress of vice in our city has been in a
measure stayed by the enactment of an ordinance
prohibiting gaming on the Sabbath ; which is 1
am glad to say, fully complied with. A petition
has lately been extensively circulated and signed.
nrtvinff Ike nnmmnn council t.n p.'hhp lio?nniru
Chi* system of robbery, end forbid it under ae
ere penalties. I doubt very muck whether, at
present, thia oouree is pa?~Jcabla Our ?*? < of
society is so peculiar, that laws, which in other
cities are easily enforoed, are here rendered dependent
entirely upon public feeling. Here
the gambler, who in the United States is looked
upon almost with contempt, and who never presume*
to speak to a respectable cititen in the
street, here he is at the " top of the heapis the
owner of many of our finest buildings, has great
influence in our elections?is, ina word,one of the
great aristocracy of money, the only aristocracy
we know in California To show yon the
facility with which money is raised here by this
olass of the community, I need only relate to
you an incident of Col. Bryant, who is considered
at the top of his profession. He came here about
a year siAce, with some capital, and in a few
months amassed a fortune by gaming, his profits
often being more than a thousand dollars a day.
During our county election, he ran for the office
of sheriff, in which he wjpt defeated by the celebrated
Col. Jack Hays. This election is said to
have cost Bryant $30,000, and, in connection with
a series of losses in real estate speculations, completely
rained him. He left here some six weeks
since, with twenty-five dollars in his pocket, proceeded
to the Southern mines, and, by a series of
successful gambling operations there, succeeded
in returning here in one month and paying off
about $2.1,000 of old debts, besides pocketing a
handsome sum.
One of the prettiest specimens of "getting
round" a law has just been exhibited here,
Common Council passed an ordinance requiring I
that all bar-rooms should be closed at 12 o'clock '
midnight, under a severe penalty. As it said
nothing about what time they shall open, the land- I
lords shut their doors at midnight and five minutes
afterwards open for the next duy. Our wise
oounoilmen are about remodelling the bill.
The newe from the minrs are very fhvorabls. the
collectors are generally succeeding well in enforcing
the tax law in relation to foreign minora, aWW
in the execa tiou of their d uties they meet wi th great
difficulties. If some action is not soon taken by
Vyuugrrwj in rrgnru iv un, i mu nmiBiicti lunt uur
next Legislature will either diminish the tax or
entirely repeal the law. The miners generally are
making from fire to sixteen dollars per d?y, and
the season is rapidly arriving when the waters
will go down, whioh will make digging daring the
autumn months very profitable. A new placer
has lately been discovered in the vicinity of what
has been named "Gold Lake," high upon the Sacramento.
One man who has wintered there is
reported to hare extracted over thirty thousand
dollars. Thousands are rushing there, and there
is a prospect of a great harvest. A company are
working the quarts rock upon the Mariposa with
distinguished success? making from twenty to
fifty dollars a day to the hAnd. There has been
but little sickness in the mines this year, and the
sickly season is now nearly over.
We are particularly blessed with newspapers
here, if the blessing can be said to exist in the
number of them. We have now three daily newspapers
In active operation, and another,' The Pacific
Courier," starts this morning. This latter
is supposed to be the organ of the General Government
in California. Another daily paper is to be
started by Messrs. F. G. & W. A. Buffum, so
that San Francisco will ere long he a decidedly literary
town.
The entire absence of any news of importance
must be my plea for the shortness of this letter
I expect to leave for the " diggins" in a few days,
and will then be able to communicate with you directly
from the "seat of war."
The California leaves to-morrow at noon, with
105 passengers and one million seven hundred
and forty thousand dollars in gold dust.
Yours, "Howaaa."
For tba National Kr?
MR. CLAY ON SLAVE BREEDING.
Mr Clay, in his speech the 22d ultimo, took
Mr. Davis of Massachusetts severely to task, for
intimating that slaves might be bred in New
Mexico for markets in other States. lis w.g
"shocked and surprised" at this intimation, and
declared " this charge upon the slaveholding
States, of breeding slants fbr market, is utterly false
and groundless. No such purpose ever enters. I
believe, into the mind of ant slaveholder."
The Senator from Kentucky is not always exact
in the use of his language. Neither Mr. Davis
nor any other well-informed person ever
charged the slave States collectively with breeding
slaves for market, for the obvious reason that
some of the States are importers of slaves?aot
sellers, but buyers of human beings Where
slave labor is profitable, slaves are bred fbr use
and purchased of others. Where such labor
yields little or no return, there slaves are bred
for exportation. Mr. Clay is wonderfully incredulous
and wonderfully ignorant of existing facts,
if he truly believes that no such purpose as breed
ing slaves for market ever enters the mind of s
Virginia slaveholder.
Mr. Davis, being a Northern man, is, of course,
an incompetent witness, since we are oonlinuallj
iN8ur<a mat me people or me morm no am
InrsUud " the peculiar institution * Let us bear,
then, what Southim witneeeea testify on the sobjeet.
Thomas Jkffkrson Randolph, in a epeech in
the Virginia Legislature, (1832,) declared that the
State had been converted into "one grand menagerie,
where men ark rkarkd for thk markkt,
like oxen for the ahamblee " In the eameapeech,
he thus oompared the Afrieaa and Virginia slave
trade: "The trader (African) reoeivee the slave,
a stranger in aspect, language, and manner, from
the merchant who brought him from the interior.
But ktrr, air, individuals whom the master has
known from infancy?whom he has seen sporting
in the innocent gambols of ohlldhood?who have
been accustomed to look to him far protection, he
/asm from ike ssotJkor'i orsu, and sells into a strange
country, among n Strang# people, subject to cruel
taskmasters. la mj opinion, it is owl n-ortt."
80 it assets. aocording to Mr. Randolph, that
in Virginia children are torn from the mother's
anna, and sent to market What price do tbej
bring? Preftaoor Andrews, la hla work on " the
domestic slave trade," repeats a conversation he
had with a slave trader on board a steamboat ia
the Potomac, (1835), in which the trader inform*'
him, "children from one to eighteen months old
are now worth about one hundred dollars.*?
Peg# 147.
pBoraasoa Dew afterward President of William
aad Mary College, in his review of the debates
on slavery In the Virginia Legislator*,
1831-11, speaking of the revenue arising from ths
domestic trade, aaya, "a fall equivalent being
the# left la the pbvoe of the slave, this bnmigr*
tlon becomes an ad rentage to the State, and dees

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