The national era. [volume], October 17, 1850, Page 166, Image 3

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W* '
F
166
is about fifteen bushels per acre, present price
$1.W) per bushel. The beans grow in bolls
around a stalk, which rises from the main stem
of the plant. The plant itself grows from three
to six feet high with numerous branches; the
pods, as they are called, when ripe, nre cut oil',
and laid on yards. The sun dries the bolls, which j
causes them to open, and the beans, in common
parlance, to pop out. sometimes tlying several
feet. The field requires to be gone over twice a
week, and the ripe pods cut off, they ripen sue- :
cessively from near the ground to the top of the
branches; the beans are cleaned from the hulls
in a common fan mill, when they are ready for
market. To obtain the oil from the beans, they
are heated in large sheet iron pans, and the oil
pressed out by screw, or hydraulic presses ; it is
clarified by lioiling. after which it is barrelled,
und is then lit for use
Produce can be shipped from this place almost
all days of the ysur. The Mississippi is scarcely
ever closed below this, which tnahles its to reach
the Eastern, and, if desired, the foreign markets,
at a time when the more northern ports of the
country are locked up by winter. All the difficulties
of the settlement of a new country have
been surmounted. Mills, schools, uud churches,
are abundant; and yet many of our people are
anxious to remove far!her Wist?in some the
spirit of enterprise, in others, the longing for |
some never likely to obtained good. The oftreferred-to
happiness of lift- in .a new country in
early times, so eloquently depicted \>y the first
settlers, and the spirit of adventure so charuclerr
ist(,r .it the Western people, tend*, to .unsettle
numbers of them?the Rocky mountain* are to
the west, California and Otegon, with their golden
hopes, are beyond, and we are on the shores of j
the Mississippi instead of the Pacific. Once determined
on emigrating, there is no stop ; bent on j
goiog. at all risk*, they dispose of their farms or
other property, in many instances for one-half or
one-third of its value; in som cases leave their
property to be disposed of by their agents at some !
future day, and start on a wilderness journey of I
2,000 miles, with a recklessness truly wonderful.
U
THE NATIONAL ERA.
WASHINGTON, OCTOBER 17, 18.10
OI K SI liSi'KIHLhS.
As the year is beginning to dr iw to a close, we
shall soon commence the work of sending out cir
cumrs Hill! rent'W IIJ^ sunaunuci r*. ? c w/w mci rijr I
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We hope every ono of our friends bun
come to the resolution that there must be no fall- I
firg off, hut, on the* contrary, an increase of out
list. <
m ji)i)i) >ii ) HU H. I
The last number of the first volume of the c
Fifinl cf Youth w a* issued on the first of this J
in iiith. The fir-t number of the second volume *
will appear in the beginning of November We 1
hope the five thou ind subscribers who have been f
reading it the past year, will promptly renew 1
They will recollect th it. according to its terms,
]iai/vi'ut hi uilntiic i> th' I'iriiriiihli rub ; so that 1
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Renewal ought to be made before the issue of '
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We solicit attention to th following prospectus, .
and hope our editorial friends will take such no- i
tice of it as thej- may think proper <
THF I RIP\|| III Mil 1II?1 <il II Is,I.
A MOV nil,V V KWM'A I' Kit.
Mils MAIU.AKET I.. IIAII.FY, EDITOR
I hi' I rmnd nf Youth will he issued on the first of every
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but we think we ilo not mistake the taate or capaeity of
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receive onr earnest advocacy. Teaching our reailera to
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11 if, we hope to awaken in them a generous atihorrenee of all
wrong, ami an earnest love ami reverence for all that is just
and pure ami, while thus inon'oating the lessons of love to
man, we cannot forget the supreme obligations <|ne to the
great Father and Itenefaetor of all.
To secure variety of entertainment, we have engaged, as
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The first number of the 'id volume will he issued on the
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The terms ore?fifty renin si year for a single copy;
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It is desirable that the names of subscribers he sent in
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MKS. M. I.. HAII.KV, Washington, I). V.
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?
liR.limi'N llll\Tlin HI KM/INK.
Wo oall nlti ntion to the advertisement of Urn- i
I )
hums Monthly for He presents n groat (
programme. We nee that helms secured the s<r- ,
vices of James the famous novelist. We must be i
ungracious enough to correct a misconception that 1
limy arise from the announcement of Ukack
Gkki vwiion ns one of his regular contributors, '
Widt:ivi< theriletisuro of tinnouncinir tluit we h ive ll
secured her nclusii'ly tor the National Km, in '
18.11?with hu arrangement, suggested by our- f
sclv s, that she should be at liberty to furnish t
Grahan/s Magazine with an occasional article. I
The editor of that |>0|>ular Monthly, amidst such '
a piofusion of contributors, will not coinjiliriti at
this arrangement i
ltaniHi Fi nnv.?The veteran editor of the
Union describes himself as
"Ii ndei going privations which few could endure, '
setting up. f-.r instance, /or II lOns'in'ii' mghls, 1
until 'In or /our o'rloik <i i // morning, and rising 1
nut ui-ri.int: at eight, and then, after an interval I
of three nights, burning the midnight injur till dayhr>nk
for tiro ollnr night* No one could endure ^
these physical sacrifices, except one who hail been
accustonud to the most arduous labor for lorty-six
years."
The veteran writ r (says the .V 1 Uost, commenting
upon this.) "ceitainly keeps very unusual
hours for a man of his age with a family, but we
do not see the proprii ty of his complaints of a
want of sleep. A man who retires between three
and four o'clock of one morning, and sleeps until
the following morning at eight, twenty-eight consecutive
hours, ought to get rest enough, if his
conscience gives him any thing like a fair
ChHIlCC.
This cannot be beaten.
Ill wiui.. m!?Some of the editors of the South
forgetful of the fondness of their Northern brethren
for innoeeut humbug, nre publishing the following.
from the A'-/? Vail Minor, as all true:
"A n Kv i net m:ii - We wish to rail tho attention
of the National Whigs to the political programme
of the AholitioniHtH of this State, as marked out I
by Seward. (Jrccloy t'o |( in brirtly thin
Seward and John V hi 11ur> a have had an inter- i
view and come to an iiudei -imding. They arc
to unite the Abolition M-eti a* f their respective J
partita, and make a grand rally in support of tho 1
Syracuse ticket. Sew ird an I the Prince'' arc to
atuuip the State immediately, and harangue the 1
people on the nigger (juration in general, and i
the fugitive-slave law in particular. They thua
count on an excitement that will insure hucvhs at (
the corning election, and found a llntlalo plat form
for when the slavery "juration is again to
be tnadc the grand issue, under the follow ing fret soil
banner:
For PrtsidoU?Thomas II 1'i.Mov
For Vic* Pi'Milt nt?Wtt.t.UM II Nku-tim
For Uuit'if Xt'lt'S S mi/or?John V an III ki v"
Jlon. Tiihwan Hi tlmi Kimi. has received tho
appoiutnrent of Collector at the port of San Krancisco.
Mr. King is one of the liberal men of tho
South, and we have no doubt his appointment is
a good one.
V
?k 4M, *
T1
t{l ESTIONS \N1) ANSWERS.
Au anonymous correspondent in Washington
wishes to know whether that great, wise, and
g.?od man, General Washington, sanctioned or
approved of ' African Slavery?''
General Washington was so uufortuuatc as to
l?> <ducated in the antiquated opinion that .slavery
was au evil. I le announced hi* earnest desire
for its removal; said there was hut one
proper way for its abolition?that was /<// httr ;
a id that so far as his vote could secure this, it
should not he wanting. l!y will, too, he li ft his
si ivcs free, showing, strangely enough, that he
thought Freedom preferable to Slavery. Hut we
must not judge him harshly, llis excuse for
such notions and conduct is to he found in the
general ignorance of our forefathers respecting
the true nature and destiny of man The modern
philosophy of the South, in discovering the
adaptation of human nature to Slavery, demonstrated
that Washington. Jefferson, and their
compatriots, committed an egregious blunder in
supposing that Liberty was the best condition of
man.
Our correspondent alsi inquires whether "a
slave was ever known to starve to death for want
of something to cat, to go to the poor-house, or
to commit suicide?"' We do not suppose that
slaves, any more than horses, are apt to be
starved to death in the a.
the - poor-house," there is no necessity for that.
Slavery is one vast system of ptuperism. It reduces
all its subjects to absolute poverty, makes
provision for their bare maintenance out of their
A...n AAwi.;...ru QnT.ptfoptiifpH fhp ri iii iIinlt-r of
..mi vnimugs, "IT'T ? -these
to the support, couifort, and luxury of those
who work them Kinilly, if our anonymous
frieml be a render of the newspapers, he must
know thut suicide among slaves is not infrequent.
riRl'l UR UK UK. BULV (IK VIKIW.Wl Til
HIS I'OVSTITI L'MS.
Mr. Hayly of Virginia having deemed it necessary
to explain and justify to his constituents his
vote in t ivor of the hill lor the settlement of the
Texan lloundary and the establishment of Territorial
Government in Mew Mexico, his views
of the nature and consequences of that measure
become of some importance.
I . objections to the bill, were, not that it re- I
cognised the validity of the Texan claim to New I
M. xico east of the Rio Grande, or that it over uJed
the laws of Mexico prohibiting slavery : it
lid neither but, we objected to it because it
lielded to Texas a portion of ttrritory to which
he had no title, proposed to give her ten million
lollars to secure her submission to an act of Contress,
and did not provide by positive law against
he illeg d extension of si ivery.
This much by way of explanation before weproceed
to examine the views taken by Mr
IJuyly.
To the objection raised by some of his friends
hat the bill converts slave territory into free soil,
Mr. Il'iyly replies?
' This assumes two propositions absolutely irreconcilable
with each other; yet both of theui
must be established before the truth of the asseriou
cin In- susb ined. it assumes that the ternary
transferred is Texan territory, and th it the
Constitution and laws of Texas do not extend to
it. if it be Texan territory in which slavery exists.
so it will continue to exist after the transfer;
fur the act establishing a Territorial Government
ioes not change its character. If it he not Texm
territory, then its character also remains unchanged
and slave territory is not converted into
'ree soil."
If New Mexico be free territory, if the local
law prohibiting slavery be still in force there,
then, suppose that "the territory transferred"
bad belonged to Texas it is clear that the moment
it is recognised as a part of New Mexico, it
somes under the operation of her liw excluding
tlavery, and becomes "free territory." If it were
lot Texan territory, of course its character re- '
nains unchanged?that is, it continues free ter- j
itory.
Mr Rayly proceeds?
" IVit it is said that slavery is prohibited in 1
New Mexico by Mexican law. 1 low can that be, i
if, as is contended, all of it east of the Rio Grande,
which contains nearly the whole of her population,
be Texan territory ? Rut suppose those ]
who deny the title of Texas, and maintain that |
all the territory within the limits of New Mexico
is Mexican territory, are right; still I deny that j
there will be auy Mexican liw in force in that ;
territory which will prohibit slavery I am not j
going into the question which has been so ably
discussed, whether the Mexican laws prohibiting
slavery were abrogated or not by the conquest
and treaty. It xv/a the opinion of the South that
they were abrogated ; ami our support of the
Clayton compromise was based upon it. Re that,
however, as it may. it is eloar beyond cavil or
doubt that the Territorial bills abrogate all Mexican
laws and substitute others. The civil law is
the law of Mexico. The Territorial bills recog
nise the existence of the common law. The section
relative to the jurisdiction of the courts declares
that "the supreme and district, courts respectively
shall possess chancery and common law
jurisdiction." To administer Mexican law
Certainly not; hut the common law and the
chancery law derived from Knglond. It may he
said that African slavery cannot exist under that
law. I know there is an obiter dictum of Lord
Mansfield to that effect. It is but a die urn ; for
the case ofSommersett tamed upon the want of a
remedy. Both Lord Talbot and Lord Hardwieke
decided otherwise ; and so has that great
jurist, Sir William Scott, afterwards Lord Stotvell.
as late as 1*27. in the celebrated case of the
dave Grace. Besides, we all know that slavery
vus inttoduced into the British coloniesof Amerca
in the absence of a statute, and solely under
he protection of the common law."
We must recollect that the purpose of Mr
layly is to reconcile his constituents to his vote, |
ind. incidentally, to secure vantage ground for
he South, should the attempt to maintain the lerality
of slavery he hereafter made in the Terriory.
We need not therefore be surprised at the
olduess of his assertions, or the looseness of his
ogie.
I lis statement that it was the opinion of the >
South that the locil laws of the territories were |
ihrogatcd by compiest and treaty, is not correct, j
Italy a part of the South sasumcd this untenable .
l>oMtiou. Many of its distinguished statesmen
iltd jurists concurred with all those of the North, |
u the opposite opinion, which was also maintained !
y the Administration of General Taylor.
Nor is it " clear beyond doubt or cavil " that j
the Territorial bills abrogate all Mexican laws j
and substitute others. The assertion is reckless |
and inexcusable. f..r Mr. Bayly knows that, not a !
jurist from the free Slates assented to any such
dogma, while Mr. Clay, Mr Benton, and others
fi in the slave States emphatically repudiated it.
The bills were deliberately drawn up in such
language as, in the event of their passage, carefully
to i xclude any implication which could favor
the idea that the Mexican laws would be abolished.
The reasoning by which Mr Bayly attempts
to sust tin his position is strangely inconclusive.
The civil law. be says, is the law of Mexico; but
the Territorial bills recognise the existence of
the common law . therefore the laws of Mexico
arc abolished in the Territories.
The conclusion is not sustained by the premises.
The civil law was but a part of the law
of Mexico, ami it certainly did not include the
law abolishing slavery, for that was a statute
passed by the Congress of Mexico. Admit, then,
that the Territorial bills established the common
law, and that this set aside the civil law, it does
not follow that all the local laws, or that the statute
abolishing slavery, was thereby abrogated.
liilt tlHTC IH llollklll^ III I III- llllgll l?< > ! tllvm."
linn, which Mr I'ayly quotes, lo show that the
Territorial bills overruled even the civil law It
provides that "the supreme ami district courts
respectively shall possess chancery and common
1 w jurisdiction," but this they may do, and yet
much of the civil law may continue iu force, withon'
conflict with such jurisdiction. The civil
law prevailed in Louisiana when it became a part
of this country, and it coutiuucd lo be the law of
the Territory so tar us it .li?i not conflict with so
much of the connnum law us was expressly scoured
to the inhabitants of the Territory,
' * %* *
IE NATIONAL EKA,
.
hrough the Government established for them by
Congress.
The law abolishing slavery in New Mexico was
not we repeat, a part of the civil law?it was an
ret pissed by the Mexican Congress. By it slavery
ceased to be in New Meiico. It wasathing
done, ami no mere change of sovereignty could
un io it, and reduce the emancipated again to
bondage. Suppose the common law to be established
in the Territory, as Mr Bayly assumes,
au l that it has overruled the civil law, this does
not touch the point he seeks to maintain? to wit, |
that the law abolishing slavery is abrogated. Fori ,
while some have contended that slavery w,is not i
repugnant to the common law, no one has beeu
m id enough to assume that of itself it establishes
slavery, or that a law abolishing the institution
is repugnant to it And yet one or the other of |
these two positions must be proved, before MrIt
lyly can establish his point?thit the introduction
of the common law is the abolition of the
1 iw against slavery.
We maintain on the contrary that the simple
recoguition of the common law, is a complete exelusion
of slavery, where no positive law sustains
it Mr. Biyly, in relation to this doctrine, says:
" I know that there is an obiter dictum of Lord
Mansfield to that effect. It is but a die/urn, for
the case of Sommersntt turned upon the want of a
remedy. Both Lord Talbot and Lord llardwicke
decided otherwise ; and so has that great jurist,
.s:,r wiJJo/n Scott, afteTw *rd? L/trd
late as ls27, in the case of the slave Grace. Besides
we all know that slavery was introluced
into the British colonies of America, in the absence
of a statute, and solely under the protection
of the common luw."
Here is a tissue of most astounding assertions ,
j not one of which will bear the test of examination
ThedecisioDsof Lord 1 larfwiekeand Lord
Talbot were anterior to that of Lord Mansfield,
and did not touch directly the ijuestion whether
slavery was in accordance with the common law
The opinion of Lord Mansfield was not an
' obiter dictumbut a direct decision of this very
ijuestion . for the case of Sommersett did not turn
" upon the want of a remedy," but on the relation j
of slavery to law. b'ommerscft was brought before
the Chief Justice on a writ of habeas corpus.
The return set forth that he wis a slave, kept in
confinement with the view of being sold abroad.
The only question before us," said the Chief i
Justice, "is. whether the cause on the return is
sufficient. If it is, the negro must be reminded ,
if it is not. he must be discharged, Accordingly,
the return states that the slave departed and re- j
fused to serve?whereupon he was kept to be
sold abroad.
' So high an act of dominion must be recognised
by the laws of the country where it is used. The
power of a master over his slave has been different
in different countries. The state of slavery
is of Hiich a nature (hat it is incapable of being
introduced on any reasons, moral or political, but
only by positive low, which preserves its force
long alter the reasons, occasion, and time itself,
from whence it is created, are erased from memory.
It is so odious that nothing can tie supposed to
support it but positive law Whatever inconvenience,
therefore, may follow from this decision,
I cannot say the case is allowed or approved
by the laws of England j and therefore
the black must be discharged"
The slave was discharged, because there was no
positive statute, authorizing the high act of dominion
under which he was attempted to he held,
and because the laws of England did not allow or 1
approve of it?that is, of slavery. That decision,
not ' obit rr die urn," has been the law of England '
from the hour it was made; nor is it true that
Lord Stowcll ever "decided otherwise." |
The decision in the case of the slave, Cirace. it
is well known, turned upon the question of the
legality of slavery in the Colour' s. Lord Stowcll
expressly recognised the decision of Lord M mstield,
but regarded it as confined to England he
did not controvert the position that the laws of ;
England, or the common law, disallowed si ivery> I
but he insisted that by repeated statutes of the j
realm, the institution had been recoguised, estab- j
lislied. and protected in I/it Co/onus. In no war- "
.:....! 1:1 1.:.. . a .. t> 1 ?.1 1*
uuuini uki mo urtniuu tuiiniui mm m il ui l^OPl 1 .
Manstteld, that Slavery can exist only by positive t
law. j c
As to the last assertion of Mr. Bayly, it is partly i
true, partly untrue. .Slaves were tirst introduced ' t
into the Colonies, in the absence of a statute, but j 1
not "under the protection of common law." This ; |
would soon have put an end to the robber-traflic, j i
had it not been for the statutes which were speed- t
ily enacted, authorizing and encouraging the '
slave trade, legalizing the introduction of slaves t
into the Colonies, aud making provision for their n
stle and transfer as property Slavery in the fl
Colonies had its origin in robbery, and positive c
law was found necessary to establish it. t]
The common law of England never allowed 0
African Slavery, and, if it be introduced, accord- ft
ing to the assumption of Mr Bayly, into the j,
Territories of New Mexico and Utah, it must r
confirm, it cannot abrogate, the local laws abolish- 0
ing slavery in those Territories. P
I he honorable member affects to find in the j,
Fugitive bill a recognition of Slavery in the Territories.
He says- a
' Besides this, the net providing for the recap- f
tore of fugitive slaves throughout contemplates
the escape of slaves from our Territories. It e
enacts: "That when any person held to service
or labor in any Srate or Territory, or in the District
of Columbia, shall escape," &c. Slavery is
prohibited in Minnesota and Oregon ; and if it is
also prohibited in Utah and New Mexico, our
only other Territories, then tin re is 110 subject to
which a part of that law can refer."
We bad occasion last week to show that this
construction of the act was untenable. Because
Congress, in its tender care over the interests of
Slavery, chooses to provide for the recapture of
slaves, should they escape from any State, it does
not follow that there are slaves in a free State;
nor can the existence of Slavery in free Territory
be inferred from the provision for the recapture
of slaves who may escape from " any Territory '
The language of the provision only proves the
supeitluous zeal of the Northern allies of the
slaveholder, and that they were willing to contemplate
as possible the conversion of free into slave
soil, or the future acquisition of slave territoryNot
content with legalizing Slavery in the
Territories, Mr. Hayly assumes th it the Territorial
Legislatures are restrained from abolishing
it. Listen:
"The New Mexican bill not only recognises
the Itgdity of slavery within the Territory, hut
it contains clauses which will restrain the Territorial
Legislature from abolishing it They are
in the one declaring that the <|iie?llon is to tie
decided by the people when they form a State
Constitution, and of course not before; and in
the other iu these words: 'No citizen of the
United Suites shall be deprived of his life, liberty.
or property in said Territory, except by the
judgment of his peers and the laws of the land.' "
The bill, as originally reported in the Senate,
prohibited the Territorial Legislature Iroui passing
any law respecting Slavery. It was then
amended so as to prohibit the Legislature from
passing any law establishing or abolishing Slavery.
Finally, the entire provision on this point
was stricken out, expressly at the instance and |
to meet the views of the ('ass Democrats who j
wished to vote for the hill, and whose doctrine
was that the people of a Territory have the right 1
to legislate for themselves on the subject, lu the '
face of this. Mr llayly has the hardihood to contend
that the Territorial Legislature is restrained
j from abolishing Slavery, should it by any means
| obtain foothold there. And on what ground 1 I
Itecausc he says the bill coutains a clause providing
that the question is to be decided by the Peo- :
pie when they come to form a State Constitution ; |
and another provision, that no citizen hKill be
deprived of his life liberty, or property, except
by the judgment of his peers and the laws of the
land. The last named provision, so far as it relates
to property, of course applies only to what
i. i>iOj-rli/ in th T'rritofus. lU'fore the provision
can be held to apply to slaves, they must be docided
to be property un ler the luws of the Territory.
As to the other provision, in which he preteuds
to find a restriction on the Territorial Legislature,
it is misquoted. The clause referred to
provides that'' whrn admitted as a State, the said
Territory, or on1/ portion 0/ th> ww, shall be received
iuto the Union, noli or nuhont Shuny, us j
WASHINGTON, D. C
their Constitution may prescribe at the time of their (
admission." 1
Clearly there is nothing in this to restrain the
Territorial Legislature from prohibiting Slavery. 1
It might do ho, bat its action could impose no ob- '
ligation on the (Convention called to form a State '
Constitution although doubtless it would help it 1
to a right decision 1
TheviewsofMr I'.ayly will meet with no favor '
at the North, and bis reasoning will be consid- '
ered futile; but it is well to kuow that he and '
the large body of slaveholders with whom he acts, '
claim a victory iu the passage of the Territorial 1
bills without the Proviso, assuming that they "
have legalized slavery in New Mexico and Utah. '
The question is not, therefore, settled. It is
transferred temporarily from Congress to the (
Federal Executive and the Courts established by '
it in the Territories That the slaveholders will '
attempt to act upon the theory advocated by Mr '
D?1" ?> r.?>U .tniiht Hplievincr. or as. '
suming to believe, that Slavery in legalized in '
Utah and .New Mexico, they will undertake '
to exercise its prerogative there, and unless a 1
vigilant and nn energetic l'uhlic Sentiment in
the Free States infuse vitality into the Federal '
Executive, and the Federal Courts and officers
in the Territories, they will be likely to execute
their purpose.
fur the National Kra.
Mtnnnc. ?
HY WINS NKKHK CAKKY. f
Where the blossom* cunningly
Weave their ?nft embroidery,
Tapestry, m wt fair and meet, I
Spreading u'er my pleasant seat? ,
(>, my lover, tart nnd dear, I
I am cine to meet thee here.
Kver since sweet eye* of thine,
llark'niug, failing, answered mineSince
my clinging kisses fed
< >n the white lip* ot the dead? i
0, my friend, my lover yet, I
Nightly have our spirit*met. ,
I can see the eve star's blaze J
hallinv through 'he western haze, I
Parting evening's snowy mist, r
From the walls of amethyat?
O my lover. O, my friend, 1
Wherefore 'lust thou nut descend ' t
Walking on the hills of Mowers
Th >u hast counted not the hours h
1, with but on^hope all day, ^
siw CITCIU }masrritg wtanVj? J1
Thou the (tret hast l>r<ikeu faith. . '
y "* K-'h " ?'i 'V"je J
Since it clung in dc if h to thine, |
Never since thine own was still it V
Mortal tongue my heart hsth thnlleJ? o
Faithless unto thee in naught, I
Never swerving.e'en in thought.
C
Only mused I yesterday ^
< If a kind face far aw ly?
One, should this sweet commune end.
That would ais be brother friend?
One who might bare been my guide ti
Hadst thou never tired ani died. O
Thiacould never break the spell 'I
Which has bound our hearts so well, S:
False it was tu t, was not sin, f(
Thit I thought what might have been? ^
O, my lover, O, mine own,
Wherefore do [ wait alone I ''
?- 0
a PRimr. ci
" The National Era and other Abolition papers, ^
ise as a pretext for their opposing the Fugitive
Slave law, the fact that the slave is denied the e
ight of jury trial in the State where he may be
ippreheuded ; but they forget to mention that b<
te can have a fair trial in the State from which a,
ie absconded When a criminal escapes from
iue State to another the requisition of the Gov rnor
ivf the Nfnfp from which tip nt,Mc.onilpil C
>rings him hick for trial, and there is no com- (1
ilaint of hardship Hut if n slave escape, it is g
nsisted that he shall not be returned to bis owuer ^
intil after having been pronounced a fugitive by
i jury in the State to which he has tied. It is well '
;nown, that to grant a trial as required by the b
ibolitionists, would be equivalent to nullifying f(
he act of Congress No owner would ever re- C(
over his property."?Baltimore ClijrjK-.r. ^
In reference to the supposed analogy between
he return of an alleged slave and that of an al- J
c
eged criminal, Mr. Ashmun of Massachusetts
lertinently remarked that crime should be tried ^
n the place where it is committed, but the title .
o property in the place where it is contested
rhe offender against the laws of one State, re- ^
urned by another, is, in the first place, sure of (
\ trial, which shall result in a decision one way
ir the other; and in the second place, as sure
>f as fair a trial in the State from which he
c
led as in that to which he tied. The testimony
f his guilt or innocence is more readily accessiile
in the place where the offence is alleged to
nive been committed. Besides, no State has a
ight to try a man for an offence against the laws
f another. Therefore, the fugitive criminal is r
iroperly delivered up to the State against which
ie has offended
But, when a person in a free Stite is claimed (
s a fugitive slave, suppose he assert his title to j
reedom. The jneaumjitwii in a free State is. that
very person within its limits is free, and the J
>tate is bouud to extend its protection to every
>erson under its sovereignty. This conflict of
ilaims is therefore a proper subject for legal ^
nvestigation according to the ordinary forms of j
aw, wherever it is raised. The claimant may
lrgo that the alleged fugitive can have a fair
irial in the State to which he would carry him;
he person claimed may reply that the claim- 8
int may have a fair hearing iu the State where
ie makes his claim But the claimant may be ^
lubjected by this course to injurious delay and
expense! and might not the claimed, by an opposite
course, be also subjected to injurious delay 8
ind expense? If difficult for one to produce the "
accessary proof of claim before a jury in the State f
where the arrest is nude, it may be just as ditlijult
for the other to produce the necessary proof
if title to freedom before a jury in the State to
which he may be conveyed It is far easier to j"
ustitute a claim to the s< rviecs of an alleged fu- '
jitive, aud carry it through, than to bring suit i ?
for freedom and succeed. The claimant gener- '
ally has means aud friends, and the law asadmin- '
istcred in this country favors him. The person *
. . .... . ' I c
-lanueil is i_y without moons, without elli- I
'iont friends, tiu<! the law does not favor him l
We know something hy experience of the diflitulty
of reinstating a freeman onee subjected to ,
windage, in the poneeeaion of hie rights. For
)ne year, we have heen liboring to recover hy I
oiit before u Marylaud court the freedom of three
persons, fraudulently deprived of their liberties.
It has cost us much time, anxiety, and
money, an 1 up to this moment, we have not suc eeded
in procuring a decision, though we trust
we sli til do so ere long Without the intervention
of some active friend, the freeman of the
North, surrendered as a slave to the South, would
icarcely be ahle to bring his title before a legal
tribunal. He is ignorint? knows nothing of
legal proceas?is probably sent to a plantation
where he seldom sees the face of a white man? "
iltd his master's interest is in the way of the assertion
of his title. And yet. we are told that
he can have a fair trial. Aye?had he money
0 pay counsel, and friends to stimulate their if- '
oris and hunt up evidence, so that his ease could ^
>nce be got fairly before a Court, we have little
loubt then that the trial woul I be a fair one. It '
s easy enough for the claimant to act. If his '
1 tint be valid, the evidence will cost hiiu nothing '
md nobody can prevent or delay his obtaining 1
t; he can have a warrant issued an arrest ma le, f
md trial ordered just whenever it may suit him '
And na for the pretence that. if hin claim l>e sub- '
uittptl to a jury io ft free Stale, he could never
rescue the fugitive, it is groundless It is a fact i
hat. tnen sit ou juries and render against a pria- *
>nera verdict of murder, though they believe c?|i- ;
tal punishment is wrong They assert that this is <
i-ntirely consistent, as it is their business alone to r
leteriniue the facts?for the penalty they are not '
responsible. This kiud of ethics does not commend
itself to our judgment or conscience, but it (
is a prevalent belief that men on a jury may eon- j
listently render ft verdict, as to the nature of an t
OCTOBER 17, 186
ifl'ence, though they may condemn the penalty
which the law affixes to it
So, there are plenty of citizens of the North
who would give an impartial hearing to the claim
>f a slaveholder, and, if the evidence satisfied
hem that the alleged fugitive was one within the
neaning of the Constitution and the Law, render
? verdict accordingly, holding themselves guineas
of the provision under which he is carried
Jack into sluvery. We state a fact, and so long
is such au opinion shall he prevalent, we repeat,
he slaveholder would he just as certain of a fair
rial of his claim before a jury in a free Stute, as
i freeman unjustly held in bondage would be of
lis title to freedom before a jury in a Blave State
As it is, every arrest of a fugitive will create
leep excitement; every act of delivery will deep>n
the hostility of the North agiinst Slavery.
Its citizens will learn to associate it with everyhing
that is hateful?with the suppression of the
reedotn of speech and the press?with the ahridgnent
of the right of petition?with the uhrogaion
of the jury trial, the habeas cofpus, of the
'ight of appeal, of the responsibility of judges?
with the overthrow of every bulwark of State
Sovereignty and Personal flights.
ELETTIOX I.\ OHIO - POLITICAL SPECULATIIIAi.
I he result of the election in Ohio is not noavv>rah\e
to fhe cause of Kree Soil. Kben New
on, from the^iuth district, and L I). Campbell,
rom the Wd, both Free-Soil Whigs, are elected
Samuel Galloway, Free-Soil Whig, came very
icar beating Sweetser in the 10th district. J.
1 Giddings of course is nfleeted. N. S. Towntend,
the candidate of the Old Line and Free
Democracy of the Vlst district, one of the earliest
\bolitionists of Ohio, and a man of great firmiess
and efficiency, is elected. Mr. Cable, Demorat,
whose course on the Slavery Guestion durugthe
last session was entirely unexceptionable to
he friends of freedom, is reelected. Mr. Carter,
vho recorded his vote in favor of the Wilmot
'roviso, against the Texan Boundary bill, and
he " Fugacious Slave bill," is also returned
l'he delegation for the next Congress, on all
luestions of Human Rights, has a better aspect
han the present delegation from Ohio.
The Whigs have made such gains in the State
s insures their ascendency in the Legislature, or
ecures the balance of power to the Free-Soilers?
ve hope the last. In either case, Mr. Allen is
aid upon the shelf. Mr. Chase will be likely to
lave a colleague who, whatever other differences
sL.ors. vl-J. il reaper the
ery Question These results in Ohio are chiefly
wing to the debilitating influence of Cassism on
he Democracy of that State. Under such an inubus
they never can put forth their whole eneries.
Lukewarmness and disaffection there must
e Ilunkerism. in the result of the election in
liiio, may read its f,.te in 1S52, should it be able
) force a Presidential candidate of its own bratid
n the Democratic party?provided always that
be Whig party do not become subjugated by the
ime influence. With the exception of three or
)ur, the Democratic members from Ohio bent
be Wnee to the Slave Power, while but one Whig
pom that State recorded his name in favor of the
bnoxious measures of the session. Our Demo
ratic friends ought to have learned by the elecon
cf 1S48, that honesty is the best policy. Peraps
the election in Ohio may be useful in dcepning
this lesson upon their minds and hearts.
In Pennsylvania, the Democrats have made
mie gain, but this is not at all surprising. There,
s in Ohio, we presume that, in ordinary times,
ndisturbed by new issues, there is a real Demoratic
majority. As the Whig members from
thio better represented in Congress the Freeoil
sentiment of that State than the Democratic
lembers, that majority is, as we see, overcome;
if in IbnnBvlvunin iirrmncr wlinfcp Whicr mem.
ers there were several notable instances of de ction
from Free-Soil sentiment, during the late
ontroversies in Congress, the Whigs had no
'ree-Soil capital to expend in maintaining a maority
that hud been obtained by the use of such
:apitul, and through General Taylor's popularity
The seceding Whigs of New York would do
veil to ponder these things. We speak as one,
ndependent of all party organization. What our
principles and sympathies arc, all our readers
enow ; our political philosophy is certainly th it
if the Democratic School; but, as between the
wo organiz itions, we think we can judge imparially,
and no organiz itiou which betrays the
;ause of Human Rights, or seeks to subordinate
t to questions of financial policy or political
conorny, no matter how grave they may be, shall
ind excuse with us.
We say, then, that, should the seceding Whigs
if New York carry the day against their brethen.
and exclude from their party the grand Idea
f Human Rights, the National Whig Convenion
of IN.?.' will enact the part of the Democratic
convention of 1M^, and with similar results,
'asten the dead body of I lunkeristn to the Whig
arty, and even Cass might hope to ride over it.
n a fair tight, Progressive Democracy will be
pt to carry the d ty against Progressive Whigism,
s Hunker Democracy will be sure to beat Hunker
iVhigism. Hut, ally Whigism with the cause of
'regress, and clog Democracy with Conservatism.
,nd the latter must bite the dust. Let the counels
of Duer & Co. prevail, let the star of Webter
gain the ascendant, and the electoral ticket
f New York in lw"?2 is Democratic.
AlU nuuv^ci UI'U I-H vunn II ilicrm #.t*u ?11
ovingly with Messrs. Clay and Webster. He
;new that there was no hope forCass Democracy
o loug us the Whig party' at the North should
uaintain its fidelity to the VVi 1 mot Proviso. ()cupying
that position, it would attract much of
he materials which would otherwise be deposited
u the Democratic party, while this party would
ind itself unable to establish the necessary coheiou
among its members to secure the ascendency,
bit, when Webster and Clay adopted his ground
f Non-iuterveution, he saw at once the advantage
t promised. Hoth parties standing on the same
il itform in relation to slavery, their strength
rould be tried on the old issues; and, when the
ontcst should lie between Monopoly and Antiktonopoly,
between Protection ami Free Trade,
letw cn the claims of some Manufacturers and
hose of the Planting and Agricultural Inter sts.
the General anticipated an easy victory.
The mystery of his temporary confraternity
virh those eminent Whigs is then explained. We
sere not surprised at thecompliments he lavished
ipon thern : and when a few days since in New
i'ork. w ith a heart gushing with emotion, he styled
Mr. ('lav, " the noble " and Mr. Webster, " the
tigantic.' and I'ennett's Herald, "the national
tnd patriotic who shall sty that a bright vision
>f the Presidency in is VJ, and a sudden appreciaion
of the useful labors of that illustrious trio in
treparing his w ty to that high elevation, tliil not
atenrfiy his patrioticidalntioiof Ihfir|Mm*
crrices '
\K\V MKXIfO.
New Mexico has h population Urge enough to
orni ik State. The great majority of her citizen*
live decided in furor of a State Government,
riiey h ive formed a State Constitution and sent
liiher their Uepresentatires and Senator*, who
ntimate a purpose to continue their application
or h<r admission into the Union. In fivor of
hia measure resolutions were passed by the late
it.ite Whig Contention of Massachu-ett*. and
re know of no reason that can be urged against
t. except the necetu>ity of keeping New Mexico
n a Territorial condition, so that the propagandas
of Slavery may hare a chance of trying the
ixperiment of slave labor on ita soil.
Much haa been suid about the Executive intlu nce
brought to bear in faror of a State Governnent.
The Washington I'man. a few days since
emarked?
" Scarcely was the new President (General
Pay lor) installed, when it became known that the
Commissioner of Texas, sent to organise counties
u the Santa Fe country, had been foiled by the
roups of the United States, and that the military
0.
commandant, acting under instructions from Mr.
Crawford, had set on foot a movement for forming
a State Government in the territory claimed
by Texas."
Major Weightman, sent to Washington by the
People of New Mexico, with their State Constitution,
denies, in a subsequent number of the
U'lton, the truth of these allegations. lie says
that the State movement was set on foot by sixteen
civilian?, citiiens of the United States, some
of American, some of Mexican blood, some
Democrats, some Whig?; some from the Northern,
some from the Southern States that it was
strenuously opposed by the officers and subordinates
of the Government under the control of
the military commander, whose action was entirely
adverse to the etforts of the State party
Mr. Weightman speaks in strong terms of the in
tlueuces against which this party hail to contend
44 The full extent, of the power to control and j
injure, which this unrestrained and organized
band of office-holders wielded, can only be entirely
understood whi n it is known that the military
commander held to no hccouotubility civil
officers charged with assaults upon the religion of
the country and embezzlement of the public funds
44 The influence of the quartermaster's department
in the late elec'ious was by no means an
inconsiderable one. With its army of employees,
with its contracts to let, with its agencies to purchase
the entire surplus of the corn and forage of
the country, and with its easy meaus of communication
by express at Government expense, it
proved itself very formidable : and this influence,
with some honorable exceptions, was thrown
against the State party.
'4 This web of influence, extending to the frontiers
of New Mexico, was, like the other, organized,
and like it, also, easily managed from the
centre ; and the managers of both webs were acting
in concert, and, as has already been told,
agaimt thr. Stair parti/.
44 Nor is this all In the first days of February
of this year, the Government printing pree", the
only available one in the country, was sold, and
fell into the hands of the Territorial party Being
owned by an army sutler and contractor, and
oHitoH Kv tl.u ?Vw. ? ill.
. j -? j? H"*"
ernment and the chief clerk of the quartermaster,
all communications of the State party were excluded
from the columns of their paper. They
refused to print ballots for the State party, who
were obliged to write tickets (the election being
held by ballot) to the number of fifteen or twenty
thousand."
Against all this opposition the State party at
the late election triumphed in every couuty but
one, thereby showing how strong was the popular
sentiment in favor of the organizition of a State
Government That New Mexico will withdraw
her application for admission as a State, is not
therefore probable. Mr. Weightman, in the following
paragraphs, we presume, declares her deliberate
pvpoae -H. * ~
" The difficult boundary question will, it is
confidently expected, soon be settled by the assent
of Texas; and, the boundary difficulty at rest.
New Mexico stands in the same attitude as California
did previous to her admission, and in the
same attitude of Michigan previous to her admission,
nnd ofttr t'.e adjustment of her boundary
difficulties with Ohio and Indiana.
"N> w Mexico asks for no more than justice.
She asks it of all parties and all sections. She
comes here unconnected with any party or any
section. Of her delegation two are Democrats,
and one Whig?two Southern and one Northern
horn. She appeals to the whole United States,
and claims as a rigA/, if her Constitution is republican,
to be admitted to the enjoyment of all
the blessings of liberty."
TilK DESPOTISM OF SLAVERY.
We had occasion to comment lately upon the
bondage imposed by the Slave Power upon the
white race in the South?referring to a recent attempt
by the people of Kufaula, Alabama, to eject
one of their own citizens, not because he was un
abolitionist, but because he was a subscriber to
the National Kra, in which wc had published an
extract of a letter received from him, (but not
intemle'1 for publication.) speaking of the injurious
effects of slavery on the white population.
The sentiments were truthful, but moderate ; the
language was kind and unexceptionable, and it
was written by a man born and raised in the
South. But Slavery took offence and demanded
his expulsion.
The principal mischief-maker in the case was
the postmaster at Eufaula. He wrote us a note,
stating that he had refused to deliver the copy of
the Em, sent to the subscriber referred to, and
that he would not deliver that or any other incendiary
sheet. I !e appropriated the copy of the paper
addressed to the subscriber, and was careful, we
suppose, to hand it about town for the purpose of
showing his own extraordinary patriotism, and
the imminent peril that threatened the town of
Eufaula. Ere this, we presume, he has received
official notification of the expediency of complying
with his oath of office. But what an illustration
have we, in the insolent tyranny of this postmaster,
and in the insensate violence of the good
people of Eufaula, of the despotism of Slavery
over the white community !
A short time after this we observe,! n l,r..tnl
paragraph in acme paper in the 1 far South," announcing
that several abolitionists were known
to be living in a certain neighborhood, and invoking
popular violeuce to "move them." Who
were these abolitionists ? What was their crime?
What trespass had they been committing? Were
they to be lynched because they believed slavery
tobe an evil institution? Is it the intention of
Slaveholding fanatics to drive every man from the
.South who does not think slavery the best condition
of the laborer ?
The mob at Macon, which suppressed a respectable
newspaper because it published a letter
from a Georgian at Atalanta, commenting in indignant
terms on the sluve pen at that place
was another painful illustration of the intole
ranee of the Slave Power. We had hoped that
this despotism was confined to the planting States
but an iustauce of mean tyranny on the part of a
postmaster in Virginia, acting under the instigation
of some busybody, has lately come to our
knowledge. A citizen of this place, with a slave
attendant, was spending a few months on pleasure
at Shanoudale, uear Ch irlestown post office. She
had been in the habit of reading the Em and the
Pittsburgh Stitiirilniy VtM'er, and they were ordered
to be addressed to her at that post office. The
postmaster, incited by the busybody abovenientioned,
took the liberty of breaking onen the na
pers. and the further liberty of withholding them
from the 1 idy to whom they belonged. She remonstrated
; find the f)epartment at Washington h:?v_
ing boen apprised of the culpable conduct of th?
deputy nt Cburlestown. directed him to deliver
promptly the papers, according to law. to the per
son to whom they were addressed. She remained
there several weeks after this order w ts sent, hut
uo papers were ever given to her. The postmaster
refused to discharge the duty he had sworn to
perform, and which had been enjoined upon him
expressly by the Department.
This is freedom in a Slave State?to be at the
uiercy of every village postmaster, who may dictate
to you, at his own sovereign will and pleasure,
what you shall, and shall not, real.
la glunring our eye along the columns of the
Greenborough (N C) Patriot, a few days since
we noticed <juite a remarkable communication from
a clergyman The design of it was to arouse
the indiguation of the community agaimt two
preachers of the Wesleyan denomination, named
Crocks and Mcllride Their clerical brother
charged them with being abolitionists?the
preachers of seditious doctrines?and he labored
hard to awaken the mob spirit against them lie
undertook to give '-the substance'' of a sermon by
one of them, as follows
41 The speaker then took his text in John's Gospel,
i:ith chap and 17th verse? // y> know these
ihutgs, happy are ye if y do th. m'' From these
words the speaker attemptel to show the difference
between true and false religion, sjmrio'is and
false comer una.
In true religion?I. There must be kuowledge?
I Knowledge of God?J Of Christ?Of the
Scriptures?1 Of ourselves II. In true religion
there must be ob>:du?ct. On this point the speaker
c?me out fully on the doctrines of Abolition. He
was as strong and iiwrnluiry in his denunciations
of owners of servants as G iddings. Smith, Thompson,
or the far-famed Douglass lie said there
were many men. and among them men of learning,
Dot to as ok Diviniiy, who profenaed to preach
the gospel, and a free ealvation, who were all
VOL. IV.
hypocritioal, insinoere, and wicked?holding men
and women in bondage, contrary to the gospel
which they hypocritically preached, and their
h iuds were full of blood, whose end was eternal
d -ath, if they repented not of their cruel deeds of
oppression, and disobedience to the gospel, which
they knowingly perverted He then went on to
show the injustice of withholding the Scriptures
from servants, and refusing to teach them to reaci
the knrbori'y of the laws of the State of North
Carolina on this subject. And then, again, in one
sentence, sent the whole Sot thlrn Chi: ecu to
hell?declaring it impossible for them to be saved
The above, and such like denunciations, he said
he felt it his bounden duty to make, regardless of
men, or of human laws and institutions to the
contrary?and that he was not afraid to declare
the truth which he was commissioned to declare
I do not profess to give the precise language in
which the sentiments were uttered, but the suh.
stance."
This must strike every candid mind, as a
ciricature. The reverend brother then proceed,
to make the most inflammatory appeals to the peo
pie, in the course of which, he says:
" Let me state further, that at the close of the
service, one of them made an appointment to bol l
a camr meeting in the northern part of Guilford
ounty, 1 think at a place called Sandy Ridge?
to enlighten the citizens of Guilford, and especially
imc wuriuj i>Ah.Mi'>. * iuivi ny CinzetlH
J imestown that several servants hail hern so'd in
their vicinity for insubordination to their nnsti r?
and while there on last Saturday afternoon, I took
up your last issue. Mr. Editor, in which I saw ?
reward of $-'tflO, offered by Dr. J. A. Mehme. for
three runaway slaves?three, if my memory j<
correct. After hearing the sermon on Sunday
niy impression is, if the Pr will go to McUriJe
and Crooks and give them the published fee.th?y
cat, if they will, tell him the whereabouts of hi*
servants And the citizens of Greensborough ami
Guilford need not be surprised, if these misguided
scamps are permitted to go st large, and prowl
Hhout their churches, plantations, ami highway*
and converse with, preach to, and baptize the
children of their servants, if one half of them ire
on their way to Ohio before Christmas. Wake
np, gentlemen, and look around you. Your wives
and your children are in jeopardy, and your own
quiet resting places may become scenes of horror
In the next number of the Patriot appears an
article from Mr. McRride, contradicting in whole
and in part the caricatured report of his sermon
given by Mr. Montgomery, (bisreverend accuser
and denying several gross imputations made
against him; aud his article is endorsed by two
citizens of Jamestown, as follows
" This is to certify that we heatd fhe sermon
to which reference is made in the above letterthat
the corrections as made by J. McBride, t.
the best of our recollections, are true?that we
h . >?rts;**ntly heard these men. Crooks an I MrBride,
express the sentiments expressed in the
above communication with reference to insurreetion,
amalgamation, kc. Ahki, Gakdnkk,
u t Jkssk M.
The Greensborough Patriot says that they are
" known and respectable names."
Such is but a specimen of the movements on
foot in the South to suppress all freedom of opin
ion, all liberty of speech, on the subject of Slavery
They arc disgraceful to any community that tub
erates them. How a high-spirited people, with a
grain of self-respect, can submit to such outrage;
upon a great popular right, is a mystery to u?
i uc tiuiu is. mere can lie uu rem ireeuom ror anybody,
where the capital invested in slaves control!,
the social system. It will not permit its claims to
be questioned.
CAPTAIN ELISHA BETTS.
We lately copied from the ISoutlinrn Press a:,
account of a meeting in Kufaula, Alabama, of which
General Hunter was President, called to take
measures for the expulsion of Captain Elisha
iletts. an old man. a native of the South, who ha 1
seen proper to become a subscriber to the Natural
Em.
In 1837, the Captain volunteer! his services
in the Indian war, when many younger citizens
of Eufaula remained at home insecurity. o? t;?
'?.,4<th of January, the detachment to which be Vlonged
fell in with a baud of Indians, gt*^
superior in numerical force, and, after a sharp
action of half an hour, was ordered to retreat. The
horse of Captain lletts having received two ee
vere wounds, he was exposed to much peril from i
the hot pursuit of the savages lie soon overtook I
James Hunter, a fiu" young man, whose horse
hal been shot un>ler hiin, and, although his own
horse was bleeding profusely, almost exhausted
took him up behind, and succeeded in saving hitr
from the vengeance of the savages. This sime
Hunter was the son of the Chairman of the meeting
that resolved to exile the Captain from Lis
county
Captain Letts is not an Abolitionist, but he is
not a supporter of slavery. He did not know that
the National Era was an " Abolition paper," nor
with his niisappreheusion of Abolition, did be re
gard it us such. He understood that it w is oj
posed Yo Slavery, opposed to its extension, and
discussed the ijuestion freely; and for this reo
son, he wished to have the privilege of reading it
We understand that the illegal decree of the
meeting has been carried into effect, and he hu*
been compelled to leave the neighborhood in which
he has so long resided, and w hich ho risked his
life to protect against the Indians.
Lately, wc have received from him a counnu
nication, in which he says?
" In the first place, I am opposed to extreme
measures both North and South I was, and am
still, in favor of Clay's Compromise. I think the
nhras, both North and South, have done MostClay,
Cass, and Webster, ami those who aetf
with them, great injustice.
" I consider the course of the Compromise or
pence party in Congresses beiug patriotic mil
statesmanlike, for whose exertions every pair
and lover of this Union should feel profound
grateful.
"1 ain a Whig. I supported the election o(
Taylor anil Fillmore, and I supported Mr 11
lmrd against Pew. 1 atn warmly in favor of preserving
our present United Slates Constitutor
and Government. I am utterly oppose 1 to the
present movements for secession, disunion, reht
lion, and a Southern Confederacy. I am no Abolitionist.
I do not want the slaves in the Southern
States interfered with, either by individml'
societies, or by Congress It is. because I am n'
a disunionist that I am thus proscribed. Noon'
who knows me believes me capable of coniuiittii {
an incendiary act.
(l In conclusion, I have to request you to
li-h this imperfect defence; 1 feel that 1 am unable
to defend myself against the grave and important
charge which has been made against nie
If taking the Natiinnl Etti, or writing the letter
is an incendiary act, I was, and still am, ignore
of it ; and 1 still hope the public will acquit n
of any such crime, committ ed either intentions
or unintentionally Thus you will perceive ik
I am driven from my home unprovided for, by
ruthless moh. and I received a letter the othk '
'My from a IHttf saying that it will h? nM
for rue to return home yet.
" ki.isha iu it".
J V 'he 8oulkt.ru Pr-ss is requested to puhf.the
foregoing.
THE PRISONERS IV WASHINGTON.
I w;> yeirs an I six months since, Captain H
liim Mraper and Captain K lward Sears wereii
prisoned in the City Prison of Washington.' r
aiding in the escape of seventy slaves from t'
Histrict of Columbia. We are informed hy
gentleman who has visited them every werk si:
their confinement, that they are now in deep p '
erty, and have sntfered and will sutler for
clothing and other comforts c unmon to all in
couutry, unless relieved by the contribution^
those who are in possession of the liberty*'1'
are deprived of. and whose efforts to provide
themselves has been blessed of God with abut'
ance. At his request, and with great pleasure
call the attention of our readers to the uece?>of
these prisoners, both of whom are worth)
their aid and sympathy; and any contribute
sent to us, shall be carefully devoted to the re
of their wanu.
" Tiik Chsonotyfk "?Klixur Wright has r
vived his Chronotype, daily and weekly. ?'
sparkles just as it used to do. I lis ability is
luestionable, his independence unmistak
politics are liberal, his morals good, but hi* '
?'?K7 g00<l 'of nothing?or wore#. Though
can never be anything else but Wr
sure to be almost always u tou in that line
Massai mi'ski is ?'The Free-Soilers su I '
Fooos of Middlesex have coalesced and nomin*
a mixed ticket for Slate Senators.
J