The national era. [volume], November 21, 1850, Page 186, Image 2

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THE NATIONAL ERA.
WASHINGTON, NOVEMBER 21, 1850.
Cy The subscribers to the Kra in (,'ineinnnti, as their
terms expire, will l>e called upon by our Agent, Mr. Jobti
hirmau, to whom they will make payments, mcluitme post
< as he settles the postage bills fur all the packages of
the Kra sent to that place. The arrangements we hare
inaile there for the delivery of the paper have pot an end to
the complaints wi'h which we were funnerly troubled,
and making the cost of the pater to the subscriber* uo
greater than before, are very generally acceptable to our
patrons. We hope to have an increase in our list in that
place for the next volume.
? - ?
SCHEMES IN REGARD Til PCGITIVES-VARIOIS
\in\N rKEXE.VlEI).
We have denounced the Fugitive Bill as a Disunion
measure. It was originated by men in
favor of a dissolution of the Union, who declared,
while urging the bill, that they did not believe
it would be efficacious, and stubbornly resisted all
attempts to make it less odious to the People of
the free States. They knew that it would exasperate
the North, and cause disaffection to the
Union in that section, and that its failure to be
carried out would increase the irritation of the
South, and dispose it to look more favorably on
their disorganizing schemes. Had they aimed
alone at providing the best means for the reclamation
of slaves, they would have modified the
bill so as to make it at least tolerable to the
North. Sagacious legislators, in attempting to
secure a certain object,.will be careful to consult
the state of public sentiment, framing their measures
so that, if they cannot secure its active support,
they may at least evade its aciivc opposition
We cannot better expose the use the Disunionistfl
are aiming to make of this miserable law,
than by copying the following article from the
Charleston Mercury. To rend the North and destroy
the Union are the objects boldly avowed .
TO TI1ESLAVE OWNERS OF THE SOIT1I.
" ' ortiter in re funnier in mo<to.'
If it bp true that thirty thousand fugitive
slaves are in the non-slaveholding States, there
canuot be much difficulty in applying the provisions
of the Fugitive Slave Act of Congress, in a
sufficient number of cases, to test effectually the
force of the Federal ^Government, in every antislavery
State in the Union The following suggestions
are respectfully submitted:
* i. J/t each Southern State tbt*sevnij district
Southern Rights Associations may combine, by
constituting a general committee for each State.
u'.i. Every slave owner from whom any slaves,
have run vway Vfcv. years, should'
report their names and descriptions of their personal
appearance, together with any information
which might aid in the discovery of their present
location.
"a. These reports should be laid before the
general committee of the State.
" 4. F.ach general State Committee should appoint
an agent, with instructions to tr.ivel through
the non-slaveholding States, and collect all the
information, to bo there found, concerning the
fugitive slaves. Reports showing their names,
personal appearance, location, and history, should
be made by these agents to the general Committees
appointing them.
" 5. Ry comparing the reports of the owners
with those of the agents, many fugitive slaves
would soonbe identified, aud their owners, advised
and aided by the Associations, could proceed to
reclaim them according to the forms of the act of
Congress.
' <>. The enforcement of this law, with the restoration
of Southern property, or the rending of !
society at the North, by the persevering resolu- j
tion to test the strength of the United States
tjovernment in a conflict with fanaticism, is an
alternative worthy of those who associate for the
protection of Southern rights.
"7. Whenever the issue is made, those who
have an interest in the preservation of property,
by the maintenance of law, will have to defend
proi-j'ty in slavery, or abandon the law and peril
their owe security.
Fmtion and insurrection will probably
compter the Federal Government, whose officers,
from President Fillmore and his Unhinct to the
United States Marshal of New York, are shrinking
from their sworn duty; and the impotence of
the Union, except against ihe South, will lie tnuniTested.
"9. The aeltish politieans and their parties,
who have coaxed and patted Abolitionists for
their votes, will find, like Actteou, the dogs at
their own throats.
"10. Seward and Hale must either lead the
revolution, or be its victims Anti-slavery, being
only the present war cry of the party opposed to
law and social order, will be forgotten when once
disorder and the reign of terror begins.
"II. From the North will come disunion and
civil war, and the people of Massachusetts and
New York, who scoff at the State sovereignty.
must have the insurrectionary Government of
triumphant mobs.
" 12. Against those will 'the Star Spangled
Manner of the Union' in Southern hands be waved,
sustained by tho cannon and the sword; or
far from their intestine anarchy and civil broils,
/ill the South pursue the prosperous path of
peace, under the (lag which will float over their
' glorious Union.' Snrio."
All this is simply diabolical. South Carolina is
no further concerned in this business, than as she
may wish to exasperate the two sections of the
country against each other. The truth is, in the
South generally, the Fugitive Slave Uuestion is
agitated more for political effect, than because the
loss of slaves is greatly cared for. Tho fugitives
who by their own elforts escape from bondage,
would prove agitators of the most dangerous kind,
if caught and taken back. Men who have once
realized what it is to be free, if reduced again to
slavery, will constitute elements of discontent and
rebellion in the slave population The slaveholders
must know this.
Again there are thousands of runaways at this
time in the slave StateH. How many are haunting
tho Dismal Swamp, and tho bayous about
New Orleans, and deserted plantations all through
the South! Why is not agitation got up about
them? Why do not the slaveholders complaiu
of the indifference with which the People of the
South reganl their slave hunts? Southern gentlemen
arc not accustomed to volunteer or yield
their services as slave-catchers. They are almost
as passive as the People of the North when slave
hunters arc on foot, almost aa little disposed to
join in the hue ami cry.
It is extreme folly to legislate against Public
Sentiment, or much ahead of it. That which gives
Law its vitality, especially in this country, is
public opinion. I'.ven legislation for good objects
lias been fcund fruitless, when too far in advance
of the Sentiment of the People on whom it has to
operate. Much less can laws accomplish their
object, when it is one repugnant to every instinct
of the Public Mind. Lawyers may prove them
constitutional; the judges may deliver solemn
charges against disobedience to them ; ministerial
and executive otlicers may all he prepared to enforce
them?but everything will be opt to fail of
success. To nullify them practically, it is not
necessary forcibly to resist them, or to raise mobs
ugainst their enforcement. Simple passive nonconformity
will render them impotent. You cannot
force People anywhere, North or South, to
catch runaway slaves; and until you enn convince
tho slaveholder himself that to run away front
bondage is a crime, you never can remedy the
evil of which they complain In the case of fugitives
front justice, every man who desires to see
his property and family secure, and hates crime,
is interested in exposing the criminal to detection
and seizure. NoBueh motives operate in the case
of fugitive slaves. Public feetiug is never against
them?the general sympathy is always with them.
This cannot he helped. 11untan legislation can
not change the heart ? cannot awaken sympathy
with Slavery or abhorrence of Liberty. The running
away of slaves is then an unavoidable " evil''
in a slave country, because a necessary incident
of the system of slavery When men's laws are
ugainst Nature, they must not complain if sometimes
Nature's laws assert their supremacy.
Certainly such considerations must have determined
the phraseology of that clause of the
Constitution, so often quoted, in regard to the
reclamation of fugitives from service or labor. No
active duty is imposed upon the States Simple
neutrality is required, as between the Slave and
Slave Claimant. The language is unmistakable
" No person held to service or labor in one
State, under the laws thereof, escaping into auotbrr,
shall, in consequence of any law or regulation
therein, be discharged from such servict or
k \ v \
A ? THl
labor, but shall be delivered up. on claim of the
partj to whom such service or labor may be due."
We said that no duty was required by the Constitution
from the State in which a fugitive is
found, except that of simple neutrality ; and, in
the light of the clause just quoted, we now add,
this duty isruther implied than declared It was
held by ciniueut jurists, for many years, that the
duty of delivering up a fugitive was imposed on
the States, nut that It was for them to make suitable
provision for the surrender. But the Supreme
Court in the I'rigg case decided otherwise.
It held that the States hail no right to pass laws
j to carry out this clause of the Constitution, but
that the power to do soresidvl exclusively in
Congress. This decision left thi States positively
nothing to do; and as Congress cannot go beyond
the Constitution, any law it 'aaT pass requiring
the citizens of the State*, to interpose
directly or indirectly in exposing, .'.rresting. or
delivering up fugitive slaves, is extra-constitutional,
null and void.
Now. when it is recollected that the principal
difficulty in the way of reclaiming fugitives in a
section inhabited by ten millions of freemen,
grows out of ?he absence of all sympathy and cooperation
on t le part of these freemen, the South
must see that',he " evil" it complains of is in most
cases beyond the roach of any law that Congress
can constitutionally enict. The hearts of the
People must be changed, so that they shall feel as
anxious for the arrest of a fugitive from injustice
as they now feel for the arrest of a fugitive from
? i- r? i?ti;. a/.,..
JUSllUvj Uvlvlt It tlu Uv I viUvUiC'i. i uiOj Vl vvuiarj
is an impossibility. The spectre of Disunion
itself cannot work so radical a revolution as this
Meantime, all that the law can do, has been
d.>ue. Under the old Dw of 1793, when a fugitive
slave could be caught and taken before the
proper tribunal, the process being sufficient, he
was delivered up; and whenever offenders against
that law were detected and arraigned, they were
punished There was no remissness on the part
of the proper tribunals, there was no interference
by the States; there was no resistance by the
citizens?or, if there wis, they were invariably
made to suffer the penalty.
The new law, in attempting to accomplish
more, will fail of accomplishing as much. The
very stringency of its provisions renders them
inoperative. Hut its supporters seem infatuated.
With the fact Btaring them in-tViw ticc, that it
is odious beyond measure in the eyes of the
People of the North, they appear anxious to
s^rirst" ?.;nn 5^ wV?5: U j' MO.Instead
of waiting to see whether the excitement
will not subside, and attempting, quietly and
guardedly to avail themselves of its provisions,
they dispatch slave-hunters in hot haste into the
free States, and announce, as above, formidable,
all-comprehensive schemes for wholesale seizures,
to be effected by a universal crusade against the
North. If their object be to make the law perfectly
impotent, to drive the North to madness,
to provoke bloody collisions, and bring about a
dissolution of the Uniou, the policy is admirably
devised. Otherwise, its projectors arc no better
than crazy people.
We close by submitting another presentation
of the case to our Southern fellow-citizens, .Now,
in the Union and under the Constitution, the obstacles
you encounter in the reclamation of fugitives
in the .rce States are, the restrained hostility
of a sinall body of free colored people, the
j active sympathies with the fugitives, of a few white
j persons, itnd the mere passivity of the great majority
of the citizens of these States ; but the State
Laws and authorities are not against you, and
you have in your favor the laws of Congress, administered
by willing Courts, and executed by
unreluctant officers.
This is your position in the Union. Hut you
threaten Disunion, should the Fugitive Law,
which, while more barbarous, is less etlioacious
than the Law of n't, be repealed. Of course,
| such a step would be taken as a remedy for the
j difficulties uow existing in the way of the reclamation
of fugitives. How then would you
staud as it rcspeots thiH matter, out of the Union,
and without the Constitution'!
The Slaveholders, with the whole power of the
Union to hack them, cannot reclaim a slave from
tho soil of Canada. In the event of Disunion,
the North would be Canada brought down upon
the borders of the Slave States. Laws for the
reclamation of fugitives would exist no longer.
Active hostility to such reclamation would not be
(. r,? l om.11 r,.,rlmno r,( Ik. nnni.totinn Kn?
wuuucx w OMICI. ri>.?un V. IUV ,Uf.u-v
would pervade all portions, and take the f<jrm of
positive laws, making the seizure of any person
| on the soil as a slave, a felony.
What would the South have gained hy Disunion
1 We need not add another word: the case
is too plain to he misunderstood hy the ' unthiuking
"A FEW REFLECTION'S ON A NORTHERN
Tom."
The editor of the Richmond (Va.) Kntmiwr,
who lately travelled at the North, favors his
readers with " A few Reflections on a Northern
Tour." lie thinks the interior country of New
England and New York, unproductive. In tho
valley of the CJenesee, and iu the low lands of
the Connecticut, there are rich lands, but nowhere
else! All the rest is poorer " than the poorest
and most thoroughly worn down county in Virginia."
" The miserable crops of nubbins it produces
would be insufficient for the most frugal
population."
"The peculiarities of landscape which catch
the traveller's eye as he is whirled past upon the
roads of granite and iron, aud the boulders of
dark stone, which rest nioro thickly upon those
barren fields than the stumps of a new clearing;
the rivulets without banks, lying like snakes on
the surface of the swampy meadows; the stiuted
larch and pine; the absence of all large trees,
the corn not higher than tho knee; the endless
hamlets and villages, unbroken by the chateau
aud plantation of a slaveholding country ; the
perfection of the double tracked, heavy railed
lines of locomotion ; and the umgnitioence of tbo
cities which they connect."
In " these last" the tourist finds the secret of
Northern prosperity and power
" It is the country of trade, aud not of production.
It has been built by linn, and not hy mituf.
The aciton of thn F>d>ral Uovtntm>nt has thrown
into this country the vast, commerce of the Union.
Through ih' run trillion ai'\ th>y >;it the hnndling of
nil litk products ol Hi' ."\uiitii, ami iu the bundling
they necessarily touch the profits. Ileuce Ihe
North, which has uo laud, hits all the money.
What need have they for a rich soil and a geuial
sun, so long as the Federal Government subjects
to them the glorious South, and farms for them
the boundless fields of cotton and the widcaprcading
plantations of sugar I Those citizens and
those gigantic roads iu a land of rock and frost,
tell the tale too well to be ever misunderstood."
The Navigation Laws were intended for the
benefit of the whole country. The materials of
ship building abound in the Houth us well as the
North. The Southern people were equally free
with the Northern to build ships, avail themselves
of the benefits of the Navigation laws, and
engage in trade and commerce. If they did not
do it, it was their own fault, not that of the Federal
Government. It is not for that Government
to meddle with the industrial pursuits of the
country, and instruct people how to secure the
most profitable investment of their labor and cap
ital. Although the Navigation Laws held out
inducements to Southerners to engago iu commerce.
and do their own carrying trade, they preferred,
or were compelled by the nature of their
labor system, to direct their atteution and capital
to planting, aud the Northern people, having
nothing but " nubbins" to live upon, took to salt
water and steam That's all. The Federal Government
is blameless.
Now,i| the people of the Houth desire logo
ahead of the North iu manufactures and commerce,
let them adopt the free lalsvr sys'ein, and,
without any change in the action of the Federal
Government, they would souu nod Labor us diversi
tied, and < apital as ingenious, enterprising, and
cumulative, ns they sre at the North
As our Yankee friends have a pretty good
opinion of themselves, the following olxw rvatiou
on their ugliuess will be upt to make them feel
rather merry
2 NATIONAL ERA, I
' The people who inhabit this sterile, but !
wealthy region, are inferior to those of this and j
the neighboring States in stature and in countenance.
In truth, it is inhabited by a race of sin- ;
jrnl.tr ugliness. Noser before did the writer see
so many people of both sexes with so few speci- 1
mens of physical beauty, as during a three weeks' ;
tour in New Knglind. Beautiful women may
sometimes be seen in the streets of New York; ,
and through the Tillages and steamboats of the
Hudson, healthy faces and good .figures ure occasionally
to be met with. But in New England
itself, the red and white of a Northern couifiex- !
ion is not sufficient to reconcile the beholder to
the decidedly ugly physiognomies which they
n?- in ?tip mMn ficiire and uneraceful
Btri line gait which accompany both. Their-manners
arc in every sense tad; either bullish and j
vulgar or cringing and fidgctty; seldom possessing.
oven among the wealthiest and best educated
classes, that repose and self-respecting courtesy
which mark the same rank at the South. The
cause is evident. In the North there are no
gentry?no class living apart and upon their own
paternal estates, handing down their means with- ;
out much increase or serious diminution to their
children posssessing time to inform their intellect,
to cultivate the amenities of life, and to learn
the sentiment of self-respect. The subdivision of
the land, the absence of slaves for menial labor, J
and, more than all, the commercial character and ;
occupation of the whole country, forbid the exist- \
encc of such a class?necessary to give the tone^
of manners and of morals as well, to which allu- [
sion has been made."
As an offset to this, we have heard Northern j
tourists suggest that Americans in the South are i
gradually losing the distinctive character of the |
Anglo-Saxon race, and becoming a kind of colored
people; and then the way some of them abuse
[ Southern manners, Southern houses, Southern
eating and drinking, would excite the nmaxement
of our cotemporary of the Ezamitur.
Living, as we do, on the line between them, it
is hard to say which we like better, when they
| behave themselves like good Christians.
??THE
II PL I E.NCES TO WHICH CONGRESS AND
THE CHIEF EXECUTIVE ARE Sl'KJECTED
IN WASHINGTON.
In this Republic of twenty-two millions of peo
pie, the number of actual slaveholders, at the
1 largest estimate, cannot exceed three hundred
thousand?or, one in seventy-three of the white
I population.
The non-slaveholdingStates embrace two-thirds
1 of tb.e white people of the country, and more than
two-thirds of its wealth and intelligence.
The anti-slavery sentiment, which prevailed at
date nf the Revolution in all the States then
i existing, except Georgia and ?Houth Carolia, now
' pervades the population of the sixteen, or, countl
iog Delaware, the seventeen free States, an l is
cherished by large numbers of the citizens of the
fourteen sluveholding States
A person, ignorant of our history ami unfa'
miliar with the workings of powerful Class In|
terests, apprised, for the first time, of the facts
; just stated, would naturally expect that the do
mestic institutions at the seat of Government of
! such a Republic would be in harmony with the
! ideas aud interests of the vast majority of its citizens
, and that the central Public Press would
reflect the public sentiment of the great nonslaveholding
population.
What are the facts ? We find existing in the
Capitol of the uation, a system repugnant to the
feelings and opinions of at least two thirds of the
white people of the country?the direct antagonist
of their domestic institutions. It is sustained
here, not because the interests of the city and
J District require it?they would be promoted by its j
j abolition?not because the People here desire it? !
^ if at liberty to declare their opinion, four-fifths of
them would require its removal?but because its .
legalization by Congress, in this spot, gives sane- |
tiou and support to the system as uiuiutaincd by the ;
small but powerful class of slaveholders through- j
out the South, and secures to them the means of '
controlling, to a great extent, the deliberations of
the National Legislature.
Politics must be shaped and colored more < e loss
uy BOC.1UI innUPIirrs. ? ui "iimikut uwi .1 nuiutionsof
the community in which it Legislative body
deliberates must, aft'ect its decisions. " This is oor
own soil,"said Mr. Clinginun, triumphantly, when
defying the Northern majority in Congress ; and
there was not a man of that majority who did not
at. once feel the disadvantage under which non- !
slaveholding Hepresentadves labored in deliberating
upon Hlaveholding soil. The geuius of the place
w is against theui. If they spoke for freedom, hostile
faces frowned upon them from the galleryLoyalty
to their constituents was apt to he punished,
at Washington, with social proscription.
Let us advert to nnothcr significant fact. From
the organization of tho Federal (Jovcrnmcnt to
the time when the National Era was established
here, four years ngo. the Political Press at Washingto,
no matter what Parties representing, was
the organ of the Slaveholding Interest. It never
represented or defended anti-slavery, or, as they
are sometimes called, Northern Principles. One
Administration succeeded another?Parties rose
and fell?hut through all vicisaitudes of Federal,
Democratic, Whig, and "Locofoco"' rule, the Po- I
1 ideal Press iu Washington maintained unalterable
allegiance to the Slave Power. It might disregard,
defy, affront the Sentiment prevailing
among the millious of non-slaveholders, respecting
Slavery, but it was always respectful and amenable
to theScntimentot the few hundred thousand
slaveholders. Whatever other interests it might
neglect, it was always prompt to defend Slavery
against all assaults, direct or iudircct, come from
what quarter they might.
The establishment of our paper was the begining
of a new era in Washington. For the last
four years, the Auti-slavery Sentiment of the
Republic, a sentiment which was cherished by
its founders, and now pervades the masses of the
People of this country, has bnd at least a weekly
organ though which it could find voice nnd vindication
Rut, even now, look at tho odds in favor
of Slavery.
Last week we sent out a Circular to our subscribers.
from which wc take the liberty of republishing
the following remarks:
Five leading papers are now printed intheCity
of Washington, representing as nmuy different
classes of Ideas.
The S'nitonul represents preeminently
the Conservatism of the country. It reveres
the Past, fears to disturb the Present, looks
suspiciously upon all Reforms, and abhors agitation,
especially on the subject of Slavery. It rejects
the Anti-Slavery sentiment, and, without
being a partisan of Slavery, condemns all who
would question its pretensious or resist its demands.
The Washington Union was established under
the auspices of Mr. Polk, by Thomas Ritchie, of
Virginia, n assumes io i>e me central orgnn 01
the Democratic Party, but is a supporter of Democracy
only so far as it does not contlict with
Slavery. Without advocating that system on at>Htract
grouuda. it urges its most extravagant pretensions?demands
for it supreme considerationdenounces,
vilifies, abuses, all who oppose it It
is the organ of those slaveholders, who believe
that the Democracy of the North Is the natural
ally of Slavery, and that their interests can he
host promoted through tho Democratic organisation.
The Kt/inllic was got up to sustain the Administration
of General Taylor, and, towards the
close of his career, was toleraut to Anti-Slavery
men. Since the accession of Mr Fillmore, it has
changed hands, and is now the exponent of the
|>olicy of Mr. Webster, and the organ of Whig
llunkerisra. In bitterness of iuvcetive against
Anti-Slavery meu of all classes, it rivals the
17,mm.
The Southtin Pitst was commenced last winter,
by a Committee of Members of Congress from
' the South, of extreme opinions; and its F. liters
| are avowed Disunionists. It advocates Slavery
' upon its merits, and insists upon a Dissolution of
the Union as the only ettoctual means of maintain.
iug the independence of the South
The first three of these journals arc Party pipers
. but they oountenanoo the union of the
lluukers of all parties for the purpose of sup
%
WASHINGTON, D.' C
pressing Anti-Slavery agitation, and hold that the
doctrine of Human Tights. in its Application to
the conditio* of the three million slaves of this
country, ia not and ought not to be an article in
either the Whig or Democratic creed. The
fonrth journal ia against nil parties as at present
orginized, and urgee the policy of uniting the
South in One great Sectional Tarty against the
North.
All these papers, with their three-fold issues. ;
daily, tri-weekly. and weekly, wage war against 1
the Anti-Slavery increment, and give^no quarter
to its supporters. They blazon the words and
acts of pro-sluvery members of Congress, attempt
to put down Anti-Slavery members by cold neglect
or unscrupulous misrepresentation and proscription,
and to bring such a pressure of influences
to bear on the National Legislature and
the Executive, an to make them subservient to the
requirements of slaveholders
While the Slave Interest has four organs to
maintain its pretensions, three of them liberally
endowed with Executive patron.ige, and the
fourth with a fund furnished by slaveholders, the
Cause of Freedom has but one organ, and that, a
week^, carefully excluded from all Government
patronage, and relying alone upon its own subscriptions
for support. The National Era is the
only paper at the seat of the Federal Government
which represents the Free Sentiment of the North,
which advocates the rights and interests of the
non-slaveholders of the country against the usurpations
of the Slave Power; which holds that all
parties, in a Republic founded on the doctrine of
Human Rights, should make that dot-Aiue primary
anFfundamentol in their creed and policy;
which contends that all political questions and
organizations should be held subordinate to the
great question of Personal Freedom , which is an
advocate at once of Liberty and the Union, and
seeks Peace and Harmony, uot by concession to
Wrong, but by enforcement of Right; which,
while maligning no member of Congress on sectional
grounds, sustains specially those who are
devoted to the Cause of Freedom, and labors to
direct upon the National Legislature and Executive
the Anti-Slavery Sentiment of the country.
rjince the foregoing wan written, the l'rospectus
of a new Daily. styled " Tht Const tuition," to
be published in this city, has appeared in the
newspapers. The following extracts show the
character of the new project, .
" Kvil influences from abroad have found their
way amongst them, and smothered the flames
which ought never to subside in American borwae.
in one section of an ignis
f.ituus has been held up as a light to a better prosperity;
in another, the moral snittm-iii has Uai
stimulated to monomania, with the design of iff- din a
a collision httirren the Nor'h and the South, ami a
dissolution of the American Union. liven now, the
missionaries of ruin, scenting blood from afar,
are hovering, like vultures, in the hope of a conflict.
" It is high time, therefore, for patriotic Americans?for
men of both the old parties?to throw
aside their old trammels and divisions, and to
unite in one greater party, for the salvation of the
country It is high time that they should wake
from their false security, and look their real danger
in the face to reassert their true American
character, and resolve, with an energy never to
be relaxed, that no foreign or domestic foe shall
stay the course of their country's glorious destiny.
" It will be the earnest purpose of1 The Constitution'
faithfully to represent the sentiments of the
Union jmrty. It will recognise no viim as a Whig or
as a Democrat; but even/ one as a fri ml or a foe to
the Union, the Constitution, ami the laws ; and it null
advocate, those immures ami only those which the
Union /Kitty trill sanction.'
It needs no wizard to tell what will ho the
course of this new paper It will go for the party
which was Ltely organized under the auspices of
what the iV-w York Ereuuig Post styled, "the
I lubcrdashcrs' Meeting" in New York, the party
represented by the Journal of Commerce .and AV>r
York IL.rulJ, the party of which Daniel Webster
would desire to be the reroguised head. Its policy
in relation to Slavery will he precisely that of
the Washington Republic.
Cannot the lYivnds of Freedom understand
how ditl'cul* it is for the Representatives of rn.nsloveholding
constituencies to do their duty in a
place encompassed with such influences? Leaving
out of view the National Era, what is there to
encourage what is there not to discourage
them? We know the power of the Press?how
it can make and unmake heroes; how it can disseminate
Truth or .a Lie; how it can mould or
misrepresent Public Sentiment; how it can assuage
or inflame Popular Excitements; how it
can remove or strengthen Prejudice. The representative
of a uon-slftveholding constituency, when
he takes his seat in Congress, finds himself at
the mercy of four or five powerful ami popular
pro-slavery journals. If ho manifest any spirit
in carrying out the wishes of his constituents, he
is denationalized?he is sectional?he is an agitator?he
is a fanatic?he is an incendiary. The
five journals may agree in nothing else hut in
disparaging, misrepresenting, or abusing him.
And daily he finds upon his desk the issues of
those journals, filled with extracts from the newspaper
press, North and South, calculated to bewilder
him with the illusion that Public Opinion
is against him, an l a horrible catastrophe is impending,
which can only bo averted by the success
of measures, to resist which he was Beat to
Congress. To breast such influences, to see
through them, to overcome them, requires more
nerve nnd sagacity than fulld to the lot of ordinary
meD. ,
tsee, too, the pressure brought to bear upon the
Chief Executive. The President and his Cabinet
advisers, unless they supply themselves with
information from other nuariers of the country,
cannot fail to be misled as to the Public Sentiment,
and the stite of things out of Washington.
For example, a few days ago, as if by a
preconcerted movement, the Republic and the
Union each, on the same day, contained an exposition
of aliairs in the South, filling some four or
five columns in each miner, calculated to alarm
tlic Administration, and lead it to still further
concession to the slaveholders. But, of the excitement
at tho North, of the public opinion in
that section in opposition to the Fugitive Law,
in vain you look for any fair exhibition in uuy of
the journals in this city.
May the time speedily come when the influences
here shall all be oi the side of Freedom,
when tho atmosphere skull not be tainted with
tho miasm of Slavery, and when tho^orgnns of
all parties shall be tho advocates in truth of
" Liberty and Union, one and inseparable, now
uud forever."
A1IMN WEIGHT (IK AIKX. IX RELATION' TO
HEIGHT.
Or. Hutchinson, in a recent work, has some
curious calculations in relation to the mean
weight of men ?>f did'ereut heights He examined
nearly three hundred mcu, in the prime of lite,
capable of, and nccustomed to, great muscular exertion,
and the results of his observation are presented
in the following table
Height. Weight
Prrl. Turlitl. SlO'it*. 1'guHils
5 1 8 8
.12 9 0
5 3 9 7
14 9 n
5 5 10 2
5 II 10 ft
5 7 10 M
.18 It I
ft 9 II 8
ft 10 V'2 1
ft II 12 6
0 0 12 10
A Mom- iu Ureal P.ritoin weighs fourteen
ptuttda.
II CITIVB SLAVE BILL-TIIIRI) EDITION.
J nut published and far iml? by William 11 irned.
No t>l John street, third story, the third
edition of a Ivmo pamphlet, .'lt> pp, eutille*! ''Thk
Ft < itivk Ri.Atrc Hu t.; iu unconstitutionality?
with ttu account of the Seliure and Knelavement
?f Janiee Hamlet, and hie milme.|iieut restoration
to liberty " Prioe 82 per hundred, and ft cents a
tingle copy The pamphlet contains the nature
tnd post othre addreae of all the nienihere of the
House of ItepreeenUtivea who voted for the hill
The firwt two editions of thin pamphlet, I kjitut
copies have been disposed of iu about three week*.
4
*
NOVEMBER 21, 18
The present edition hue been re-written, and contains
much additional matter?new arguments on
the unconstitutionality of the Bill, notices of the
Attorney General's opinion, and Judge Grier'a
letter, Ate The price per hundred is barely tho
cost. The friends of Freedom will, it is hoped,
send their orders immediately for this seasonable
pamphlet, and cause it to be spread, broadcast
oyer the whole country.
For the National bra.
HOPE.
" Yet though pall Memory be sellom find,
A truer,/trailer friend it tin than Hope ! "
" For Htrjie perpetually ileferreit sickens the heart
It reuses not to mscA."?Chasi.ottb Ki.ikabrth
Aye, ilek even to the death!
Kren to the giving up this mortal breath ;
How many precious moments hare I lost,
On Hope's false billows tost?
" Hoi* anshoreth the soul;"
Hut happily the grave Is yet our goal;
And hoping we descend to take our rest,
On Karth's more faithful breast.
We hope, and yet for what ?
Because, forsooth, it is the mortal lot,
To till the aching, pining heart with lies,
And then ourselves despise!
i Trouct not uvpe n?r weaun:
That can recall no more my bosom's health;
Though it might bring my false friend* back again,
Could it yet lull tbi* pain?
Nor for affection* fled!
Ab, whither hare the sunny wanderer* sped?
Like Noah'* dove, they're nought another shore,
They will return?no more!
Or, e?r Hop* help me tiud
The dew of youth, the freshness of the mind,
The buoyant heart, the beauty?can she call
Back from the grave and pali 1
Aud health?oh preciou* boon!
Deprired of thee, the sick heart finds too soon
The only earthly blessing it can crave
A shelter and a grave!
So, I am Sorrow's child,
1-eft shivering lonely in the bleakest wild;
Aud I will banish Hope, and with her, fears;
Then farewell, too, my tears!
With a defying brow,
I can my painful future welcome now;
Hope lured me onward with her angel form,
Then bade me breast the storm !
But I will hope no more'
fair angel, on thy golden pinions soar;
Hark, cold Despair a fitter guest should be;
What more would Hope with me ?
, " ! raB.\h?e..Voihe skies'
Oh mortal, from thy cold despair arise!
Though worn and sad thou fill'st a living tomb;
Rise to immortal bloom!
*' 'J here, all that thou hast lost?
friends, fond affections no more tempest tost,
Unfading beauty, and a deathless wind?
Thy treasures, thou shalt find!
" There, on that peaceful shore,
These sad alarms shall shake tby soul no more;
IVly mission done?in that fair laud above,
Hope shall give place to Love!"
Marion I)oi nr.as.
mi Iff 1 I - *11 o ttr.A
fereuce was universally denounced as intolerable
persecution?a violation of the rights of Mucrcady
and of those who wished to see his acting. and to
prevent its threatened repetition, the military of
New York was ordered out, and the result was,
numerous lives were sacrificed by the Mayor in
his determination to secure the rights of those
who had engaged an actor for their amusement
and a theatre for his performance. We reoollect
well that the National Inttlltiffnttr then applauded
the conduct of Mayor Woodhull, and
rejoiced over the bloody suppression of mob violence
George Thompson, another Englishman, and a
distinguished orator, appears in Hoston. His admirers
are anxious to witness n display of his
eloquence. They eugage I'aneuil Hall. It is
theirs for the night. They have a right to the
unmolested use of it. Those who do not sympathize
with them can stay away. Those who attend
are bound by every priuuiple of right, by
every rule of decorum, to hthave themselves?to
do nothing which shad disturb the peace, which
ahull infringe the rights of their feilow-citizens
Mr. Garrison aud his friends have just as good a
right to listen, undisturbed, to Thompson, as
Washington Irving and his friends had to listen,
unmolested, to Macready.
We are surprised that the Int'llifmceT, or nny
other journal that respects Law and Order, should
applaud, or even pass over in silence, the disgraceful
proceedings in Hoston.
License the mob in one cose, and it will claim
immunity in all cases. Men of ull shodc.1 of belief
must be protected in the enjoyment of their rights, ^
so long ss they obey the laws, or there is an end
to the freedom and order of society. If AntiAbolitionists,
where they have the ascendency,
may mob Abolitionists, the reverse will hold
good?Abolitionists, where they have the ascend,
eucy, may mob their opponents. Entire toleration.
uniform respect for the rights of Free Speech)
is the only safe rule of any country. An opposite
I rule must lead to despotism or Anarchy.
What the mission of Mr. Thompson may be in
this country, we do not know. It is our impression
that he ,-omes merely on a visit to his friends,
and not for the purpose of lecturing on the subject
of Slavery. In view of the sUte of things
among us at the present time, we hope this is not
his purpose la endeavoring to regenerats Public
Sentiment ia this country on the Question of
Slavery, we would always select those means best
adapted to the end, and least likely to bring into
me m litis, rtoruary u, jo.jv.
DISORDERLY PROCEEDINGS IX BOSTON.
The famous orator, George Thompson of Bugland,
inauy years ago lectured in this couutry ou
the subject of slavery hut, in consequence of the
great excitement which then prevailed, was
obliged to return to his home.
Since then he has been prominently engaged
in the various reformatory movements of Kngland?devoting
himself to the removal of abuses
in British India, to the repeal of the Corn Laws,
and to the extension of the right of suffrug , and
at this time he is a representative in Parliament
of a liberal constituency.
Lately he arrived in Boston, with the intention
of making a short visit to his friends iu this
country. Desirous of doing him honor, as a distinguished
anti-slavery man, and as one of the
n?o?t eminent men in the Libcr'.l Party of Great
Britain, and also of giving the public an opportunity
of hearing for themselves a great orator>
they planus.) a grand reception forhiuiin Kaneuil I
1 lall, to take place last Kriday evening.
At the time appointed, the Hall was filled to
overflowing. 1 lis friends organized a meeting by
appointing the usual officers, and Mr. Garrison
then proceeded to welcome bim in a prepared
speech, the closing portion of which was interrupted
repeatedly by n large number of persons
who. it soon became evident, had assembled for
the purpose of breaking up the meeting.
At the close of his remarks, Wendell Phillips
attempted to spenk, but tho mob drowned his
voice with cheers for "Daniel Webster," "the
country," "Jenny LinJ," &c. Mr. Thompson
made an effort to be heard, but groans for "John
Hull," yells, and hisses, compelled him to sit
down. Attempts were made by other speakers
to secure a hearing, but with no better success.
The mob, according to the newspapers, evinced
no disposition to commit personal violence, but,
some cried one thing, some another, some shouted,
some yelled, some groaned, and not a few fell to
dancing.
The result was, that the meeting was broken
up.
The newspapers in this city rejoice at these
proceedings, as furnishing evidence of devotion to
the Union, and just indignation against foreign
intrusion info our Domestic Concerns. Wc see
nothing in them creditable to the good sense, or
patriotism of the citizens of Boston.
A year or two ago, a feud sprang up between
a British and an American actor, in New York.
The partisans of the latter by noisy demonstrations
interrupted a performance by Macready, and
prevented bis numerous admirers who had purchased
tickets for the purpose of witnessing it,
from indulging their own tastes Such inter
r
%
50. *
play hostile prejudices, not necessarily belonging
to the subject itself. We do not think any lecture
by so distinguished a foreigner m Mr. Thompson
would be at this time productive of good; and
we hope he will not expose- himself to violence.
At all events, for the sake of all that is of good
report in republican institutions, let us not disgrace
ourselves in the eves of the world, by further
scenes of popular violence. To those specially
who have lately been magnifying the Majesty
of the Laws, we commend their own exhortation.
Maintain the Laws. Let no right guarantied by
the Laws be sacrificed?let not the peace and good
order of society be outraged?so long as your fellow-citizens
exercise their rights, though you may
not be able to agree with them, though you may
view their conduct with disapprobation, Itt tlum
nloif. You can use the Press?you can hold meetings?you
can speak freely?you can pour out contempt,
ridicule, or denunciation, just as you pleaseIf
von va fnrthf-r nnd rnmrriit ?inl?nno it? <.??
gumption is, that the weight of reason is with
your opponents, and that all your declamation of
reverence for the laws is mere tlurtmery.
THE ELECTION IN MASSACHUSETTS.
The real question at issue in the recent election
in Massachusetts was, whether the State
should reaffirm her long-cherished opinions on
the extension of slavery, and maintain the personal
and constitutional rights of all classes of
her citizens?or, following the lead of her late
Senator, disavow those opinions, and actively support
the Fugitive Slave act, at whatever risk to
her own peace and honor, and the security of her
colored citizens.
The result of the election shows the people of
the State on one side, and their great Senator on
the other. Massachusetts remains to-day what
she was before that Senators apostacy. The
place which he has left in the Senate of the United
States will be filled by one who will obey her
instructions and fully and fearlessly represent
her sentiments and vindicate the rights of her citizens,
and who will use all his moral and political
intluence to effect the repeal of the Fugitive Slave
act, and to prevent the farther extension of slavery.
Of the three members of Congress elected, only
one of tbem?tff'j representative of Boston?is a
friend of Web'.ter and Compromise. Fowler, in
fBb 9th dletrct, is reelected against the personal
opposition and vote of Webster, who is a resident
of that district, by a majority of between 2,000
ana 3,000. Horace Mann, rejected by a psecVeu
Whig Convention, is triumphantly reelected on
independent anti-slavery grounds Duncan, in the
.'Id district, who voted against the Wilmot Proviso,
and in favor of the claims of Texas upon a portion
of the Territory of New Mexico, is defeated,
falling in his own town '200 votes behind the Whig
ticket for Governor and Lieutenant Governor.
It may be set down as well-nigh certain that none
but decided Free-Soil, anti-Webster men can be
chosen from the seven vacant districts.
It is indeed a singular and not uninstructive
coincidence, that the three great Northern Compromisers
on the Slave Question, Webster, Dickinson,
and Cuss, are in a condition to condole
with each other upon the votes of censure which
their respective States have passed upon their
action in the Senate at its late session. Let uh
not despair. The recuperative principle of democracy
survives ; the heart of the people is
sound. J . G. W.
RESULT OF THE ELECTION IN MASSACHUSETTS.
The Free Soil movement has revolutionized
Massachusetts. The sceptre which has resided
with the Whigs, time out of tuiod, has departed
from them , aud they must know whom they have
to thank for this overthrow.
At the late election, three districts only succeeded
in electing Coufrowwmnn.
In the eighth, Mr Mann, who had become obnoxious
to Mr. Webster, was thrown overboard
by a packed Convention of the friends of the latter.
The Whig friends of Mr. Mann, disgusted
with the unfair proceedings, called another Convention
and nominated him He had been previously
nominated by the Free Soil men. The
People showed their appreciation of his integrity,
independence, and ability, by electing him over
Walley the candidate of the packed Whig Convention,
and over the Democratic candidate?giving
him near three hundred majority.
For Samuel II Walley (Webster Whig,
and regular Whig nominee ) ... 4,365
For Whittaker (Democrat) .... 2,270
Scattering 16
6,651
For Horace Mann (Ind. Frec-Soilcr) - 6,ts05
Mann's anti-Webster majority ... 151
Democratic " " ... 2,270
Total anti-Webster majority - - - 2,424
A terrible rebuke to Mr. Webster. The issue
was distinctly made before the People of John
Uuincy Adams's district, and they have rendered
their judgment in favor of Mr. Msnn.
Orin Fowler, another of the three candidates
elected, was the first Ma.-wachusetts Representative
in the present Congress to deliver a speech
in opposition to the views presented by Mr. Webster
in his great speech in the Senate. The FreeSoilers
showed (heir respect for his honesty and
courage, by nominating him for reelection; and
he also received the nomination of the Whigs.
Mr. Applcton from Boston succeeds Mr. Eliot,
. . l.i-J It 1it l,?
ana ne maims connniwcu, n no uiiuo.o.
the resolutions of the Whigs of that city, to Bfek
a modification of the Fugitive Law.
Judge Allen has failed of an election by over
two thousand votes, there being two regular candidates,
Whig and Democratic, in the field against
hiui. Another trial, we trust, will result in the
rctnrn of a man, whoso firmness, calm courage
and wise counsel, aro greatly needed in the present
crisis.
There is no election in the Fourth district, the
Free-Soil ers, we regret to see, having failed to
elect the accomplished Palfrey.
The Free Soil men and Democrats generally
coalesced in the choice of members of the Legislature,
nnd they have succeeded in obtaining 22
member* of the Senate against 10 Whigs?and
in the House, 182 members against 170 Whigs
Seventy representatives remain to be chosen.
Governor Briggs, one of the most popular men
in the Commonwealth, in consequence of the disrepute
in which the Webster influence has
brought the Whig Pvrty, is defeated by a majority
of seven thousand, Boulwell, the Democratic
candidate, receiving nearly thirty-six thousand
votes, and Phillips, the Free Soil candidate, nearly
twenty-eight thousand.
The election for Governor devolves now upon
the Senate, and that of United States Senator
upon the Legislature, each brauch voting sepa-'
rate] j.
The Conetitution provides that, when there is
no choice of Governor by the People, the House
if four candidates have been voted for, shall be'
lect th e two highest, or if only three hsve been
voted for, two of thein. ntnl send their names to
the Senate, which shall then proceed to elect one
by ballot.
The final complexion of the House will depend
upon the seventy-five towns in which there have
been no elections. If the Coalition should carry
a majority of thein, it will of course be able to III
the (Jovernorship, and Mr Wiuthrops plaoe in'
the Senate, just as it may please Hut, should the
Whigs obtain the uscendeney in the llousci
while they will not be able to secure the election
of Rriggs as Governor or Winthrop se Senator*
they may prevent any Senatorial election, and
send to the Senate, with the name of Governor
Briggs, that of Phillipa or Huutwell, ?t their option
The moet perplexing eudmrreemnentn u?sy
arise from a difference of the political oomplexion
in the two branches of the Legislators
r* >
VOL. IV.
BEFORE m AFTER THE ELECTION.
The Free Soil men ami the Democrats of Mag
sachusetts before the lute election generally t i
leeced in the support of the same candidates for
the State Legislature. The object wan to
an oppoeitlon majority in both branches (|,
it might control tn*otlicea.and policy of the State
and th# choice of a Senator to succeed Mr Wet. si, t
in the United States Senate.
The coalitions were effected openly?no disguise
or trickery was attempted. No principle,
it was believed, was sacrificed?for, on the few
questions belonging to State policy, there was a
concurrence of opinion between the coalescing
parties, and. in reference to the distinctive doc.
trines of Free-Soilism, the Democrats of the State
generally professed to occupy the same platf:: n,
with the Free Soil men
The latter cared nothing about the State offices,
but were determined that Massachusetts should
never again be misrepresented in ?ti? .
- - ? uuea
States Senate as it had been by Mr. Webster.
The nature, extent, reasons, and object of tbe
coalitions, were all known to the public weeks
before tbe election. The Washington UnionVm-m
all about them, but said nothing. Affecting excessive
concern for the purity of the Democracy,
it saw, without a word of rebuke or protest Democracy
in the embrace of Abolitionism. Ever
on the alert to bring to light combination bet v, . < n
Free-Soilers and Whigs, and horrify the South
with all the " disgusting" details, it fell asleep
while strange and u unnatural " political combinations
were afoot in Massachusetts, involving the
immaculate virtue of the Democracy, and never
awoke till they had been consummated, and had
accomplished their end, in the overthrow of
the Whig ascendency in the State Government
When the Democracy had gained all it could, the
Union suddenly started from it., slumbers, as if,
to use its favorite comparison, it had been alarmed
by a fire bell at midnight, and ith first word
was, a protest against Democratiecoalitions! Last
Friday morning, five days after the election iu
Massachusetts, it devoted several columns to a
solemn dissertation on the want of principle, and
the impolicy of such coalitions. A single extract
will show its spirit and meaning
" And now shall it be said, when the loathsome
reptile of abolition is about to be tlung from the
fpfimhlinff Knnttu nf flip WKtera llitf d oK .ll l.u
neatled ami warmed into life atpl^euygy in the
bosom of the Democracy of'any State of the
Union? We would fain hope that no part of the
Democracy of Massachusetts have determined to
enter into any permanent alliance with this dao
geroussect, we would fain hope that up to this
time they have been misunderstood; but if, in a
moment of weakness or delusion, they have harbored
the thought of any political coalition, we
pray them to snatch it from their hearts,and east
these fanatics forth from theirjfellowship, as St.
Paul shook the riper from his hand on the island
of Melita. 1 Can you touch pitch and not be defiled?'
is the solomn inquiry of one whose eye
glanced through all disguises We con jure our
brother Democrats to bear this in uiind throughout
the whole Union: 'If ye intrigue, bargain,
and coalesce with the Abolitionists and higher-law
factions, ye become responsible for their doctrines
and their acts. Ye hnve conferred on them power
and importance, and will be arranged iu history
as politicians who would unfortunately and unwisely
justify the means by the end. Would ye
associate your destinies with revilers of the Constitution
and of Washington, who are laboring to
destroy the one and to heap odium on the other?
Are ye ready for this responsibility ?
1 nat is io say?nromer uemocrais 01 Massachusetts,
having accomplished all you could by
the help of Abolitionists, as patriots and honorable
men, it becomes you now, to put your heel
upon them and grind them in the dust. True,
it was understood in your previous arrangements,
and they could not have been perfected without
such a condition, that Free-Soilers were to have
the choice of a United States Senator, but rrr
ollect, no faith is to be kept wit/x heretics. JVe
cessity of course required fair promises from you
before the election ; patriotism and the Union uow
require that they should be bvoken.
H this be not the advice of the U/iiox, there is
no meaning in language. Perhaps some of its
Democratic " brothers " in Massachusetts may he
inclined to follow this honorable counsel: we do
not believe there will he enough of that kind of
creatures to insure (be result aimed at by their
high minded counsellor. The Free-Soilers will
of course take care of themselves and their cause
They will have the power to compel fair-dealing,
if there should be any demurring.
THE TRIAL OF W. L. CHAPLIN.
The case of W. L. Chaplin came up for trial
on the 12th at Rockville, Montgomery county,
Maryland, in the County Court. Present, Judge
Brewer, absent, Judge Doreey, anl Wilkinson.
There appeared for the prosecution, G. It. Richardson,
Attorney General for the State, and R. J
Bowie; for the prisoner, Charles II Pitts of Baltimore,
D. Radcliff of Washington, and John
Brewer of Montgomery county.
"Mr. Pitts remarked to the Court that there
were seven indictments against William L.Chaplin
; three, charging an assault and battery with
an attempt to kill Messrs J. H. Goddard, William
Smithia, and R'chard Butts; two. larceny
of the slaves of Messrs. Btephens and Toombs,
and two others, charging the prisoner with assisting
the slaves to escape from their musters, contrary
to the act of Assembly ol 1S4'J. The object
of the counsel of the prisoner at this time was to
ask that he be bailed, and that the amount be
fixed. All the cases, except the two last, were
simply misdemeanors. The indictments, ho believed,
were returned to-day; the prisoner had
had no time to prepare for bis defence; ami he
asked that bail be allowed as a matter of right;
and that the court would, in granting it, take
into consideration all the circumstances of the
case, including those of the accused."
After some remarks from the counsel on both
sides, Judge Brewer sail that aq the apiication for
bail required some consideration, bis decision
would be made known on tbe following morning.
{ On the meeting of the court on Wednesday
Judge Brewer sai l that he had considered the application
for bail made by the counsel of Wm I.
Chaplin on Tuesday. According to the practice
of the court, bail could he allowed any time before
cases are ready for trial. It was hr.wcrer,
discretionary, llut indictments hare been found
against the prisoner, and, unless some reasonable
cause la? assigned, the court could not entertain
the application at present The court would,
however, as was customary, allow time to the
counsel of the accused to prepare for trial, (they
having asserted that they w re not now ready.) and
he was willing to listen to any sugg stions why
there should he postponement or delay.
"There was a large number of persons in attendance.
Kioitcment to the degree anticipated w is
not prevalent.
" Ourlng the trial of an appeal case?
"The prisoner. Mr. Chaplin, was brought info
the court-room, aooompanied by a Mr and Mrs (
Smith, of the Society of Friends, from New k oris,
and by Mr. Cameron an 1 Miss Gilbert. There
was much confusion at this stage, the spectator-'
rushing forward to get a view of the prisoner,
who advanced to the desk of the clerk, an I deposited
with that officer seven several declarations,
in the following words, viz:
State or Marvland vs. W. L Ciiatuv
? ? ? *? -n
In JM|NMT|I i'ouiily I'ourl, /vet'. j?i>, ?
" 1 Indh-tioeut for .
" ' Ami the Mid William I. Chaplin come* info
??'?rt ond suggests to the c >ort that he cannot
hare a fair ami impartial trial of the oaee in thin
court, lie therefore pra/s the court to order
and direct the record of its proceedings 'n '^'e
a*id cute to be transmitted to the court of some
mijouiniog count/ for trial.
" 1 On this 13th da/of Noveml?er, I*" person
all/appeared in ooort the Mid Wm. L Chaplin
and eolemnl/ and ainoerely d eel arid ?ud utiirmed
that the matters set forth in the afore/Din* ?ug
grstioa are true, to the beat of hi* knowledge and
belie/. A L. SmsraraMT, C7*ri.'
"The prisoner likewise aeke.1 for a change of
venue on The other six cases, which wm granted ,
and then he retired with hla frtrnda.
"Mr. Pitta, of counsel for William I,. Chaplin
(aid that the trial oould not take place until the
next apring term; and he again made application
to tha Court to fix the amount of bail "
Mr. iliohaHeon endeavored to ahow that the
Court, in fixing the amount of hail, abouid have
respect to the peculiarities of the case, and tha
deep interest folt in it bj the South.
" Mr. Pitts ssid that the ease stands precise!/
as other casea stand ander the law* of Mar/UnJ?
and the prosecution on the part of the State bed
no right to bring iuto the consideration of this
case oonjectural circumstances elsewhere to iolu