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The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, November 28, 1850, Image 2

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Our list of Exchanges has become so ImrJen- 1
?oiuc that wo (-hull soon be obliged to reduce it. v
Some papers arc advantageous to us; to some
the J] may prove a benefit. Some pay a dollar <
(litVerence to secure an exchange. All such will i
be continued on our list. <
There are others, which, though conducted i
with ability, nnd interesting no doubt to their !
readers, come under none of these heads; and '
these, though reluctantly, we must part company <
We do not ask any of our exchanges to publish
the following Prospectus ; but, it is proper to
say that, when a paper gives insertion to it in a
place where it can readily be seen, and simply di- |
rects attention to it, we feel under au obligation
to cmtinue our exchange with it. The paper,
however, con', lining such publication, should be
sent to us. marked, so that it tuay not be overlooked.
Washington, Dimkh r ok Coi.umbia.
0 bailky, kiutok a*|< pitopkiktok; john <1
winr riKK, roKni:.st'ONi?iNn kuitok.
rT*11K NATIONAl. KKA isan Anti-Slavery, Political,and
Li'eriry Newst aper.
A Itrief summary of the f>rinri|>(i-4 and measures we are
prepared at all proper times to maintain,will serve to show
the character an<l course of the f.'rit
We holdThat
Slavery is repugnant to Natural Klght, the Law of
f'hrietivilty, the Spirit of the Age, ami the essential nature
of our I'ep'ihlioan Inslitnt one:
That Kmancipation, without compulsory expatriation, la a
high duty, demanded alike hy Justice anil Kxpediency:
That there is lint one eafe?n<l effectual mode of abolishing
Slavery ; un.i that is by law, ?o he enacted by tlie States in
which it exists:
That Slavery can have no lawful being in Territory under
the exclusive Jurisdiction of the I'nited States
That f'ongres* is hound to exclude ft from all Territory
now belonging or that may hereafter belong to the United
That the-Amerlc.in Union, as the bond of i'eace, the organ
of one Language and one Civilisation, the medium of tree
Trade,among the numerotu States and Territories stretch. 1
ing from the Atlantic to the Pacific chores of this Continent, I
as the liefnge of suffering millions from the Oi l World, and
a Safeguard agaipst its Ambition and Intrigue, is of priceIs**
value ti{ the t'stihc of Hum an Progress; and that ffiere
C Is enough Intelligence and virtue In Its members to extinarufwti
V lu rcrv fh? itu?lc ItikllM Miitf fl i N f II TI >M i f H K A rilit til .
-'? ' >
impairs die energies, a\w>ya its benefits, Miitl threatens its
f>rability ; t
That the Federal Constitution ought to be to amended ae ()
to place the election of I'res dent in the hands of the t'eo ^
|,le, directly and to limit hin term of office to lour yearn,
) making him thereafter ineligible; and to he still further
amended so an to give to the People of the several States the
election of their United States Senators,changing the term r
of office from six to f nir years : a
That the Post Offlee Department ought to.be separated j.
from the < hief Executive, the Postmaster Central and all
the local Postmasters being elective hy the People, and the '
power of removal for just ami sufficient cause lodged in the i
hands of the Postmaster IGeneral: {?
That postage on all newspapers, of a certain site, for all ^
distances, should Ik- one cent; on all letters, under half an
ounce for all distances, two cents prepaid; that the franking r
privilege should In- abolished , and negotiations he instituted J
for the purpose of securing free exchanges within reasonable s
limits, between the newspapers of Europe and the United j
Slates, an,l a reduction to the lowest |>oint |?>ssihle in the
postage on letters passing between foreign countries and our
Sown t ?
That the pub'ic lands should be held as a trust for thebeneflt
of the People of the United States, to be granted In limited
quantities to actual settlers who are landless: (
That the homestead ought to be exempt from sale or execution
for debt: .
,v. .1 vol..
and between ?U uation*, ought to be removed :
[That Congress ought to make due appropriation* for improvement*
deuiari led by the interests of eommeree with
foreign nation*, or among the Mate*, provided they he not
purely local in their benefit*, and be not proper subject* for
^ State or individual enterprise.
!ln maintaining our views, we *hall fearlessly use the
right.*, while we re*j>oct the courtesies, of f ree Discussion,
conceding to those who may differ from us, what we claim for
o'trselve*, the credit of honest motives.
Such report* of the proceedings of Congress will he given
as will convey * correct Idea not only of it* action, hut of it*
spirit and policy.
J The Khkkion (Iorrrsponprncb of the f'rn i* at least
ei|tiul in v liue and interest to that of any Journal in the
The I.itkrArr Mist ri.i.anv of tin /.'in is amply provided
for. John CT. \Vm*ittii?k, the Poet, will continue C,,rI
responding Kditor. My an arrangement with that |a>piilar
writer, Iikai K (ikKknwoon, her service*have been secured
for the Km exrlutirtly, beginning on the lirst of January
neit Mrs Km ma D. K. N. Sooth worth, the American
Novelist, wlio tirst became known to the public through the
columns of our patter, has engaged to furnish a story for our
new volume.
Among other contributor* we may name Dr. Wim.iam
Ki.dkr, the Hon. Hrnuv It. Stanton, IMaktiia Kisski.i.,
Mary Irvino, Ami k and Pihkiir Carry, und Mr*. M. It.
Stowr?names familiar and attractive.
Having thus made ample arrangement* for the Oeneral
Department* of tic I'aper, we ?hall devote ourselves more
particularly to Anti-Maiery and Political Discussion*,taking
care to keep our reader* adi l*ci of all importai t reform
uiovemeuts and current events.
Term* ?two dollars per annum, always payable in ait
Kerry *uhscrilier renewing hi* subscription, and sending
n* two N K W subscribers,shall have the three copies for five
dollar*. ' 'luhs : live e .pies for eight dollars ; ten copies for
fifteen dollars
All communication*, on business of the Kin or for publication,
should he addressed to
UAMAI.IKI. liAll.r. Y.
I'. S. Tim volume slwajra begins oil (lie lirnf of January.
W a a II i no T<? N M. , Norrmhtr ?S, I KM I.
We are under gre it obligations to our friends i
for the prompt and liberal ninnncr in which they i
tire responding to our Circular. Last year we ]
thought they did exceedingly well; hut this year i
so fur. they have done hotter. Our special agents
aro at work, and numbers are availing themselves
of the offer of three copies for five dollarsIf
every subscriber on our lift could hut send two
new names while renewing his own, the Era
would soon have a larger circulation hy far than
any paper in the Union.
Oue subscriber writes?
" Instend of saying 1 Farewell,- a word always
disagreeable to friends, I have only to sty,' (?ood
morning, Dr. 11.' The Eia with nte is an indispensable.
This, at least, Is no time for the real
friends of Freedom to let go their support of a
true and trird defender of their principles. It has
cost mo no effort to send two new subscribers.
* * * * I think, with a very little etfort,
twenty might be obtaiued here."
Our friend is the very man to get them, lie
must remember that some of our subscribers live
in neighborhoods where it is very hard to raise
any new ones
Another correspondent, sending us eight new
subscribers, says?
" They arc Whigs and Democrats, whose blood
is up in consequence of the conduct of Webster,
Cass, Clay, Filluiore, & Co., and the passage of
the Fugitive Slave law. They feel the want of a
fairer representation of facts than they get in
their party papers, and arc most of thrm men
who will probably coutinue,'' kc.
Another subscriber sends us n hatch of new
ones?three l-'rie-Soih re, one Whig, and two
Democrats. The agitation pervades all parties.
We are glad to number on our list not a few
New York merchant*. One of them writes, renewing
his subscription and sending two new
' I have been for some time a subscriber to the
National Era, and I take this opportunity of expressing
my entire satisfaction with its management.
I do a large wholesale business iu this
city, mostly Southern, and as there is some considerable
excitement on the subject at present, I
wished to say that I declined to sign the call for
the gnat Union meeting, and do not hesitate to
let my countrymen know my sentiments on the
Hubjeet of slavery?and for all this I do not fear
I shall lose iny trade n
Ilo is a sensible man. People generally buy
where they can get the cheapest and best goods,
without reference to a man's creed in politics or
There are more thun '.',OOOjpoet office*, to each
of which we send but one copy of our paper The
* ^
esult is. that failures are more common at such ,
itlicis than at 0117 other. We call the attention
if each subscriber, thus standing alone at his post
(lice. to this fact: cannot each one raise at least
ne subscriber to keep him oompanyf Two |
rould be better, and the three would be far more
ikely to receive their papers with regularity. A
ronl to the wise is sufficient.
Our Western friends ought to know that, so far, .
>ur Eastern sul?scribers have got the start of them i
11 reuewing their own sulmcriptions and sending
)thers. This is rather unusual. We trust'hey
sill not long linger behind.
Now and then a friend suggests that it would
he well to reduce the price of the Era, in consequence
of the great competition among newspapers
Were the Em made up from a daily paper?
a mere hash of its contents?or were large space
taken up with advertisements, or did we borrow,
instead of paying liberally for our literary matter,
we might be able to do so. It must be remembered,
too, that printers' prices are higher in
Washington than in any Eastern city, and. lately,
their Association here has raised the price of composition
seven cents on the thousand, which will
involve an additional expenditure, on our part, for
the next volume, of near five hundred dollars. As
it is, our rates, we think, are reasonable.
An old subscriber and two new ones, or three
new subscribers, $ '?. Clubs of five for iS, clubs ;
0' ten for #l'?. Agents allowed f>0 cents for
every new subscriber, which they may either retain
themselves, or allow to subscribers.
111.. . 111. r> /?? rr>i,lulinn nP All T tVlll Pf
?y r. uu uu? v.?? v*.w. ? r-rv"
to <lej>cn<i upon its cheapness, or its cxellence as a
Literary Journal, or a Political Journal, but upon
the combination of reasonableness of price, value
of contents as a Literary, Anti-Slavery, anil Political
newspaper, importance of location, ami the
expediency of maintaining a Journal at the seat
of the Federal Government, which shall proclaim
ami enforce the doctrines of the non-sl.aveholding
masees in regard to slavery.
The bills for the Fn-wt of Youth were sent to
subscribers last week, enclosed in the first number
of the seoond volume. Its editor respectfully requests
that returns be made as soon as possible.
As an inducement to agents, and for the convenience
of Sabbath and other schools, the paper will
be furnished at the following rates to clubs:
Five copies ..... 92.00
Ten do. - - 3.00
Fifteen do. fiOO
TfMtfxsmviNo DAY.?Tlufc. -j , --- - <
his month, is designated by our Mayor, acting
mder instructions from the Corporation, as
rhankgivitig l>ay.
Grace Greenwood?The National Era anlounces
that it has secured the services of Miss
larah Jane Clark (Grace Greenwood) exclusively
or that paper. We rejoice that Grace has at
ength fallen into her appropriate sphere. She
s one of the most talented women in the land
iho writes most excellent sketchy letters, which
lave chieily made her reputation, but. better stoics,
and still better poetry Her principles are
lerfcctly in harmony with the National Era, and
he will work with pen, hand, and heart in unison
n that position. The Era will have one more
eaturc of attraction added to it by this arrangencnt.?
Western (Chicago) Citiz-n.
The Michigan Christian Herald, after some
:omplimentury remarks, &.c., Hays?
" For its literary character, the Era has always ,
been distinguished. We are happy to sec the
names of Whittier. II. IS. Stanton, Mrs. Souths
worth, the Misses Carey, and Grace Greenwc^O)
still pledged as contributors. Grace Greenwood,
one of the most versatile, able, and poptmr writers
of the day. is announced as a entrant eon- i
tributor. The subscriber to the Htfi, then, is (
sure to get, not only one of the ablest and most
interesting political and family journals, but more 1
good literary reading than is embraced in two ordinary
annuals, and what will be equivalent to a
very respectable volume of nrigiu.il jiunitf, liesides.
Two dollars a year, or three copies for
five dollars."
The census of Washington city gives a total
population of 10,077?showing nn Increase of
10 S77 since Ivio. Georgetown and Alexandria,
wiih the country portion of the I >islrict,oontuined,
in 1 sio, inhabitants; they contain now
10,0.17, showing an increase of only The increase
in Washington city is doubtless owing to
the fact of its being the seat of the federal Government.
The stationary condition of the population
in Georgetown and the country portion of
the District, every body must attribute to slavery.
With such a market as Washington, and such a
soil as surrounds it, and with such an increase in
the population of the city, what could have prevented
any growth in the surrounding country
hut the repugnance of free labor to immigrate
into territory burdened with slavery institutions?
We lmpe this repugnance may he overcome,
wherever there is u prospect of substituting slave
labor by free. This is the case in relation to the
District. True, the census shows a slight increase
of the slaves in Washington city, since
Is III; but a portion of this incre.se is not real,
and that which is real is not legitimate. The
census of slaves, in is III, as we stated once before,
on the authority of those who knew the facts, was 1
loosely taken, and did not give the whole of that '
class of population. As it regards that part of
the increase which is not legitimate, we copy the '
remarks of the well-informed correspondent of
the New York Evening Post. He says: 1
" I believe that a considerable part, if not the
whole of the in (reuse, may he accounted for by
the fact that, upon the cession of Alexandria
county to Virginia, in 1815, the slaves resident
therein, but owned in Maryland, were removed,
under the operation of Virginia laws, to the re
rniining portions of the Federal District. The
same cause accounts tor a part of the accession to
our free colored population ; for a large portion of
them were summarily expelled from the limits of
the ceiled territory.''
The majority of the slaves arc domestics, and
reside in the city, so that neither mechanics nor
fanners, immigrating to the District, need encounter
their competition. We see no good reason
why such a population may not find it to their
account to seme in tins section 1 ne cum&te is
delightful, ilie soil good and easily cultivated, the
markets nre always brisk and increasing, mechanics,
too, aro in great demand, in consequence of
the rapid growth of enterprise in house-building.
Kvcrywhcre we sec new and handsome buildings
going up. The recent opening of the Canal to
Cumberland is also destined to minister to the
pospcrity of the city The same correspondent
from whom we hatre already quoted, says:
" Washington possesses many advantages for
conducting the business pertaining to the reception.
storage, anil transhipment of this coui, which
do not belong to either of its competitors, Haitimore,
Georgetown or Alexandria. Measures are
already in progress, which, if successful, nppenr
likely to render this place as famous as a market
for this indispensable article of commerce, as
Richmond on the Uelaware, or Newcastle.
Firms engaged in the business in your city aud
Philadelphia are preparrd to send here for transshipment
of .100 (MH) tons per snnum, as soon as
the requisite facilities shall hare been provided
It is well known .that the semi-bituminous coal of
the Cumberland mines has a universally acknowledged
superiority for most manufacturing purposes,
nnd as a fuel for steamers over any other
in the United States, with the exception possibly
of I ho Canuel coal of Indiana, of which the supply
is too limited to be relied upon "
A greater extent of paved streets has been completed
in Washington than in perhaps any city of
its numbers in the Union. The process of lighting
them is gradually going on. Already the beau,
tilul Pennsylvania Avenue, extending from ths
Capitol to tho White House, is brilliantly illuminate]
at night, an I we hope to aee the darkness of
other striets by night, soon dispelled.
\\ hat we now need specially is, a bountiful supply
of pure water The comfort and health of
the members of Congress aud the numerous visiters
in this place, on business or pleasure, from
11 section* of the Unions a* well as those of th?
citiiens, demand this Hut it requires means be- i 1
yon 1 the ability of our people. numbers of whom '
are employed in the various departments of the j '
Government, on salaries that warrant no outlay '
beyond necessary expenses. It is the duty of '
Congress to make the Capital city of the Union '
such a seat of Government ns shall favor the <
he ilth ami comfort of the People's Hepresentativcf., j '<
and reflect in the eyes of the Representatives of i '
foreign countries, resident here, something of the , '
good taste, the munificence and power of the great '
Republic to which it belongs.
We hope, ere long, that an appropriation will be 1
made for supplying the city with water from the '
Potomac in such quantities that everybody may 1
h ive enough and to spare for every cleanly and
healthful purpose?including free baths for all '
the people. 1
? ? 1
f orth* National Krt.
" At la*t durknets, the trum/uiUiter, bate u* good bye." |
" My *ei*onfor te{f-comuiunion, my hour* for thought*
iff hour, ronrertaled to the evocation of lire ride image* unit
a*ioi intion* ; the only period in there region* when my torpid
brum hud reemed marmeit into g niul or nrhre life? .
tin*, to'iieliow or other, iral myrtei iou*ly ubsorbeil into |
*un*hine."? lbttbr raon thk uminnscl kxecnition. (
A ship ewitiK* en a waveleM ova, '
^ W here iceberg*, waving white, I
, Solemnly warning it away, \
(>nts| read their aiiigs of lijrhf
Itorti of the vapor and the Sun,
Dark, giant shadows creep,
(T>se where the low orb 'lagers ou
The bosom of the deep.*
Illsck monsters of the Frozen Sea
Sweep past that venturing ship,
Upheaving, in their mammoth play,
Bright' fountains of the deep "
The sea Is blue ami still ben ath ?
The sky above as still
As if a spell bad bound the breath
That wings the bark at will.
A stranger from a sunnier clime
t'limbs that lone deck to roam,
Just when the blessed twilight time
Is stealing o'er his home.
The wing of Mercy wafts him on
To seek the lost of years,
Whose hero hearted wife hath won I
A world to share her tears ,
The twilight time i no dusky wing
Is spread athwart the glare y
Of that cold sun, whose glimmering
Shoots through the sparkling air.
The twilight time' all memories
('ante cWter/ug to his breast, I
W here that aoft shallow of the skies f
Veiled sinking Day to rest.
All memories of his home afar,
All fanrits of the hearth (
Where cluster to their evening prayer
l is best beloved of Farth,
Alt glelinings from the wavering goal '
Beyond these treacherous seas, 1
All whisptriugs of bis Inner soul? /
The twilight gave him Ihnr .'
The twilight time! he droops bis eye? f
There is no twilight here!
Up in his cheek, unoonscioukly,
Congeals one tell-tale tear. , '
'Tis not perpetual sunshine makes I 7
The heart-hud." blossom forth?
The hour of dusk and darkness wakes
The dearest dreams of Karth '
Too unch of glory lies unfurled
Fur mortal's da tiled sight;
He shuts his eyes upon the world
He cannot bid "(rood Night."
Sleep, the consoler, stealeth on
Where angels heekon ber,
And watrheth with the midnight Sun,
That dreaming mariner.
The phenomena of refraction are known to he wonderful
and varied, in that latitude.
Amidst the commotions that agitate the political
world, the distinguished men who have heen 1
accustomed to leadership in their several parties,
teem not unwilling to keep tinir claims prominent
in the Public eye.
>1 E-VNKS. WKBWTF.lt ANI? ? ***.
In the Norin, Daniel WelmMr, who has jost
.a?IA U7uuKtiv(ftnn i*ftg?r n mntith'rf nhnpnof I
h i* been busily engaged in denouncing agitation, 1
writing letters and miking speeches to Union
meetings culled specially to sustain the Fugitive i
Law, in efforts to expurgate the Whig party of
Abolition heresies, and in fraternizing with anti- '
quoted Democrats, penetrated with gratitude to 1
the Great Expounder for his never-to-be-forgotten
speech in the Senate. Ordinary party questions
seem to havo lost their importance in his t
estimation ; old party prejudices he is gradually
sloughing off; and he appears quite willing to !
take the leadership of a grand Union party, no j
matter what strange and incongruous materials c
in other respects it may bring together. >
General Cass has lately signalized himself by 1
throwing himself into the breach iu defenceof the
Fugitive Law, and by falling there. Over his
prostrate form the battle waxed hot but his
Lieutenant, Mr Kuell, was compelled to sound a (
retreat, leaving his commaudiog oflicer for'dead. J s
A Union meeting was lately got up in Phila- f
delphia, there being imminent danger that the "
old Keystone State might slip from the arch, and
cause the downfall of the Union.
It was ehiitly remarkable for resuscitating t
Messrs Dallas and Buchanan, venerable gentle- 1
men, who, it was thought, had departed this po- *
itical life. But, us we huve often said, your true ,
old stager" will not die. He has more lives ]
than a cat, and will stand more beating. Mr. i 1
Buchanan's letter to the Union meeting in Phil- j
udelphiu is characterized by an unctuous horror ?
of Abolitionism, and he looks back with longing ,
to the days when Andrew Jackson denounced the i
transmission through the mails of Abolition pa- <
pers, as leading to civil war. Agitation at the
North, he insists, ought to he put down. (
It is welt enough to have these gentlemen with ]
their out-of-date politics lingering among us. e
They serve to show the amount of progress for 1
the last generation. Dating back to them, we
can form a pretty good idea of how much the ,
cause of Liberty has gained during the last thirty
years. f
For this ri aaon we should prize these venera- '
ble gentlemen, looking upon thetn, as somebody (
remarks, with the same kind of veneration with
which we sometimes take down and examine our
great grandfather's breeches.
We must not overlook In our survey the services
of Sen itor Douglas of Illinois in this "alarming
crisis," as the Union styles it. Small though
he bo in stature, his arm has been boldly stretchrd
forth to keep the ark of our Union steady. In Chi- j
cngo, he has stood up in the face of his constituents, j
and defended all and suudry the Compromise i
measures of the last Congress, embracing the
"Fugacious Rill," that masterpiece of legislation,
which has suddenly become the single pillar
on which rests the Union. j
General Shields is following in his footsteps,
and is now almost as souud a "National" as
Webster or Cass. ^
All of these gentlemen go ahout preaching
Union to the North, as if there were any concerted
movements on foot in that section to break it !
up. They throw out hints of the necessity of
organizing a great Union party. We should like
to know whom such a party would not embrace at |
the North. Mr. Garrison nnd his friends, hard- ' j
ly so mauy as Gideon's army when reduced to its |
ultimate elements, are the only party at the
North that denounces the Union, and even they
refrain from the Ballot Box. Is it ngainst this
party that the great Union host, headed by Cass,
Webster, Clay, X Co., is to he rallied, and si t in
battle array 1 Well?we suppose they will win
the day, and otrry the question at the ballot box,
especially ss Mr. Garrison canuot conscientiously
vote in the present order of society.
In the South, too, we hear the tr imp of great
men, moving amidst the war of the elements.
Senator Berrien, anxious to be reelected to the
Senate, but not txaotlj oertain how that is to be
kccomplishci, ge^m? dis| I to conciliate both
I'i.'unioniits and inmists I le declines a nomination
to the Contention about to meet, but
states his reason to be. a desire to be present in
his place iu the Senate to do battle for the South.
He concurs with the Pixunioniats in the belief
lhat great wrong? h ive been intlictcd upon the
South, and think? that injustice is done them
when they are denounced fur their hostility to
the measures of the late < 'onpress , but he is not
in favor of Secession. Non-Intercourse is his
policy. He would hive (deorgia take a bold
stand in her Convention and do nothing, concede
nothing that shall lend to embolden Northern
fanaticism. It is said that his letter is not ex ictly
pleasing to one gide or the other, so that it is
ini'e possible the only effect of it may be. leave
*nd leisure to cool the fervors of his patriotism in
the shades of private life
Mr. Clay, in response to an invitat ion of the Le- >
gislatureof Kentucky. has been making a speech (
in Lexington, on the Agitating Uuestion. an 1 the !
measures adopted by < '.ingress to restore ' f'eace
and Harmony" to the country. Nothing but a
desire to contribute his share to the proper adjustment
of the great Uuestion. induced Lim to
accept a seat in the Semite, lie speaks with much
e mplacency of the resolutions submitted by himself,
in that body, as a b ^sis of compromise?
shows how they were substantially embodied in
the .provisions of the Omnibus bill ? an l how,
although this bill, as a whole, failed, it finally
passid in detail, and became the law of the land.
Without any formal and direct assumption of the
credit of carrying through the Adjustment, he
takes it for granted, throughout his speech, that
it was the work of Mr. Clay, to whose wisdom
and patriotism the country owes its escape from
the gulf of " OisunioD," and the settlement of a
Uuestion whose agitation was fraught with the
most perilous consequences.
A few weeks since, commenting upon the assumption
by the IVusbiugton Union, that the measures
of the late session constituted a Compromise,
in which each section gave a little to gain a little,
we showed that the only concessions made were
by the North ; and that, under no aspect, could
Ihose measures be regarded as any compromise at
all. We find our view completely confirmed by
Mr. Clay. As to California, he says, ^wi'her
'>arty, so far as the action of Congress is concerned,
an be truly considered to hate carried or lost. What
ias been done, then, has been done by a compc,eul
gnd admitted authority, without the interpolition
of Congress. As to the Territories of New
Mexico $nd Utah, the wishes of the South hare prevailed?ike
Vfi/mot Proviso has been rejanluited; and,
although I do not believe that slavery will be
(derated in either of them, both are allowed to mintit
or exclude it according to th-xr otrn pleasure. In
eg.trd to the Texas boundary, the South has been
end red secure in all the territory lying west of the
\'wcest and extending to the liio del Soil"; and up
hat river, from ds mouth to the southern line'of A tin
Mexico, as an area for slavery, irhwh had !>- n la fore
lisjmled and controverted. The South yets an eff-Ctive
irortsion for the restoration of fugitive shires. The
iouth, I think, mill he yuit'ed on th suhpet of the
nidation of slavery in the District of Columbia, ha the
dioh'ion of th" odious stave trade in that District?
i measure tyually demanded, in my humble opinion,
iy the honor, diyni'y, and true interest of hoth the
South and the North."
According to Mr. Clay's own showing, the
5outh conceded nothing; the only concessions
nade, were made hy the North. And yet th??
Washington Union is constantly insisting that the
Nigitive Rill was the price paid hy the North for
everal great concessions made hy the South?so
hat to repeal, or essentially modify it. would he
n act of bad faith, and vitiate the whole Corniromise.
" Hnrnhug'' is the only term that can
lefine such an assumption as this.
Mr. Clay, towards the close of his speech, preenh)
several views of great s>gnifi ance, urged as
hey are by'a slaveholding statesman. /W? quote
he report of them, as given in the Jiejmhltc ;
"It was not to he expected, nor did I expect,
lh.it. the measures adopted :it the hint session ot
Congress would lead to on irnmeiliate and gen<rul
acquiescence, on the part of the ultras at the
North anil at the South.
" They hid been impelled by such violent and
extreme passions, that it was too much to expect
that they would silently and promptly admit their
errors, and yield to what hail heeri done for the
be-t interests of our common country.
" Accordingly we perceive thit at the South a
second edition of the Hartford Convention has
ig tin assembled, and is laboring to stir up strife
m l contention, and in several of the slaveholdng
States the spirit of discord and discontent is
msily engaged in Its unpatriotic work Hut I
tonfidently anticipate that all their mud etl'orts
vili he put dowu by the intelligence, the patriotstn,
the love of the Union, of the people of the
'arious slaveholditig States."
the SOCTII Ot'T OF the t'NIO.M, and in it.
"And here, Mr. Speaker, let me make a monentary
inquiry as to what woul<l have been the
londition of the Confederacy on the subject of
lavery, if unhappily it had been dissevered. Asluming
that the line could have been drawn
>etwecn the slaveholditig and non-slavcholding
ttatcs, all north of Maryland ami Virginia, and
ill north of the Ohio river, would have become a
oreign, independent and sovereign Power. Conrast,
if you please, our present condition with
vhat it would have been under that order of
"At present we have a tight, if any slave eslapes
from his service, to demand his surrender.
iVe have a right to take the Constitution tind the
aw in our hands, and to require the surrender.
I do not^belicve that there will be an$ open and
orcible resistance to the execution of the law
"The people of the North have too strong a
lense of the propriety of obedience to the law;
mt if there be any such resist mce. we have the
ight to invoke the employment of any part of the
nilitia of the United States, or the army ami naw
if the United States, to entorce the execution of
he law; and, although I have no authority to
ronneot President Fillmore to any specific line of
luty, 1 hare known him long, well, and intimate
y, and I feel entire confidence in htm us a man of
thility, honesty, and of patriotism, who will per\>rm
his duty, and his whole duty, in seeing to
lie effectual execution of the laws of the land
o which I pledge my support, and the utmost of
ny poor ability.
" In the existing state of tilings, we doubtless
thnll not reenter all our fugitive slates that cs;aped.
We shall, howeter, recover some, and
he courts and the juries in the free Statin hate
lemonstrated their readiness to give, by their
verdicts and judgments, ample indemnity against
ihose who entice, seduce away, aud hatbor, our
runaway slates.
"But how would the case stand in a dismembered
condition of the Confederacy? Then wc
would not have a right to demand a solitary
slate that might escipe beyond the Ohio into ,
what would then be a foreign Power.
" If all the slates of Kentucky in that contin- j
grrcy were to flee beyond tint Ohio river, we
vrmlil imt have a riirht to demand one of them in
the aluteuce of extradition treaties. un<l no such
treaties would ever he concluded
" With respect to slaves. wc should hare no
right to demand a surrender of one of them, j
Nothing is clearer in the whole public law of n'tions,
than that one independent foreign Power is
tot hound to surrender h fugitive w ho t ikes refjge
in another independent foreign Power.
" We hare recently seen this great internuliontl
principle acted upon by the Sultan of Turkey,
n tho rase of Kossuth and his Hungarian companions,
who took refuge in the Sultan's dominons,
and his refusal to surrender them upon the
lemand of Russia and Austria was enthusiast!- j
ally admired, approved, and applauded, by nil 0f
" Now, Mr Speaker, we have the Constitution,
he law, the clear right, on our side Uissolve the |
Confederacy and create new and independent
1'uwem the law nnd the right will be transfers<1
from us to them."
Ttik i niois to na maintainki. i\ xvrriT po*ti?iUSIUY.
li I may he rutked, as I have l>een asked, when 1
aould consent to a dissolution of the Union. I j
tuswer, Neverl Neverl Noser I because 1 cm,
onceire of no pos-ible contingency tint would,
make it for the interests aud happiness of the
people to break up this glorious Confederacy, and
eparate it into bleeding and belligerent parts.
Show me what I believe to be impossible to show
Be, that there will be greater security for liberty, ,
life, property, praoe, and human happiness, in
ihe midst of jarring, jealous, and warring indf- i
pendent North American Powers, than under the
t-ugle of the Union, and I will consent to its distolution
" I would hold te it if Congress were to usurp '
, NOVEMBER 28, 181
a power, which I am sure it never will, to abolish I
slavery within the State#; for, in the contingency i
of such ft usurpation, we should he in e better
condition as to slavery, b td^w it would be, in the (
Union, than out of the Union." *
" Apprehensions have been entertained and ex- |
pressrd as to the want, in future time, of territo- <
rial scope for the slave population. (
" I believe that a very distant day, not likely *o i
occur iu the present or next century, whenever the (
vast unoceupied waste in Mississippi, Arkansas, i
Louisiana, Alabama, Florida, nn 1 Texas, shall be- j |
come fully peopled, slavery will have reached its j |
natural termination?the density of population in j |
the United States will then be so great that there |
will be such reduction in the price and value of <
labor as to render it much che aper to employ free |
than slave labor; and the slaves, becoming a bur- (
den to their owners, will be voluntarily disposed (
of, and allowed to go free. i
" Then 1 hope and believe, un<ler the dispcr.sa- i
tionsof Providence, that the continent of Africa, i
by the system of colonir.atinn, will be competent <
t> receive from America all the descendants of its i
own race." (
" If theagitation in regard to the Fugitive Slave ,
law should continue and increase, and Income (
alarming, it will lead to the formation of two new ]
parties?one for the Union, the other ngaiust the ,
"Present parties have been created by a divi- j
sion of opinion as to systems of national policy, ,
as to finance, free trade or protection, the ini- ,
provetnent of rivers and harbors, the distribution ,
of the proceeds of the public lands, kc.
" But these systems of policy, springing out of
the administration of the Government of the '
Union, lose all their interest and importance if i
that Union is to be dissolved. They sink into ut- ,
tcr insignificance before the nil-important pervasive
and paramount interest of the Union itself.
"The platform of the Union party will be the '
Union, the Constitution, am! the enforcement of |
its laws; and if it should be necessary to form (
such a party, and it should be accordingly formed, (
I announce myself lo this place a member of that
Union party, whatever may be its component ele- 1
" Sir, I go further; I have great hopes and confidence
in the principles of the Whig party, as '
being most likely to conduce to the honor, the '
prosperity, and the glory of my country. But if it ;
is to be merged intoacontemptihle Abolition par- 1
ty, and if Abolition is to be engrafted on the ]
Whig creed, from that moment I renounce the 1
Whig party, and cense to be a Whig. i
" 1 goyet a step further ; if I am alive, I will give ]
my humble support for the Presidency to that '
man who, whatever party he may belong to, is not '
contaminated J)y fanaticism, rather than to one J
who, crying out ail the time, and aloud, that he is '
a Whig, maintains doctrines utterly subversive 1
of the Constitution and the Union. 1
11 Mr t?pe?* without reserve, and with 1
entire freedom. If there be a man who treads the '
soil of this broad earth that feels himself perfectly '
independent, 1 am that man.'
We must confess our admiration of Mr. Clay's 1
courage in avowing his sentiments. He will not
contemplate Disunion as possible in any contingency.
The day after Mr. Clay delivered this speech,
Mr. Clayton, late Secretary of State, made his
demonstration at a Complimentary Dinner given (
to him in Wilmington. It was his first public <
appearance after his retirement from (he Cabinet.
He took occasion to pass in review hii own course
on the great Question of the day, naking a full
exposition of his Compromise, passed by the Sen- (
ate and r?jected in the House two years ago <
Like Mr. Clay, he ecenis a good deal impressed by 1
his own wisdom. That " Clayton Compromise,' '
so-called, he is Bure, would have giien peace to j
the country and a quietus to the''vexed ques- i
tion," had not the House of Representatives al- '
most contemptuously laid it upon the table. Rut, 1
he did not despair of the Republic, la the sug- (
gestions thrown out by Mr. Polk in his annual message,
implying the expediency of postponing 1
all agitation of the question, until California and J
New Mexico should organize State Governments ,
and decide for themselves, on the exclusion or ad- ,
mission of slavery, be saw a gleam of hope: aud, I
when called to take a seat in President Taylor's '
Cabinet, he was glad to see the same views em- '
braced by that distinguished man. The recoin- |
mendationH of President Taylor, he claimed, were
but the further development of viown suggested
hy Mr Polk. Rut, an outcry was raised against
them, and an attempt was made in Congress to
force through a greit Omnibus bill, which stuck
fast, and could neither be got in nor out. In this
part of his speech, he w is quite facetious at the
expense of Mr. Clay and his co-laborers, ridiculing
their outcries of danger to the Union, and
commenting severely upon the waste of time and
needless irritation and excitement, occasioned by
their blundering efforts to settle all the questions
at once. He says :
"I did not believe, and do not now believe, that
there was any danger of disunion from the in (option
of the measures proposed by Presidents Polk
and Taylor. I read the speeches of gentlemen of
great distinction, who painted in vivid colors the i
horrors of disunion, and predicted, in melancholy ]
jeremiads, the total subversion of our whole con- (
federated system, in the event of the admissiou of
New Mexico nud California as States of this
Union. [Laughter | The flights of oratory on
these topics were interesting exhibitions of ge- '
nius. The pathos and effect with which the dis- | '
solution of the Confederacy aud the consequences
of civil war were depicted in Ccngre-ss, made deep
impressions on the country, and, in common with :
others, 1 confess that I admired
' How cnnnirgly the blood and tear* were druwn.'
|Great laughter | Hut I never seriously believed 1
a syllable of the story that there wis danger of
dissolution of this glorious Union arising out of
waiting for the acion of the people of the territeries
in the creation of their own domestic insti- p
tutions, or of acknowledging their right of selfgovernment,
by the admission of the States into
this Union. 1 would not turn on my heel to
pluck a father from the plume of any of those t
distingished orators who, under the belief that t
such means were necessary to save the Uuion, 0
kept Congress and the whole country in a state
of continued Hgiiation for about ten months, and r
who, having raised the ghost of disunion, after- 0
wards obtained the credit of laying it.-' [Laugh- v
ter ] /
Again: 8
' I smile at the struggles of the politician who t,
seeks to attain tvirfv a?.cenilenev for himself or
his friends hy endeavoring to float higher up than
imy others upon the waves of sectional excitement, i
There is no danger in these demonstrations, so i
long as the great American heart?the heart of o
the people (I do not mi an of Congress) remains j,
sound. [tlrc-it applause | I can laugh st the cf- ^
fort of the political fanatic or madman who strives
to mike it appear to tither section of the Union
that he is a better friend to it than anybody elee, [
and, to gain distinction, 'outhgrods Herod and
otrerdoea Termagant.' [Laughter | There is
generally, I say no danger in all this to any but
those who preach and attempt to practice absolute p
treason and disunion, and, indeed, there is gene- j
rally very little danger even to them it is 'a
vali int Ilea that eats his hrenkflftt on the lip of a I
lion but he is in no peril, while his depreda- '
tions remain too insignificant to attract notice. F
[Longhter) 1
The orations m ule to show that disunion would
be the conseipienoe of granting the right of selfgovernment
to the people of the Territores were 0
fine The praises of the Kophnifct in the Monss- t
tery woje well merited. 4 M irvrllc.us fine words,' t
said Maine Gendecoing, 'marvellous fine words, R
neighbor Hopper, are they not V
Brave words?veiy brave words?very ex- u
?: . i_ > L i.i. III.. p
Wining pyei worue. unswrrvu me iiiinn , nv.i i- . ?
Ihelcss, fo speak 1117 mind, a lippy of bran were ] ti
worth a buxhcl 0' them.'w |Great laughter | r
Sitire like (hie wijl never be forgiven by the j |
subjects of it. Mr. CI lyton then boldly takes the J
bull by the home: i *
"The greatest onilnirr.wuimt, both to the President
nnd to the country?the principal obstruction
to all legislative measures?arose out of the |
futile eff ,rt made during the last session of Con- s
gresj, to onil*>dy in one bill on this subject me.s- '
ores n! aolutely incongruous, or having no proper ?
connection with etch other. When the State of h
California presented herself for admission into t
the Knion, and tho President had distinctly
placed that measure as the very corner stone of 0
his whole system of policy in regard to the new ?
territories, there did not e*Ut in either hr.iuch of f
Congress a sufficient number of opposing rotes to j,
prevent the passage of the nreesaary hill. Hut
those who took the lead in the recent measures
of adjuatment having resolved that no man should f
vote for the admission of California who would a
not agree to vote, at the same time, ten millions j v
to Teias for a release of her claim to a portion of .
New Mexico, as well as territorial governments
for the latter and fur Utah the difficulties which '
helore had surrounded the question homed lately
* li Mens tbW is s Marnier of the Telsgrspb. Mr Clsj
said just tks reverse. d
thickened anil spread a deeper darkness around
Referring to the charge made, that the Pregllent
uaed his influence to preveut the pasaAge cf
[be Omnibus Bill, he says
" Disposed ?? I was, n?y, even anxious, that any
measures approximating to a settlement of the
juestions before us should he adopted?sincerely
desirous as I w:is to get rid of the noise of the
alarmists and agitators in Congress who were
daily making more hue and ery on these topics
than all the rest of the country together, lashing
themselves into fury, frighteuing the timid at
borne, and creating apprehensions among all the
friends of rational freedom abroad?I would have
hcen at any time truly rejoiced to fiud the doorway
for legid ition on other subjects?nil of which
unit ucen cunipiei^ij oociuaru nj me inirouucuon 1
at what was called the 'Omnibus Hill'?again
upeued, the country quieted, and the agitators
nilenced. This Omnibus Hill hung in the doorway
more than six months, while those who attempted
to drive it through, finding its passage
obstructed from its own unwieldy c >mpo?ition,
shouted at the top of their lungH to alarm the
community. Still it hung in the entrauce, jammed
on both sides, aud for a long period it could
be neither got in nor out. {Laughter] An excuse
became necessary for its probable failure;
and instautly the President was attacked because
he had not recommended it. It was forthwith resolved
that he should bear the blame of its defeat.
A new coalition, which had been formed to push
it through by main strength in opposition to the
real wishes of Congress, begnn to denounce not
nnly the President, but the members of his Cabinet,
because it nould not no." [Laughter ]
He goes on to say that, had each measure been
iakrn up and acted upon separately, ' Congress
?nd the nation would have been saved six months
unnecessary distraction and alarm."
Mr. Clayton, in his speech on the 15th, took
For granted, that the measures adopted by Congress
on the slavery question were the legitimate
offspring of his resolves. Mr. Clayton, in his
exposition on the 16th, put in a claim for & portion
of the glory:
"As to the territorial governments of New
Mexico and Utah, I, of course, would be among
the last to object to their organization on the principles
of my own bill which passed the Senate two
years before. These territorial bills provide substantially
for the very measures 1 had myself proposed
and strongly recommended ; and, individually,
1 was perfectly content with the adoption of
my own scheme of settlement, so far as these territories
were concerned. 1 should have been satisfied
wifh the admission of a St ite Government
in New Mexico, as well as California, with & constitution,
settling the question of slavery according
to the will of her own people. But I have
not yet ceased to deplore, and I fear that 1 shall
hereafter have much more reason to deplore, the
railure of fbe bill 1 had proposed, on account of
he dissatisfaction expressed in the South with
:he admission of the State of California."
How thankful we ought to be that Providence
ias voWnsated to 'utso many mtainfae guides!
The great event of this Complimentary Dinner,
was the nomination of General Soott for the
i res uency. t ne ming was unuouoieuiy precon- |
:erted among the chief managers of the meeting
After Mr. Clay ton's speech, among the toasts
irunk was, "The Whig Press." Mr. McMich&el,
>ne of the editors of the Philadelphia North
American responded, and, referring to Borne reject
reverses sustained by the Whigs, he said?
"There was no reason why they should be
lispirited, because, as they all knew and as
pvery one who chose to examine might prove,
their defeat was the result of causes and combinations
whioh could not again be made to operate.
But, said Mr. McMichael, if, without beiug
regarded as obtrusive, and without intending
to commit any one but himself, he might be allowed
to make a suggestion, he would point to a
means of certain victory ; and that was, that they
should rally under the glorious banner of Winfield
Scott. | Phis suggestion was received with
vociferous applause | Mr. McMichael remarked
further, that this was a theme ui>on which at this
lime it would not be proper for him to expatiate ;
lint knowing, us he did, the intimate relatione
which had long subsisted between Mr. Clayton
tnd General Scott, he would ask his distinguished
friend, to whose beautiful and truthful eulogium
>n tl\e lamented Taylor they had all listened with
<uoh sad lotted emotions, to.->ay what he knew iu
regard to the surviving hero, a request in which
he hoped the company would join him."
Mr. Clayton of course promptly arose, anil bestowed
a glowing eulogium on the distinguished
soldier, prefacing it with the following avowal
' 1 have lived to honor one gallant soldier of
my country, and 1 hope to live to do justice to
another. The memory of Taylor if) embalmed in
the hearts of his countrymen, and their voice has
consecrated his name in tones louder and more
emphatic than *ere (vor uttered in token of their
affectionate remembrance of any of their illustrious
dead, except the Father of his Country
himself. There still lives a hero worthy of the
highest honors a nation's gratitude can bestow;
and that hero is the Conqueror of Mexico, [loud
applause.| Winfield Scott, whose name will never
perish while a history of his country is preserved,
j llursts of applause, long oontinued | "
This was seconding the nomination by Mr.
McMichacl, and yet Mr. Clayton, at the close of
his eulogistic speech, was inuocent enough to
" 1 need not assure you, my fellow citizens, that
have not said thus much for the purpose of inroducing
the name of Gener.il Scott here for any
political purpose."
Pretty considerable assurance, Mr. Clayton.
The nomination of General Scott for the Presdency
may now be considered ss fairly before
he country, under the auspices of Mr. Clayton,
vho seems ambitious to play the part of old
Wat wick.
Last week we give an abstract of the speech of
ilr. llenton at St. Louis. Ile was exceedingly
everc upon Mr. Clay, and there i9 a striking concidetce
of opinion between him and Mr. Clayon,
respecting the great blunder, denominated
he Omnibus Bill. He proved that Mr. Clay at
ne time was in favor of mutilating the bounda
ies ot < aliiurnia, ny restricting ner to ine une
f 35 dog 30 min. on the south, for the sake of
tinning Southern support to his Compromise.
Is to the Fugitive Slave Bill, while he voted
teadily with its friends, for the purpose of inning
it just what they desired, he did not vote at
,11 on the engrossment, because, he says, he re;arded
the bill as " injudicious.'' Why it was
njudicious he dot s not say. The speech throughut
is characterised by thorough, uncompromising
loatility to all Nullitiers and Disunionists, and a
letermination to remove misconceptions araoDg
lis constituents, in relation to the sentiments and
turposcs of the non-slaveholding States.
Meantime, the moct distinguished Southern
toliticiuns are laboring to put down the spirit of
lisunion in the South. Messrs. Toombs, Steihens,
and Cobb are preaching peace in Georgia,
llesers. King and Clemens in Alabama, Messrs
'oote and Sharkey in Mississippi, snd Mr
)owns in Louisiana Nearly all these gentlemen
rere ultraiats in the beginning of the lost scs.sion
f Congress. Senators Clemens ami Foote disinguished
themselves by their menaces against
he Union; but Mr. ('lemons, in one of his late
Dieches to his constituents, tells them that he
iseil harsh words when something w is to be gaio<1
1 / tbem? now nothing wss to he gained, a
aajority in Congrcas had yielded more than any
a ijoritj had ever before yielded to a minority
lit appeals and those of Mr. Poote, for the I n
on, are now more fervent than they ever were
gainst it.
In this rapid review, we must not forget the
etter addressed by the President of the United
(fates to Dr Collins of tJeorgia the alleged ownrofWillinm
and F.llen < rafts, who have lately
n-en joined in the bonds of wedloi k, and have taken
heir departure The Doctor c ills the attention i
f the President to the state of things in Boston,
nd craves his help The President politely in- i
orma him that he stands ready to aee that all the
iwi. the Fugitive law included, tie faithfully I
treated, but he has not yet received evidence of ]
nch obstrurtion to the laws in Hoston as would 1
u'horixe his interposition. lie takes oare to i
vince no repugnance to the Fugitive law, talhe i
n smooth aud solemn phrase of the neoeoeUy of <
ulfilling all the obligations of the Constitution,
nd deprecates sectional excitements and discord <
I very proper letter, but the Southern NnlUl*rn I
leclare that it asms nothing, and van written i
-A ^
__ __ _ %?
just to influence the elections in Oeorgia for the
Convention to be held on the 2.'>th. We have not
yet written a letter to Mr. Fillmore, ctiling his
attention to the case of the Eufaula postmaster,
who refuses to fulfil his oath of office. ?nd who
has been sustained in his rebellious four-, by ti,P
people of that famous place. If we should write
and if we should get a letter from the President
saying that the laws must be executed, the
stitution must be maintained, the Union must be
preserved, and therefore the Kuftula poetmahier
must be discharged, we may publish it Men?,
time, the importunity with which the lrmoa iH ho
seeching the President to Wsne his Proehmitim
against obstructionists of the laws iu the N rth
reminds us that we oiurht to ??n ....? -
- -- ? ?|wu me rresident
to get out, with all convenient speed. ?
Proclamation against all rebellion* postmaster*
in the South, admonishing theni of their evil
deed*, nnd the evil const >|uencrg thereof. The
times are threatening?the heaven* are hung
with fearful portents?the Union i* trembling,
"hair-hung, breeze-shaken,'' over a bottomless
abyss: and we repeat, in the spirit of the venerable
editor of tho Union, would it not be well for
the Preaident to try the healing measure of a
Proclamation! (If the Union can beat th:?t, let
it try.)
But, we must bring our review to a close. The
People can see what their " great men " are doing?some
of them employed in mischief malting,
some in undoing the mischief they have nude?all
of them duly impressed with the importance of
the Union to them, and also with their importance
to the Union?all deprecating agitation, and
at the same agit iting. We think that we can
safely predict that the Union will survive them
all, and that the agitation in relation to slavery
and every form of oppression will coutiuue, long
after they have been called to their final reckoning
by Him who will turn and overturn, till he
have brought all things into conformity with his
own will.
The theory which a grave and learned Northern
Senator has recently announced in Congress,
that Slavery, like the cotton-plant, is coufined by
natural laws to certain parallels of latitude, beyond
which it can by no possibility exist, however
u ujiiy nave saiifstieil its author and his auditor*,
has unfortunately no verification in the facts of
the case. Slavery is angularly cosmopolitan in
its habits. The offspring of pride and lust and
avarice, it is indigenous to the world. Rooted in
the human heart, it dtfies the rigors of winter in
the steppes Ot Tartary and the fierce sun of the
tropics. It has the universal acclimation of sin
The first account we have of negro slaves in
New England is from the pen of John Joaselyn.
Nineteen yeurs after the landing at Plymouth,
this interesting traveller was for some time the
guest of Samuel Maverick, who then dwelt, like a
feudal baron, in his fortalice on Noddle's island,
surrounded by his retainers and servants, bidding
defiance to his Indian neighbors behind his
strong walls, with "four great gnus" mounted
thereon, and u giving entertainment to all newcomers
"On the 'dd of October, lCI!), abont 9 o'clock
in the morning, Mr. Maverick's wgio woman,''
says Joaselyn, "cauie to my chamber, and in her
own country language and tune sang very loud
and shrill. Goiug out to her, she used a great
deal of respect towards me, and would willingly
have expressed her grief in English, had she
been nhle to speak the language, hut I apprehended
it by her countenance and deportment
Whereupon'I repaired to my host to learn of him
the cause, and resolved to entreat him in her be
kr '' _0.- I k.wl ..... I-..k... -u......... - .
in her own country, and observed a very dutiful 1
anil humhle garb used toward her hy anott^T v- M
Kio. who Wilts her maid. Mr Maverick wm de?i- M
rous to have a breed of M|M| and thi-rct r H
seeing she would not yield by persuasions to coin ^
pany with a negro young man he had in his 1
house, be commanded him, willed she, nil lei she. I
to go to her bed, which wan no sooner done than
she thrust hint outwgain. This she took in high
disdain, beyond her slavery ; and this was the
cause of her grief." .
That the peculiar domestic arrangements and
unfastidiotis economy of this slave-breeding settler
were not countenanced by the Puritans of
that early time, we h ive flutlicient evidence It
is hut fair to suppose, from the silence of all
other writers of the time with respect to negroes
and slaves, that this case was a marked exception
to the general habits and usage of the colonists
At nn early period, a trnftic was commenced be
tween the New- Kngland Colonies and that of
Barbadoes, and it is not improbable that slaves
were brought to Boston from that island. The
laws, however, discouraged their introduction and
purchase, giving freedom to all held to service at
the close of seven years.
Iq 1 ft-lI, two years after Josselyn's adventure
on .Noddle 8 island, the Code of Laws known by
the name of the " Body of Liberties " was adopted
by the Colony. It was drawn up by Nathaniel
Ward, the learned and ingenious author of " The
Simple Cobhlor of Agawam," the earliest poetical
satire of New England, One of its provisions
was as follows.
" There shall be never any bond slaverie, villianagc,
or captivitie, amongst us, unles it be lawfull
captives taken in just warres, and such strangers
tis willingly sell themselves, or are sold to
us. And these shall have all the liberties and
Christian usages which the law of God established
in Israel doth morally require."
In 1646, Captain Smith, a Hoston church member,
in connection with one Iveeser, brought home
two negroes, whom he obtained by the surprise
and burning of a negro village in Afrioi, and the
massacre of many of its inhabitants Sir Richard
Saltonstall, one of the Assistants, presented a petition
to the General Court, stating the outrage
thereby committed as three-fold in its nature,
viz murder, man-stealing, and Sabbath-breaking,
inasmuch as the offence of ''chasing the neg-rs,
as aforcsayde, upon the Sabbath day, (being a
servile work, and such as cannot be consi irrrd
under any other head.) is ezprcssly capital by the
law of God "?for which reason he prays that the
offenders may be brought to justice, " sue that the
sin they have committed may be upon tbeir own
heads, and not upon ourselves.''
Upon this petition, the General Court passed
the following order, eminently worthy of men
professing to rule in the fear and according tothe
law of God?a terror to evil-doers, and a praise to
them that do well:
"The General Court, conceiving themselves
bound by the first opportunity to bear witness
against the heinous and crying sin of man-stealing,
as also to prescribe such timely redress for
what has past, and such a law for the future, as
tuay sufficiently deter all others belonging to m,
to have to do in such vilo and odious course'
justly abhorred of all good and just men, do order
that the negro interpreter and others unlawfully
taken be by the first opportunity, at the charge of j
the country for the present, sent to hi* native
country, Guinea, and a letter with him, of the [?
,l.r.f lha ?rt thereabout, an ) justice t
thereof, desiring our honored Governor would
please put this order in execution
There is, so far as we know, no historical record
of the actual return of these stolen men to tbeir
home. A letter is extant, however, addressed in
behalf of the General Cnnrt to a Mr. W illiams
on the Piscataquis, by whom one of the negroes
hail been purchased, requesting him to send the
ra in forthwith to lloetou, that he may be sent
home, " which this Court do resolve to semi back
without delay.*'
Three years after, in 1?40, the following law
was planed upon the statute book of the Massachusetts
"If sny men stesletb a man or inanhinJ, he
shall snrqfp be put to death "
It will thus be seen that these early attempts to
introduce Slavery into New kngland were op
posed by severe laws, snd by that strong popular
aentimrnt in favor of human liberty which char
derived the Christian radicals who laid the
foundations of tha Colonirs it was not the rigor
?f her northern winter, n?r the unkindly soil of
Massachusetts, which discouraged the iatrodwc
?ioa of slavery in the first half century of her ex
Isteaoe aa n oolooy. It wu the Peritan's reeog
aition of the heethsrheed at man, in sin, anfer

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