New national era. [volume], March 16, 1871, Image 3

About New national era. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1870-1874

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Hon. l?arl<^ Sumner.
T, -16 lraV,senator, the friend of humanity, it
mill b? i*en by the following has coine to the
. new (degress with the determiuawork
id t',e u "
rnnA*ib'e, to secare to the colored people
tion. if V?- ... . , i i
,. this country all rights :u.d privilege# enjoyed
Pv other American citizens :
tin the 9tb instant in the Senate of the United
States .Mr. Sumner asked, und by unanimous
content obtained, leave to ilitroduce a hill (S.
No. 99 supplementary to an act entitled "An
act to protect all citizens of the United States
in their civil rights, and to furnish the means
for their vindication." passed April 9, 1S6G ;
which was read twice by its title.
.Mr. SUM NEK. This hill has already been
tu icc reports! adversely iijm u by the Commit
te.- on the Judiciary. I think, therefore, it wtll
not ht advisable to refer it attain to that corn
inittee. it is a \ ery important bill ; nothing
twore important could l?e submitted to the Senate
; and 1 submit that Congress ought to act
upon it before we go home. No resolution ot 1
adjournment should be adopted until the bill
1 now hold in my hand, or something equivalent
to it. tieeomes a law.
Mr. II AM LIN. What is the title of the
bill?
Mr. St MNEl*. The Senator from Maine
me what the title of the bid is. I will
read him the title, and also the tirst section.
It is "Jtitled "A lull supplementary to an act
entitled 'Ail act to protect all citizens of the
United .Stntes in their civil rights, and to furnish
the means for their vindication,' passed
April y, IMiti." In other words, this bill is
supplementary to what is known as tho civil
right# act; and the tirst section is as follows:
"That all citizens of the United States, with
out aisuucuon 01 race. coior, or pieviuun c?>u- i
dition of servitude, are entitled to the equal
and impartial enjoynteot of any aeeotumodatiou.
advantage, facility, or privilege furnished
hv coiuiuoit curriers, whether on land or water;
by inn keepers ; hy licensed owners, managers,
or lessees of theatres ??r other places of public
amusement ; by trustees, commissioners, superintendents,
teachers, or other officers of coin
inou fdit'ols and other public institutions of
learning, the same being supported or authorized
by law ; by trustees or officers of church
organizations, cemetery associations, and benevolent
institutions incorporated by National
?>r State authority; and this right shall not be
denied or abridged on any pretense of race,
color, or previous condition ol* servitude."
That proposition is simple. In this bill there
are penalties for its enforcement. Why should
an) one here hesitate to make this a law ? It
is in conformity with the declaration of Independence
and with the Constitution of the
United States, neither ot which knows anything
of the word "white." And uow, sir, allow me
to hay that you cannot expect repose in this
country, you ought not to expect it, until all
citizens are really equal before the law. Why,
?ir. you know well that the tSenator from Miasintti'd.
who sat at our right only the other day.
(Mr. le vels,) cannot travel to Ins home as you
can without being insulted on account of hi*
color. Ai?d, Mr. Vice ('resident, has he not
the same rights before the law that you have ?
should you ettjov in any car a privilege which
the late NcnrU'r from Mississippi should not
enjoy? And yet you kuow his rights in the
cars are not secured t<> him : you kuow that he
is exposed to insult. So long as this endures,
how can you exp?ct the colored population of
this country to place trust in our Government?
Government insults the in so long as it refrains
from giving them protection in these rights of
equality.
Now, sir. 1 t ail attention to this bill, and
give notice that 1 shall do what I can to press
it to a vote. Senators may vote it down ; they
may take that responsibility ; but 1 shall take
mine, tiod willing. I believe that our coloaed
fellow citizens are exposed to outruge which '
the Congress of the United States can arrest; i
and so long as Congress fails to arrest this outrage
the Republican party, with which I am
associated, with'whose welfare and success 1 aiu
i,identified, must necessarily suffer, llow can
? LC - ~..i 1
tDv lu'puuiaau j?:iriy iuiu tu iiim luiuiru
fellow-citizens for their rotes when they leave
theiu to he insulted, as they are now, whenever
they travel upon a railway or enter a hotel ?
?Sir," 1 giro notice that 1 shall press this bill to
a vote.
The VICE PRESIDENT. The hill will lie i
on the table for the present. j
Mr. 8UMNER. I move that it he printed. J
The motion was agreed to.
ttur National I'l-ogrcH*.
The above is the uvw name for the Projress
of Liberty published i.i Harrisburg, Pennsylvania.
T he proprietorship Hnd editorial chair
having changed hands, its ne^' editor, Win- j
i.iam Howard Ha v. writes the following salutatory.
We wish the paper success uno**r i*8
new management. Its editor is no novice in
the editorial chair, and we look for a well-conducted
paper:
In as-uuiing editorial control of Our ANational
Pr<>yrtxs, as the successor of the Progress
cf Libert a- I recognize the great responsibility
involved, and the necessity for untiring
work to make the paper a financial and
literary success. Three things a newspaper
needs, and especially a paper in the interest of
the colored people?and those three are heart,
brains, and money. In the work of uplifting
a depressed class no man can afford to labor
without heart?purpose?lor the benefit of
others. He must make up his mind for dark
hours, and to work on in spite of them, trusting
to a brotherly interest, a friendly spirit,
and a kind Providence to be sustained.
1. therefore, with some shrinking, aud vet
w:th joy, return to mv old occupation. One
cannot easily shake oil the ho|>es and aspirations
of earlier years?hopes born in the storm
of '*onfl!ct created by the enslavement of his !
brethren. Liberty accomplished, the franchise
secured, we together march to new destiny. I
The workerLf years gone by canuot rest now.
when ihe battle of blades has conquered a!
place fur the battle of brains.
In this J look for sympathy and true friendliness
froui friends; and if opposition come?
opposition that is manly?1 shall treat our op
ponente fairly, respectfully, ami I exj?eet for
lay self what I accord to them.
In this work 1 am glad to Is* associated with
such an earnest, true man as Cassias M. 1
Blown, the publisher. He is, in addition, a
eareful business man, sufficiently active with i
out bustle, and determined to succeed.
As to the scope of our work. 1 respectfully \
refer to the circular prospectus published iu
this number. \\ a. Howard 1>at.
1\ K are always glad to speak a g<?od word for
every one who exhibits enterprise and a disposition
to keep abreast of the times, and so we
take pleasure in saying that Mr. Ai'oi sti s 1,k
Hah has opened a lirst-class house in Baltimore,
at No. .'1 Lexington street. '1'he traveling
public will always he sure to Und ut this house
a well-supplied larder, a clean f?ed, and altogether
a well kept house. We arc sure that the
I ui vet sal House will succeed, as it deserves to.
4;<kii?>ral iiiiiieM),
The following is the hill reported by Senator
Robertson, of South Carolina, from the
Select Committee on the Removal of Political
disabilities :
/lV j/ cViii.,/?'?/ e/c Thai **11 ? ?1-' - A
? ?i?., i urn nil [iri Willi HUDJfCl
to uuy di>ability imposed by the Fourteenth
Amendment of the Constitution of the United
ites are hereby relieved from such disability :
i'rvi iilrd, that the following classes of persons
-?re excepted from the provisi ons of this ait,
t at is to ?ay :
Firai. All j?ersons who being memliers of!
the Coo;:resa of the United States, withdrew
from their seals and aided the rebellion.
.Second. All officers who l?eing officers of
the Aruiy or Na\y of the United States, and !
( eiug above th* age of 21 years, lett the Artfty !
or Nary and aided the rebellion.
rhird. All (leraons who being uieuibers of
the State rouventions which adopted the pretended
ordinances ot secession, and voted in
favor of the adoption of such ordinances.
These excepted cla-ses are reserved for future
legislation.
Senator Kobertsou says he will press the
p**?age of his hill to the exclusion of all others
of a private or local character.
The New Haven Journal says: "What a 1
surprising difference the baiiot makes! The
Htynitr vDemocratic) has entirely ceased to
spell negro with two V's,' and now invariably j
speaks of its colored mends.' " I
0
I LcUer from Mncolnton, IV. ('.
Lihcolntow. N. C., March 3. 1S71.
To the Editor of the New X at tenia I Era :
Permit ine, through the columns of your
valuable journal, to present to the reading and
reflecting public a few facts and suggestions in
relation to the vital interests of the freednien
in the South. One of these farts is that about
eight-tenths of the freedmen own no land in the
rural districts in many of the Southern States?
especially, to my personal knowledge, in the
Carolinas. where 1 have been more recently
residing. The effect of this is to necessitate
them to work for their former masters (so
called) for less than half living wages, or be
without employment. This paucity of wages j
keeps them ever poor, indebted to. and dependent
upon, their employers, who consist
I * 1- f a I nlor?? nf tltA SsiUltJl
mostly 01 me rei'ci creaiout ? ./ ?
These employers give the freedmen provisions
at the beginning of the year, on a loan system. I
at enormous prices?at about one hundred and
fifty per cent, above real value or advance on
the dollar when payable. This is the practice i
of planters and traders?thus not only keeping
the freedmen in a state of poverty, from which
there is mo chance to escape, but forcing them i
also to surrender their political manhood to
their worst enemies, or yield to starvation.
Another fact is, that men, generally of rank
rebel proclivities, throw obstacles in the way
of freedmen purchasing lands, as a general
thing, especially in some sections of South
Carolina: They either raise the price on colored
purchasers, refuse to sell to them, or dissuade
them from buying if they can influence
them, or refuse to give them time on a pur ;
chase. These vampires know full well that 1
the dint of industry peculiar to the freedmen
! would soon insure his social and political iudependent
e if he had his own land to cultivate.
Another fact is, that whenever a colored man, by
the industry of himself, wife, ami two or three !
growu children, accumulates sufficient means !
to purchase a few acres of land, mauy of the j
rebel planters will offer him land on rent
(which they previously refused) rather than be
| should buy land for himself. These facts, with
| others that brevity forbids me to name in this
| article, go to show that one of the features of
rebel policy toward the negro in the South is, ,
and will be, to keep him out of land, and
j thereby control his labor and his vote. To !
1 meet this exigency of the freedmen we look
j to the Labor Union, to the National Legisla
ture, and to the Republican party. In the
light of those facts no oue can fail to see, that
ju9t in proportion as thefreedmen acquire land i
in the rebel States they gain their political in
dependence, and add strength to the Republican
party. While the National legislature
acted in all good faith in the institution of the j
Freedmen's Bureau, and exhausted their best !
judgment in their reconstruction enactments j
for the protection of the freedmen South, yet i
we are forced to the conviction, t'uit, hud about
one-third of the expenditures of the Bureau
| of Education been applied to locating freedmen
on lands, to cultivate for themselves, their
social and political indepeudence would have
been one hundred per cent.in advance of to-day. i
Mure anon. * V. D. M.
An Appeal to tlie Chri*liHi> and
Charitable Public.
The Buckingham Labor Union, an Asso- 1
ciation formed for the amelioration and
advancement of the condition of the laboring
classes, tinding itself greatly in need of means
to accomplish its Christian and charitable ,
work, makes this earnest and urgent appeal to |
the public for assistance, in any form, from all
its friends. In this community there are hun- j
dreds and thousauds of colored persons inade 1
nuately provided with homes, churches, and
schools. The laws of the land declare this people
free, but the blight of slavery can only be
removed by education, moral and religious culture.
All essential characteristics of a truly
free people, honesty, frugality, energy, indus- '
try, aud all civilizing and Christianizing intlu- |
ences, are sought to be inculcated. Patience |
and perseverance wnl effect a perfect work, j
This Association seeks to supply the people I
with these influences, that have made the
Anglo Saxon race so great.
This Association was organized September
12, 1*70, and has a constitution and charter.
The people have little power to control wages,
which are extremely low, and not much power
(0 -yllect what is due them. Want and sutfe ing
ar?* driv'l,*r many to commit crime, w hich
is fearfully l*,e i,u*rt'ase- Many of the people
are houseless *ud homeless- this is the condition
in which thev vT**'re leftwheu freed ; this
is the condition in which 15 j: deliberate
purpose of mauy of the owners o. s '
they shall remain. But few can act ''^tilut- |
means to buy an acre of land. There are exceptional
cases whe e they can buy, but not in ,
small quantities.
In temperance is fearfully on the increase, ;
sweeping multitudes into destruction. The
Association offers the opportunity to the phil j <
antiiropic to evert these terrible sins by educJl
tional accomodations. The magnitude of our
immediate field, the need ot the people and the
commanding influence of this Association in
this and adjacent counties, arousing and energizing
people of color, forces the Association
to devise largely. It has, therefore, determined
on a vigorous and efficient plan of operations.
The Association has faith in the charitab'e
throughout the country, that thev will irbultv
' * j n J j
furnish it with means ; is confident the friends
of the colored people will assist in elevating
and moralizing the race through this Association
and lend material assistance. A great deal
yet remains to be done for the colored people of
the South.
J'onutions or contributions of any kind will
he thankfully received and faithfully applied.
Please forward all such to W. O. Wilkinson,
Corresponding Secretary, C leu more, Bucking- 1
haui county, Virginia.
Tranci* Hret Iflarle.
The San Francisco correspondent of the
Toj**ka State Record gives a biography of the |
new poet, essayist, and humorist, Francis Bret
j Haste, whose sudden popularity is one of the
great events of recent American literary history.
Mr. 11 arte was born in Albany, in 18M7.
He lost his father, a professor in the Albany
Female Seminary, when he was a mere child,
and alter receiving an ordinary school education,
obtained employment as clerk in New
York. At the age of seventeen he went to
California to seek his fortune, and after losing
what little money he possessed in San Fran*
ciaco, travelled on foot to the Sonora mines
and opened a school, lie did not succeed in
this, and was equally unlucky at placer mining,
which he tried next.
After v&rioas adventures he became a compositor
in a newspaper office at Kureka. Here
he used to surreptitiously contribute to the
paper, transferring his essays l'roui his mind to
his composing stiek without the intervention
of peu and ink, and crediting them to 44 exchanges."
They attracted some notice from the j
tirst, but it was some time before the authorship
was discovered. He refused a situation
in the editorial room, wishing first to master
the mechanical part of the business ; but he
once took charge of the paper for six weeks,
during his employer's absence, composing his
editorials mentally, and setting theiu up at
once in lvt?e. Hnvmir nurrnu'lu ik<m nl>.
,r- ? " |
bing because he denounced au i nu i sen mm at*' j
massac re of Indians by the whites, he returned
to San Francisco, and became a compositor in
the office of the tioldeii Era, until his literary
abilities were discovered, aud he was promoted
to the editorial department.
lie held positions successively in the United
States Surveyor General's office, and the
hrauah mint, and ires concerned in the management
of the Cal'fonuau, a weekly paper
started by Charles H. Webu. It was with the
foundation, however, of the Overland Mvnthly,
in July, 18??8, that his real celebrity be^.ui.
He was the editor of this racy and excellent
nia?*y.iD? from the outset, and wrote for it his ]
P(>eIn8? and those characteristic pictures :
ot Califwmta life which have beeu so keenly
appreciated ou both sides of the continent. 1
He has recently refused a professorship of 1
literature in the University 01 California. j
THE nsn
District Mutters.
The district Oi-jjhiiI zed.
The Republicans of the 1 district of C.Jumbi
have so fur perfected their district organ izi
tious as to be able to present a solid front t
the enemy. The issue is between the Peim
cratie party and the Republican on the prir
ciples advocated by each party. Colored voter
will have no reason for hesitating as to hoi
they shall vote, when oue party represents th
sentiment of the nation in opposition to th
amendments to the Constitution giving to th
black man of the country his freedom, politiea
ind civil rights; and the other party is th<
upholder of those amendments, the success o
which guarantee protection from the danger
threatening the overthrow of the nation, and o
t he principle of equal and exact justice to all men
r"> . ... . ,.i j.
i dp democratic party01 tins i nsiricinas airrau;
taken ground against equal privilege* for thi
colored man, and no doubt should that part;
come into power the attempt will be made t<
destroy the usefulness of the schools for coloret
people, as that party is the enemy of educatioi
for the masses all over the country. Let then
he no divfsion among Republicans for trivia
Causes. United we stand, divided we fall
That man who places his personal ambition toi
place or leadership in the party in this Pistric
in opposition to its interests while claim ii?
membership in itf should be treated as an ene
my. and discountenanced as a man not worth;
to be trusted.
A Rfply to Krv. If. KuiiilrrlHiiil'H
on Trattir In I nto* If at Ing Driuka.
Washington, March H. 1S71.
To the Eilifor of the A Vie Xatroual Era :
It will be remembered that all that has bee;
written and published in the Chronicle on tin
subject of temperance by my friend. l>r. Sun
derland, ami others, grew out of the remark)
which 1 had the honor to make in his churcl
ou the 2'Jd of February, 1871, in which ]
stated, among other things, " that until tin
church and the ministry would take the posi
lion that the manufacture and sale of intoxica
ling urinus or liquors was a crime again*
(lod and Lit inanity, anil act accordingly, tin
many evils which result from the same couK
not he cured."
The above position is substantially the one 1
was understood to assume. Before the meet
ing closed that evening Br. Sunderland arose
and in his remarks was understood to doubi
the truth of the position taken by ute. and tin
next day published a eard in the CUronielt
stating that "if it could be demonstrated thai
the manufacture and sale of intoxicating drink.'
or liquors was itself a crime, then our way
would he clear," and closed by asking the
question, "Can it he proved a crime?" Atsoon
as I saw the card 1 replied to it very
brielly, and re affirmed my belief in the truthfulness
of the position. J was followed by my
friend, B. I?. IVck,?at greater length, in order
to prove to the Boctor that the tratlic in intoxicating
drinks is a crime. 1 had thought up to
this time that he was only doubting the position
in order to draw forth some discussion on
this most important subject. But to my great
disappointment 1 found thut in a subsequent
article, which he published in the Chrvnicle, he
not only tried to prove my position "altogether
too ^mad and questionable to be accepted,"
but, otv^We other hand, the hoc tor takes the
position that it is in the "drinkingof the liquor
that the crime consists, lie says : "Suppose
the liquor made and sold, yet if it he not drank
there will he no aggravated offense against
morality or the public welfare; there will be no
great wrong or outrage anywhere growing out
of the mere existence of the liquor." lie then
snys : "Boes this not conclusively show that the
existing crime is in the drinking, and not in
the making and vending ?"
.Before 1 undertake to say anything further
in defence of my position, or in answer to my
friend Br. Sunderland's arguments against it,
let me here state, that I have not had in my
mind, Irwin the beginning of this discussion,
the least reference to any law or laws as the
standard of right hut the luw of Bod as taught
hy His son, nor have 1 had any reference to
any trullie but one, which consists in the
making and selling the various kinds of iutoxicating
liquors, thus made and sold for drinking
purposes; and I tecl confident that all who
heard me speak on the occasion referred to so
understood uie. \\ lien 1 referred to the church
and ministry taking a position on this great
question, a* tl,e " ''^t tht' W()rlJ?" il not
a 9uppo?'?l,le , :*c olbcr law than the
law of Christ, which i,the '?w f"r
church, was meant.
We are now prepared to inquire in regard
to the nature of the above traffic, and what are
some of the fruits which it bears ; and here I
can only find time to state in general some of
the principal ones. The lirst crime it is guilty
of is to take and couvert millions of bushels
of nutritious grain., and fruits, which our kind
and benevolent Bather designed to sustain and
preserve the lives of man and beast, into
poisonous liquors, which will not sustain life
of either man or beast, but, on the contrary,
will destroy both soul and body of man, arid
worse than destroy that amount of the support
of the masses of mankind, and thus raise the
price of the remainder, and in this way oppress
the poor. The uext charge we bring is,
that it causes the consumer of these liquors to
commit all the great crimes known to the
divine and civil laws, if the statements made
above are true, and I think the history of the
traffic, as known and read in this country for
the past twenty five years, will fully sustain
theui. Then, does it not appear to every candid
and r< fleeting mind that the evils of intemperance
are as inseparably connected with
the traffic as the effect is with the cause?
I laving clearly proven that the traffic in intoxicating
drinks is an evil tree, in the Scriptural
sense, we now ask the Doctor, most respectfully
and earnestly, to obey the Master's
command, and lay the ax of gospel truth at its
roots; for He said, 44 Kvery tree which bringeth
not forth good fruit must he hewn down
and cast into the lire." Not some of the
brunche#and leaves trimmed off, but the tree
itself hewn down, by using the ax at its roots.
Surely the Doctor Will'not take an appeal from
the authority quoted, as it is hi* duty to represent
Him in regard to all moral questions.
1 will not take up at this time any further
arguments to sustain my position, as I regard
it unnecessary.
ket us now proceed to examine some of the
arguments which the Doctor uses to susta'u
his position and disprove mine. I had stated
that the traffic ("not the drinks") was the
father or chief source of many of the highest
l, ?i.- i? ??
miuto ftimn u iv> me mw, aim tue uirecl cause
of more suffering, misery, and burning wrongs
to the innocent?that is, to those who do not
either make or use it than any other tralic
under the broad heavens, (and, 1 uowttit',
than all other causes on earth.) The l>octor,
in reply to that statement, says: "If this
logic holds good, let us go back one step further
and see where we are then. If there
were no drinking, there would be no crime.
So, if there were no vineyards, no orchards,
no graintields, there would be no driuk." And
theu closes his argument by stating that if
the traftic referred to is the father of crime, a
product of it (the grains and fruits of the fields)
SW NATIONS
rrr**~-~" -?a?-.t...rjcrwaw?
must he it grandfather." " Then," r iv* the
Doctor, " if one progenitor be criminal, so is the
| other." Then adds : " Hot shall we answer
J this?" In answer to all this T might ask the
a Doctor to take one more step further hack of
i- the vineyards ami grainfields, and affirm that.
0 if Hod had not created the earth and man upon
v it. there would not have heen either sins or siu*
ners ; and yet it would he as logical to eharec
H the Creator with evil 3s to argue that the
v pure grams and fruits of the earth are a- much
e the-^n^e or source of or me as that internal
tralTm which is the re>ult of the destruction of
,l all the life giving properties in the grains and
^ . fruits referred to. 1 think, therefore, with due
e i respect to the Doctor, that he has been very
f unfortunate in the comparison lie endeavored
s to make, aud that my position is not in the
f i slightest degree affected by it.
1 The Doctor has taken another position on
y the subject of the traffic in intoxicating drinks
s in reply to Messrs. Head and Teuton, lie (
f now says that the position taken by Mr. Ten- j
J Ion is "precisely my (his) position"?that is, '
1 that " temperance men do not desire that the
' production of alcoholic, liquors for useful pur
! poses should be made criminal by law." In j
i reply to that position I will only say that it lias
* - nothing whatever to do w ith the position taken
r by me. to which Doctor S. took exceptions, as
* his first articles will show ; for he distinctly
' states that the ' crime is not in the inanul'ue'
tore and sale of intoxicating drinks, but in the
' drinking ;" he does not say a word about the
production of alcoholic liquors for useful purposes.
He knows that no such question us i
1 that was under consideration, from first to j
I last ; and 1 must be allowed to -ay that 1 do not ;
think it candid to bring it in here.
^ I will now notice another, and the last, position
taken hy the Doctor, which is, that he is wil- j
ling that those " who are mixing and selling
drinks for the purpose of intoxication shall be
* i punished." In reply to this last statement, I
i i will veuture the assertiou that there is uot a j
I liquor-seller, wholesale or retail, in this or any
s j other city in this country who will not take
precisely the same ground in regard to the
! traffic. I would ask, Who is the man that is j
- | engaged in selling intoxicating liquors for the ;
t j "purpose of intoxication" ? that is, for the
} | purpose of making men. women, and ho^
drunk ? The Doctor can find no such person,
f I will say, in conclusion, in all kindness, but
with great frank nets, tuat the position taken ,
[ by Doctor Stiruerland on this great, question |
_ ; is a very dangerous one, and calculated to do
much narui to the cause of temperance.
W m. ti. Finnf.y.
; \ Hint.
Howard I mvkrsity, Law Department,
Washington, D. March Ft, 1871.
To the Km it ur of the \etv A'at tonal Kra :
It seems to me that it i-- due Senator Sumner,
' a man who lives without a parallel -in this
1 country, in the effort a he has put forth to save
' i the negro from utter oblivion and to raise him
to his present state, in which he sees his manhood
recognized anil his rights (by necessity
' or by whatever method) ceded to him as the
years roll on, that we, the negro race, now
1 bona lide citizens of the Republic of America,
should publicly express our disapproval of the
action of the Senate in removing Senator Sumner
from the office of chairman of the Committee
on Foreign Relations. We can ill afford
i this rashness ami inexpediency. N o eloquence
! on the part of the members of the Senate, no
excuse that the matter is not tx parte, can care
a wound so rashly and inexpediently made.
1 write this to show to the public that I, as a
negro, totally ignore the course of proceeding, I
and do hope that a more formal expression of
the like sentiment will shortly coma from t^e
, intelligent body of our colored men. Now that ;
the body is free, and the soul unterrified by |
fear, let us maintain right though the heavens
fall. Yours, I>. A. S.
m
" Wp are not ready for mixed schools."?
; Hcpublivan, March s.
j
Kxpediency! thou soothing, plausible, hateful
wretch ! What a balm tlma hast for tender i
consciences ! What a precious salve is always
i at thy fingers' ends, ever ready for the sores
of that political Lazarus the black man!
Through all his weary, waiting years of shame
and degradation thy deceptive hand was gently i
patting some' spot more tender than another,
and thy alluring voice ever bidding him wait;
and now, when he tails to find in that suffrage
which tlit: course of events compelled the nation i
to grudgingly bestow upon him sulhcient weight
to raise him to the scale of humanity, thou art J
I hy with ready lie and unguent salve. Thy false- j
hood is powerless. The colored man does not <
; hreathe (uiay he never!) who believes Charles -y
Sumner an enemy. Thy unguent hath also lost > j
i its virtue; the virus left hy slavery has een- j
4 *ercd deep and is a cancer of alarming size.
No more salves or plasters, nothing hut the *
knife, though the innocent sutler with the '
guilty, as they must ever do. \\ v arc ready. .
Colored women are no less brave than colored j
: men ; and where our Sumner leads the race
j will follow, through the ScylJa of pretended |
| friends on the oue side, and the Chary talis of
1 known enemies on the other, to the open sea s
J beyond. Faith Lichen. t
I'niM'i al ol si Colored Seusilor. |
The colored citizens of New \ ??rk and llrook- 1
lyu assembled Sunday in W illiaiusburgh to 1
attend tfie funeral of the lion, isaiali h. Lyons, 1
late a member of the State Senate of \ irginia,
whose remains had been embalmed ami forwarded
to Iris former residence for interment. '
, The hotly lay in state in W ashington Hull from
10 a. in. until 2 p.m., during which time over H
:'.,ttoo persons viewed it. At 12 o'clock the
hall was crowded, a full representation of the
colored organizations of Brooklyn and New '
| York being present. Alter the opening exer.
cists, a eulogy was pronounced by Louis 11.
Putnam. A portion of the proceedings of the '
\ irginia Senate of Feb. 22 were read hy the c
speaker, in which that body expressed its sor- H
row at the intelligence of Senator Lyon's death, c
and adjourned out of gespect to liis memory. c
Mr. Putnam gave a brief history of the life of a
Senator Lyons. When four years of age he *
came to reside at Wiliiamaburgh with his par- '
> euts, and at the age of 11 years filled the posi- 1
j tion of office-boy to I >r. Palmer. Here he r
j continued to give satisfaction for three years, a
: and then went into the employment of Dr. Peter t
VV. liay, and afterward of Dr. .1. McK eon Smith,
j Upon the breaking out of the rebellion, he, ?
| through the influence of friends, obtained a t
j position in the t)th Kegiment ol Pennsylvania, 1
una was subsequently made a hospital steward. d
Id the latter position the devotion he displayed 1
to the cause of his country can be well veritied v
by men who now do honor to his memory. Af- 1
terthewar, Mr. Lyons returned to Northampton, *
V irginia, and opened a drug-store, but the 1
J disposition of the people carried him to the
Senate chamber, and there, while in the dis *
charge of his duty, he died. }
The audience was dismissed with the bene- '
diction by the Rev-. Mr. Carnet. The proces- *
siou was then formed on Broadway in the I
following order : 1. Committee of arrangements a
in carriages?1\ W. Kay, M. U., Louis 11. ?
i'utnaui, Richard Croly, Peter Vogelsaug, and 1
Ceorge M. Bray ton ; 2. Stone Square Lodge 1
i No. 0, F. aud A. M., of which Senator Lyon9 '
was a member ; 3. Hearse containing the cotliu, ^
with six black and white pluuied horses; 4. 1
Col. Hawkins and stuff, aud representatives c
frotn the Towusend Musketeers, the Skidiuore 1
Hoards, the Veteran Cuards, the Excelsior c
Hoards, and the Suloonmeu's Protective Union *
of New York; 5. Lincoln Association of the c
Sixteenth tV ard of Brooklyn ; b. United lie
| nevolent Society of New York ; Carriages.
The procession proceeded up Broadway to J
Myrtle avenue, and tbeuce to Union Cemetery, r
,4 The remains were iuterred iu the cemetery t
alter the performance of the Masonic burial t
I service by r. M. Alexader C. U'orprew, of Stone I I
I Square Lodge. 11
1
/ ^
,L EEA.1
Tlir nili(ar) Powm ?I the
President.
Prom tb* X?**r York Tribun- j
Has the President, under the Gonsti lotion
and law* of the I'nited States, as expounded by
the proper courts, any rights, in time of peace,
to use tlie military forces of the nation in any
State Without the applieatioD or consent of it*
Legislature or Governor ?
The rresent system of eovernment, unut-r
which the Republic has existed nearly a een
tury. should by this time have become, one
w< uhl think. *o well kuowu (certainly in a (
matter of such primarv and vital importance i !
tbat it* prominent men could never ueed to ask |
Mich a question, or fail to answer it correctly ,
when asked. Yet in the recent debate on the I
deficiency bill, and in the latent messages of the
tilovernnr* of New York and Pennsylvania, we
have most abundant evidence to the contrary. ;
In the debate in Congress, Mr. Kandull said:
"I am a living witness to the fact that
United States marines were brought to the
[lolls in my district without any authority of
aw. and without any request of the tiovernor
of the State, as provided by the Constitution
of the United States."
In the same debate (Jon. Logan, while assert- ;
ing that he did not believe the President had 1
"used anv power in his bards beyond what the
law has authorized him to do," states:
"And I will say. too, tbat the wrv I under- '
stand the law it does not give the President a.is '
right to send the army or the navy into the 1
States in time of peace,in order to execute tic
civil law. except upon the request of the Leg -- ! '
lature o' the Statp. or of the (ioveruor, in tin- 1
absence of the Legislature."
And then we have the tJovernors of New ! !
York and Pennsylvania emulating each othet
in thoir condemnation of the action taken by 1
the President iu the use of the land and naval
forces at the recent elections, tiovernor bleary 1
suys :
" i'he employment of L. S. troops at elee- *
tions, without the consent of the local and 1
Suite governments, has recently received considerable
attention and reprehension. It i- 1
regarded as an interference with the sovereign '
rights of the States which were not eonteinpia- i '
?'.i i... *?... ? - i
vxv* iuc iMuuuer* ui nit* uenerul liovorouient.
* * * t|H? last October election 1
U. S. troops wore stationed in Philadelphia lor v
the avowed purpose of enforcing the election 1
laws. This was done without the consent, or v
even the knowledge, of the civil authorities of v
either the city or the State. * * * The proper v
ai'd only time fur L. S. military force to inter- ''
vene will he when the power of the Common- 1
wealth is exhausted, and their aid is lawfully {
required." t<
This is said with reference to the enforce
inent of an act of Congress which the United
States Circuit Court has pronounced eonsti- '
tutional. The prevailing idea which underlies
the opinions of the statesmen above men- ^
tinned is evidently that of the exclusive SOV- 11
reig.ity of the State?the right to give or with- 11
hold its military at its pleasure. It is, in 0
fact, the old political heresy of the South; the 11
same that caused Fort Stouter to he fired upon, ?
that paralyzed the United States tiovernnient ?
under Hucbanan, caused Lincoln's proclama- v
t ion to he scoffed at by the Coventor ot Ken- 'J
tucky, and the Southern oHieers to tjuit the 11
army when their States receded. Article ''
fourth, section 4, of the Constitution, savs : '
"The United States shall guarantee to every
State in this Union a remiblicau form of gov- 0
eminent, and shall protect each of them against
invasion, and on application of the Lcgislu
ture, or of the Kxecul.ive (when the Legislature I 1
eaunot be convened,) against domestic vio- '
lence." v
The act of Congress of February *JS, 1 7H
passed during Washington's administration, 1
says : 1
"Section I. That whenever the I nited States '
shall be invaded, or be in imminent danger of 0
invasion from any foreign nation or Indian '
tribe, it shall be lawful for the President of the 1
States to call forth such number of the militia :l
of the State, or States, most convenient to the
place of danger, or scene of action, as he may r
illllff* n^l'fKliftrV tA fonol ?
, j |/i.i i-ui-ii invasion, aim 10 I "
issue his orders for that, purpose to such officer, I 0
or officers, of the militia as lie shall think !
proper. And in case of an insurrection in 1 1
anv State against the government thereof, it a
shall he lawful for the President of the United >>
States, on application of the Legislature of ti
such State, or of the Executive (when the ; 11
Legislature cannot he convened,) to call forth
such number of the militia of any State, or r
States, as may he applied for, as he may judge s
sufficient to suppress such insurrection.
"Sec. 2. That whenever the laws of the ?
United States shall he opposed, or the execu- , h
tiou thereof obstructed in any State, by coin- ;
lunations too powerful to he suppressed bv the |
ordinary course of judicial proceedings, or by '
the powers vested in the marshals by this act, j
it shall he lawful for the President of the j;
United States to call forth the militia of such jn
State, or of any other State or States, as may
he necessary to suppress such combinations,
and to cause the laws to he duly executed." ,j
The act of Congress of March !>, 1H0V, passed (
luring the administration ol President Jeth r- |,
mn, prescribed : ' t,
" That in all cases of insurrection or oh- ,,
Jruction of the laws, either of the I nileu
Slates or of any individual State or Tern
xiry, where it is lawful for the President of
the United States to call forth the militia lor ( ^
he purpose of suppressing such insurrection, ! <
>r of causing the laws to he duly executed, it i j
diall be lawful 4or him to employ, for the ; (j
lame purpose, such part of the land or naval
orce of the United States as shall be judged r|
lecessary."
This act of 179o came before the I nited States
Supreme Court while presided over hv Chiel j|
lustiee Marshall, in IH2U, in the case ut ILius
on agt. Moore, (5 Wheaton's Hep., p. 1 ?,) ! tl
ind Mr. Justice Washington, in delivering tlu- .
udgment of the court, said : " The Prei.ideutT j (lj
>rders may he given to the chief executive i
uagistrate of the State, or to any militia officer |(,
le may think proper." Mr. Justice Johnson, ,
n delivering a cnuenrpin.? ' ?>
laid, (page iT): " Historically it id known that ,|
he act ol 1795 was passed with a view to a
tate oi things then existing in the interior ol 'j
Jennsylvania, when it became prohahle that !
he President of the United Slates would have '
o exert the authority of the tionerul Covern- |
aent immediately on detached portions of the (
fficers of the militia of the Union to aid in the j
xecation of the laws of the United States." j Jn
alter, in 1h27, the United States Supreme!.,
'ourt, in the case of Martin agt. Mott, (12; j;
iVheaton's Hep., p. 19,) again ruled that "the w
ict of 1795, w hich confers power on the Presi- t
lent to call forth the militia, in certain exigen- , f|,
icH, is a constitutional law, and the President i w
s the exclusive and timil judge whether the j
sigeney has arisen." Mr. Justice Story, in i
leliveiing the opinion of the court, said, (page
>7) : " The act of" 1797 is not confined in its
iperations to cases of refusal to obey the orders -f)
>f the President in time ol public war. On the
ontrary, that act authorises the President to 1>S|
all forth the militia to suppress insurrections w
md to enforce the laws of the United States in times
of peace." Recently, in 1869, Judge j?
ilason, of the New York State Court of Ap- |?
>eals, while delivering the opinion of that highly te
espeetable court, iu the ease of The People I
igt. Campbell, (4<? N. Y. llep., p. 1.10,) used S|
his language : I |r
" Congress, by the act of February 28, 1795, w
jave full power to the President to call forth tr
he militia of the States for the purposes stated, ^
o serve for three months, and by the act of Ir
Tuly 17, 1862, the time was extended to nine ej
nonths. The President is made the sole judge m
vhether the exigency has arisen ; and this call a
uay be made by the President upon the State ,j(
executive, or by orders to any subordinate otli:ers
of militia." i
It is plain from these actH and decisions (1) p(
hat when the laws of the State are obstructed, ! ,|
vhen there is domestic violence, and the State I
s uot, iu the judgment of its Legislature or J
Joveruor, able to enforce them with its own 0j
lower, and applies to the United States for j uj
lid, the President is empowered to send into
t the militia of the adjoining States; and (2) tr
hat where the question is either one of exter- t|
ml danger or of resistance to the laws of the j(
Jnited States, the tlovoruors are but the Presi- ^
lent's subordinates, and have no part whatever CJ
iut such as he may assign them. The Fresilent
is the Commander-in-Chief of all the
orces of the country, and he can legally and S(
mustitutionally exercise bis authority as such jvithout
the consent or concurreuce of any olli- v
tal whatsoever. j
A Mauician has been bound over for trial in p<
ipriugtield, Ilk, under the civil rights bill, for c<
etusing to admit a uegro to the parquet at his )j
ixhibition after he had purchased tickets. The ti
legro was told that he could bavy bis money a]
tack and then procure seats in th ? y. but t,i
he concession failed to satisfy t uu'
jO:
?er will find. A change to the proposed free
ade policy is to encourage ioreign labor at (
it; expense of our own ; and, followed, will be !
istructive of our best interests, and reduce to
i*ggary and ruin tons of thousands of A uteri- *
m laborers." '
If Mr. Douglass, with his eloquent voice,
rid pen can be spared to give utterance to 1
tcli sentiments for the next decade, he will do '
>r his countrymen and the world greater ser- 4
ice even thau he has by eminent labors in the 1
nst accomplished ; for the simple tacts that '
ave caused this change in his own mind, when *
resented by himself and others, especially to , >
jlored men, will make tkeiu intelligent beavers
in, and advocates of, a system whose
uths are now by intuition their trust, as they ?
re of all the laboring classes among the na- \
ons. t
lu the days of slavery, free trade was ever i
L _
mi inn' -faM-imr - '-? "
Clinrlrs Sumner.
For ncarlv twenty years Mr. Sumner h.i
been tin- ' t-ir.'s t of r.'ui-c an 1 driVim
tion from the I>eimu rat:.' press. His virtuis
which are manv and >;reat, have been deniet
and sconted ; h<s faults, which are few am
venial, have t?een magnified and paraded. unt"
a habitual reader of the \V>rltl. the Ape, 01
the Albany A p-c. must have been led tor'
irard t!.?? r r M 1( hi.Senator as a
i-h-.rlatau \ I*< * k n T. and a 1'hansaic chainp
n of i. _-r.? . quality with intent to degrade
?n i d.sLuuor the race which has the misfortune
to be white and to have criven Kirth to Ciiai iea
in .....
uuuincr. ?i nfnt'ver ^?s in iv' J) a tew I.
publicans have tried to out him froui the
State, every lVmocratie heart an I vo v hav
instinctively sympathized w rh the effort and
cheered on its engineers. Nay, the most inipcr.iti\
c oit-rates of propriety and decency have
been overridden by hem >erat;e malevolence,
and the sanctities of his home and hearth uave
been ruthlessly,cruelly invaded and defied, and
a domestic atliietion which he had nowise deserved
nor provoked has been draped into
glaring publicity and made tlic theme of gross
exaggeration and malignant, exulting criticism,
though no oue believed Mr. Sumner at fault in
the premises, flic man was most cruelly assailed
and traduced only because the statesman
was eminent i: d his character invulnerable.
Mr. Sumner's failings at once arrest attention.
A dogmatic temper, which renders him
inpatient of contradiction and unable readily
to comprehend that another may differ wideiv
roiu him and yet be honest: a stateliness of
manner which distances mm from all bat the
*ew ; an honest bill somewhat too uiunifest
iride iu his position and his well-earned lame
-vhese exhaust the catalogue: and whose
aults are fewer or less grave? On the other
land, are an eye so single, a heart so pure, a
a.eer so spotless that the luost ribald and
ieentious press that ever impeded the progress
>f civilization has never yet dared to impeach
he purity of his motives 01 the loftiness of his
tiins. in an age when nearly every public man
s accused of venality?ofum most unjustly
10 one has ever ventured to suggest or insinuate
hat Charles Stunner ever gave a vote or made
i motion in defence l.? anv sordid impulse or in
ue expectation th it his always modest income
voiilil thereby be increased, i be most re. .vi? -.ml
acurrilous hemocratic partisan orati?r.
-l.de at it-iug Mr. Sniiiuer without scruple or
tint, under the stimulus of applauding veils
rould have instantly checked llie tlow of Ins
.carers' enthusiasm had he ventured to assail
lie integrity and moral worth <?f him u-h/m.
hey all detested a* a fanatic and a deadly foe
n the integrity and perpetuity of our I nion.
After all fair deductions and qualifications
lave been made, Mr. Sumuer stands today t.lie
aremost, American .Senator. Say, if you will,
hat he has been heedlessly harsh and bitter in
lis opposition to Santo hoiuingo that he
light have strouumisiy, fbreibly resisted an
le.xation without making a personal i-sue with
nr inild-manuered Fresideiit and his most
rhane Secretary of State that entitling hipeeeh
against annexation "Nahoth's Nine
ard" was excessively severe and oQ'ensive
/hat does all this amount to I lit that he might
ictter he somebody < ' -< , an I iioi t'lmrles Sam
ier? In this world t,f linutatons and iuipcreetions,
it seems wiser to value eve?y one ue
ording to the good we tind in him, and not
ct of each the Possession and display ol
very eoneeivable excellence.
That it was a mistake in the Senate to renove
Mr. Sumner from the chairmanship of
ts Committee on Foreign Isolations we caniot
do,ih.. And yet the position to which he
vas tranferred was better adapted to his genius,
iud more accordant with his lofty renow.i;
or, w hile we have had 110 Senator since Saloon
1*. Clmse entitled to rank Charles Sinn
ier, and though that must he a very meager
ompeud of Amerieau history which omits his
;auie. yet his honorable eminence lias been
towise achieved through the chairmanship
iforesaid, but wholly through that eager, uu- j
ompromisiug, unsleeping devotion to thee?|iial |
ights of man which the position just assigned |
i... *i... ^ ? - 1 | ' -
urn "j mi niniii - iiiuMi auoni iiiiii ine largest '
ipportunity to subserve. If lit* had asked the
leuate to relieve him from further service in
he Committee on Foreign Relations, and
s.sign iimi instead to just such duties as have
iow been imposed on him, the wisdom and
itness of hisehoice would have heeu generally
.drnitted.
No man in our day is so great that he might
mt be greater. The best soldier tfoes not preeribe
his own rank or position on the battleeld
: he takes that assigned him, and allows
tliers to say that he was worthy of and would ;
ave been more useful in a higher.
* *' Theirs not to make reply;
Theirs not to reason why ;
Theirs but to do and die."
" Where Mcliregor sits is the head of the
tble" was the dictate of a manly self-trust.
I ml if Mr. Sumner had been great enough to
ay to his fellow Senators, " I'm me ou any I
ommittee, or on none, as you judge most eon j
ucive to the public good ut the foot of the j
'ommittee on Knrolled Rills, it voii think I can
e most useful there," he would have won a
riumpft greater than that of anv ancient or
loderu warrior.7'- Tribune.
iiiticlv Molds
!ome to us from the " National Convention of
'olored Laborers'7 held in Washington last
auuary.. They were embodied in the resoluons
adopted by them unanimously, which w II
e fount! tinder the " Miscellany7' in tins issue. |
bene resolutions declare that earnest attention !
y colored men to the questions of labor and
ie developeuient of tin; material interests of
je South is paramount to all other eousidera
ous at the present hour. They demand also j
iat protection to American industries he made
leading principle in the uext t'residential
nil paigu.
These resolves embody the convictions of at
ast seven hundred thousand voters, and there !
ire are not only " timely words," but words of
uthortly and jmwtr. Will the party to whom
icy are addressed heed them, und in their
lans lor the coming contest adopt them among
ie leading issues of the campaign, and thus
cure the hearty support ol the colored men
irougliout the I nion'!
It is very gratifying to us that at least this
jestion of protection is t?i he correctiy pre
nted to, and discussed l> the people. So
any cikmi^s nave i?t en rung upon fin' terui
monopolists, etc., that attention has been
verted from the real isMie, which is simply
hether the laborers of this country shall eotu*t.e
with those ot our own land, or whether
ey are to come into competition with the low
ages of Kurope and the rest of the world. It
simply, only, and wholly, a question o(lubur
:d its rriiiunentfton.
To show how truly this e mvietion will work ,
lelfout in the mind of any iuan, when viewed 1 ,
i the light ot facts and experience, and without i
rejinline, we need no better illustration than the ,
ise of Frederick I kinglass. one of the very class
bose action in assembly is now under cotisideraon.
Hardly second as an orator to any man i
the Union ; intelligent on most subjects as the |
?st informed of his white brethern. yet keenly ' ?
eling the degradation of his raee, it was not
range that lie shared the free trade views of . i
a inner, Garrison, and others, who were the | '
iends of the black man when those friends
ere few, yet who, on this question of free
ude, have ever allowed themselves to be
jided by the superficial fallacy that American 1
eedoin would be promoted by allowing for- I '
gners to sell their wares in our market with- I !
it paying taxes on them, pro\ided they are of
kind that tend to compete with and break j '
;wu our own industries.
This question Mr. Uouglass was forced, bv '
ie uew circumstances of his people and hi* i
ilicitude lor their welfare, to consider, and <
loughtfully to answer. And what is his re- ?
ly '! He says : "The policy under which this J
ation is now acting u for the encouragement
F American laborers, and is the surest source ?
F prosperity anv people have ever found, or i
.
i the watchword of the slaveholder. Its princi*
! pics required that slave-owners should hav-l
s free trade in human laltor, soul, and muscle ai
i- truly as in imported goods. They alw*\ t
? looked to the freedom f trade. e\rn though it
I might Im? the trade in human flesh, and neve?
I sought the fwtiniii of man, which always deI
pends upon and grows with that diversification
r of industry which oilers to every workinguiait
- and won.an the kind of work which suits then*
t bMt, and fa.r wa_. I lor doing it. This diver
sity of industry can only he obtain" I by pre* j
t citing our weaker UhM i by : w?i I
protect our MM expopfd 3
imraring to it lustries for vklck kttfl
tb? natural reaoarci ttHavaao M|atl ty of rig but I
as we secure hv our flag to every loot of soil- 9
I'lns is the sincere demand of t>ur working ;|j
cla-ses everywhere v?-h!t>? .?n.l Ki
ad foreign. Tktir ifrtiawiy m cmiIik up I
from MOBf Um Irilb, flfllWH. Ittl ethers of iJ
foreign birth, in unison with the tone* of the
freedinen ami the native toilers, demanding that
the rights of the Amerie&u laborer 'be he'd
steadily in view in the adjustment of national
taxation.
Nearly a million of laborers, l>y their representatives
in convention a--? nil>le>l. now a>k *1
that Tim* patty with whoa their wfiiit in the tl
j paat arc allied, by aithwti of bon prim: *1
pie ami gratitude, shall insert as an immovable
plank in theirplatformof principles a proper ?J
j consideration of the laborer and his wages, as
against the aggression* of foreign capital ami
pawner service."
Tliese men are respectful, earnest, and they
wilt be heard. Is the party they address ready !
, to give them a hearing, grant their request, j
- pei m . illy - cure the support and 1
op the coloi ed laborei - i America * j
/ t- J! i D
Part* Discipline. i
l! the Forty Int Congress wa rem irka ill I
or anything, it war for the freedom with wMtk a
the Administration vticriticised t>v its own 11
supporters. Not that Ceneral U rant's admin
istration is more deserving of*su h .reatuient
than those that have gone belo.e; tut that
there has been a greater independeneeHI* party
control shown hy member* of both hoasee than tl
ever before, there are nervous people iu Congress
aud in new-papers, ami nervous people
who are neither in Con rem nor in newspapers, 1
who hare eeen in every such criticism immi 9
neat peril to dm party. Nothing con Id bo *1
further from tha truth. The diversity of oppiuion
among Kepablieans only proves that
the party has come more and more to repre
tl... -
tm uiuu^uviui j? iniou ??i me pfOjilc. Ami,
if "bayoMta that think" ire iiTneiUe, mrh ll
uiore are thinking ballots. If the party could
be whipped into a state of submission corresponding
to thai of Mm old Dnmnto, it. wool i ll
deserve its inevitable overt!' ow.
The Republican party is t.ie party <?f free
thought aim freespeecu. For this was it created M
and for this and by this must it live. If it is a
misfortune for a party to have men among its
leaden too great to boblimi foilowers of any t
poli< y. then is the Republican party of today ?
most unfortunate : for in both houses there has
been shown a spirit of indepeudeuee utterly
abominable t<? ill adaiii rgof t ?e old ol 1
party discipline. But, for ourselves, we cannot
imagine anything healthier. If tue admiaii .. ation
of Grant makes oh iders, (eswhat administration
does not ?) they will not be anv the fl
less blunde s for our efforts to conceal them.
It is vastly better that the exposure and covreetion
ol every mistake should come fn. u
within the party. If the annexation of San
Ibuuingo is wrong, let us s:?v so. ll General
Grant's weakness rar showing kimlneas to his y
relatives, and gratitude to those who have been
generous to him, by giving them office, is injurious
to the country nud dangerous to the party,
by all means let the mistake be rebuked by the
voices Uiiu pens of those who are lie publicans.
If custom houses could be better tilled, if oabi
net app lintm at we not die beet, no sentiment J
of party fealty can make it the duty of Republicans
to be silent. This courageous criticism
of men in power is the safeguard of public *
purity, aud the best guaranty of the continued <
vitality ot a party, fl
There is no man in public life truer to his
convictions or braver in their utterance than :
Charles Sumner. No suspicion, even the faintest,
of any interest in a "job"' has ever attached
to him. lie speaks with a sublime imperious- C
iiess, which we could wish modiiied, but to
which no man in the nation has a better right.
l ot .u greatness ol intellect and loltiness ol H
conviction ho is the moat imperial man in *.3
A ruerica. 11 is speeches are thunderstorms. thai
terribly shock the delicate nerves ot political
valetudinarians; but thandoratonna eitar tha ,#
air. Aud we would not have Mr. Sumner
speak a whit less frankly than he does. For,
it General Grunt should come before tlu? n??ni?l??
lor reelection, the voice of I'havlen Sumner
would bu all tbe more powerful in bia favor firoui 1
the tact that it hail not spared to criticise what
lie deemed tin; mistakes of the President. We
regret exceedingly to hear that au ellhrt is to
he made to displace Mr. Stunner and Mr.
Scimr/. tV? in their positions on the Senate Oouiiintteeon
Foreign Uelations. Uotliure- Kadn-at
Republicans beyond suspicion, and botlinre jw
men of great abilities. Independence a..d
courage are virtues too rare to make it advisa- H
hie to repress them by punishing public men *|
for possessing these qualities. We are far from
agreeing with either of these eniineut Senators
in all tilings; but, while their private purity, H
their public faithfulness, and their eminent
abilities are so far beyond question, it would
certainly lie no atn.-i 11 calamity to the country
to lose them from the leading committee the * 1
more so that all the odium of their removal (
would fall, whether rightly or wrongly, upon the
administration which they have ,>o often criti \*|
If the Itepuhlican party is to be other than
the party of free speeeh am! untriimnieled ae 1 g
turn : it it. is to be held together, not by ideas,
but by the spoils ol office, it is not worth tin*
saving. For ourselves, we have given to the 19
administration of President tjrant a cordial
support, because we have felt that it deserved
it. In many respects it. has been excellent.
The collection of the revenue, the reduction of 9
the debt, and the restoration of order in the
South, are great victories. This cordial sup
port we hope to be able to give to the close of 'j|t|
the President's term. And it seems now that jj
ieneral < irant is to be ibe candidate next year
In view of this probability, we warn the admin- I
1st ration that it is time to clear the decks. No
pet - |mmi?>v <?i annexation, or anything; else,
whether expedient or inexpedient, should be
pushed to the demoralizing of the party. The
success of Itepublicanisin in 1*7- is the surre*s
ot civilization against barbarism, and is
worth a thousand San Homiugoes. No con- !
^deration should influence the I'resiJent to
oiitiuue in place uu incompetent or otherwise
unlit public officer. Let us clear the field, dismiss
the camp-follower , and succeed!?\ }'.
Ind'-pe/aifnt. *i
The l'ate ol Jell. lfati*.
A correspondent of the Cincinnati Cmimer inl,
writing from Memphis, has the following : 11
Jefferson Havis has taken up his permaiieut 91
abode in this city, after drifting around at hap- ; ^
hazard lor the tirst few years alter the war.
lie has rooms at the I'eabody Hotel, where he
transacts the business devolving upon hnu as if
1'resident, not of the Confederate .Stales, but
of the South Carolina insurance Company, lie *' . ,1
receives a salary of live thousand dollars a year,
hut no great amount of work falls to his lot. *?
His name is what the insurance company
wanted more than his business capacity. Mr.
Havis is remarkably reserved concerning the
"condition of the country." it is useless to
mention politics in his presence with the hope
of drawing liini out. He refuses to be drawn |H
)Ut, and it is said that even to his intimate
friends he has little to say about politics.
The subject either has uo charm for him, or
alse he considers himself a failure as a politician.
No; that is hardly it, either, for his
success us a politician, up me oreuaiug out
of the war, in a matter of history, and none
are versed in that history better than Uiiuself.
lie never appears in public except at church,
or to say a lew words to the Suuday school
scholars. Save on such occasions, Jefferson
Mavis is never seen or heard of, unless called
upon at his rooms in the 1'eabody. But he
tiu3 less caste among the Southern people, and
;otnes nowhere near occupying the place iu
;beir affections that General Lee did. In fact
le never was as popular as Lee, and since th$
var his popularity has been gradually on the
vane. H
A uiiuister asked a tipsy fellow leauiag up
igaiust a fence, where he expected to go to
vhen he died. 44 If 1 cuu't get along any l>et- Ifl
er than I do now," he aaid, " 1 shan't go anyvhere."