Edgefield advertiser. [volume], January 09, 1856, Image 1

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A
- VER ISE
IN DtiRIsoE. & SON, Proprietors.ED FIL ,.J
NE AR 9 1856.
THE EDGEFIELD ADVERTISER,
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SPEECH OF MR. TILLE.&N.
On several Bills to gire the Election of
Electors of Prsident and Vice President
to the people, delivered in the House of
Representatires, December 7 1855.
There seems to be an honest dif'erence of
opinion, Mr. Chairman, between the members
upon this floor, as to the parties in whom the
Constitution of the United States rests -the
r.ight of electing Presidential Electors. A por.
tiun of this House maintain that the right is
vested in the Legislature and another portion
insist that it was intended by the framers of the
Federal Constitution to Test it in the people.
For my own part, I believe it is equally consti.
-tutional for the legislature to choose Presiden
-tial Electors, or for the people to do it, but at
-the same time, I am one of those, who incline to
the opinion, that expediency and sound policy
require that the power should be vested in the
people and not in the Legislature.
My first proposition is, that the choice of
Presidential Electors ought to be given to the
people to prevent the corruption of the State
Legislattares.. If it is r' tand expedient for
South Carolina to elect I~sidential 'lectors by
the Legislature, it is equally so. tlit le L/is.
latures of all the other Stntes I this -ion
should do the6ame thing. It is 1 .
will not work both ways.
would be the efrect if atll thi er
latures were to elect Presi ental 2 ectoIr
South Carolina does. The wiele tymbei
members of both Hioung t ,L gislatures i
all the thirty-one SIste Unio 's but
4,316. It woul1 onl 'essary to..' ve a
majority in e n e tura cortrol- i
T tie members ofall the Ligis atures in this
Union by two it would give only 2,158 members
and then add two, or even three hundred memn
bora tmore, to secure lirge and ample majorities.
.in each Legislature, and -we would have-say
2.500 men to control the whole vo:c of the
whole Electoral Collcgi, in the election of Pres.
ident of the United States.
Now who is the Pre-ident? You may talk
about the power of the Czar of Iussia-about
- the departed glory and magnificence of the Etn
peror of Rome, but sir, neither of them ever
- had the power of the President of these United
Stat,-e. I admit, that his powers are restrained.
I admit, that he is controlled by constitutional
cheeks, but he, and he alone, regulates the
mighty machinery of both our Federal and State
governments itn all their important actions. No
less than 300,000 men hold their connissions
as viffeers, at the will of the President. No
less than $85,000,000 are expended and disbur
sed every .year at his dictation. or at leas. for
the two first years of his term, becnu-e the very
.bullot which sectures thme eieeioni of it Presidentt,
likewise secures the elect ion of a majority inl
Congress, whom lio can control, and whose Po
.liticail svympathies are etntirely wvith him. When
baekedi by- these countless oflices, with their
,high honors and fat salaries, together with the
numerous other instruments of power, always
at thme command of a judicious President, there
is, no doubting the fact, that he car. prescribe
the legislation of Congress, in a great measure,
during his whole term (if office, because in addi
tion to these elements of power, he also has that
ef the ,ere.
The electin of President is in reality
the electioni of all the officers who constitute
the federal government, and it likewise controls
the disbursement of nearly $400,000,000. Sneh
being the eatse with all these aplendid offices,
apd all this vast amount of money at his atltitost
absolute conmand, what would be the effect, itf
this combined and till powerful influene, were
brought to bear, by the skilful hand of such at
imnan as Martin Van Bturen, upon 2500 members
*of ,he State Legislatures, preriously elected and
allowed to vote for Presidential electors by
secret ballot, a is now done in South Carolina.
The State elections for both branches of thme
several legislatures in the Union, occur at nil.
-merous amid irregular perioids of the year. and
the tenture of office in both branches is likewise
g-atly di'sifid. 'For instance, the members
of.the House of Representativ~en in thirteen
.States hold office for only one year while in the
other eigyhteen States, they hold it for two years.
Again, Senators in the six New England States,
hold their commissions for but one year. In
eight of the States, they hold two years. In two
of the Stales, New Jersey and Pennsylvania,
they hold ?lree years, and in all the other fifteen'
States, they hold for the long period of four
year's. Let it be bo'rne in mind that the time,
for holding State elEetionsa is generally fixed by
the State constitutions, noct by statute. Let it
.also be remembered, that Congressecan and does
prescribe the dime for choosing Presidential ec.e
:tors, whiilo .the States are left to regulate Ihe
,,nanner only of that election. Let it further he
kept in view, that all the members.,aof ,both
branches of the legislatutre,and particularly the
penators in most of the States, are elected to
ghair'ees,' generally for weeks,'sometimes for
motiths, and occasionally for years. before a
resdential election takes place. Latstly, let it
be supposed, that all of the States, were to elect
pheir Presidential electors by their hegislatures
and by the secret ballot system as we do, anid
what could be the result btut inevitable corrup
tion, so foul, so rank, that it would stink in the
nostrils of every honest man.
The gentlemen frotm St. Johns, Colleton, (Mr.
Bryan) declnima loudy against corruption int the
other States, where this election has been given
to the people, and says that $85,00,000- are a
heavy burden for the flesh to carry gracefully.
pir,i c oncede that it is a burden too heavy fot
this legisulatuire or for all the legislatures of the
Atmericanl Unioun to carry honestdy, but the three
pillioni of American freemief amid voters can
bsth carry anti disburse it safely. I charge ne
legislatulre, either of this, or any other State, ml
that of any other State had the election of Pre.
sidential efectors, with corruptionl, butt it is
sound maxim of political philosophy, .that al
though no mtan or set of men may be corruptIl
thtat yet they are all corruptible. If Presidentia
elect'ors wr chosen. by the9 legislature int th<
other States, a masterly intriguer would nee
only to control majorities in eight of the Stat
Legislatures, to secure his elevation to til
proudest and most powerful office that any ma
ever filled. Take for example New York, Pent
sylvania and Ohio, large States which have
Joint vote of eighty-five in the electoral college
How many members constitute the legislature
of these States, including both Senators an
Representatives? Only 427, a majority <
whom would be 215. Take five of the othe
States, say Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee, Ind
ana and Illinois, which have a joint vote e
sixty-three.. for President, and add the vote o
these fve States to the three, I have alread
named and you get a majority of the electora
college which at present is but 295. Now wha
would be a majority of the legislatures in thes
eight States, as they are organized at this time
567 and no more, so that, this small number o
men could elect a President, if the legislature
of the States refered to had the election of Pre
sidential electors,as is the case in South Carolina
It is well for us, that the other States have
given this etction to the people, while we have
forborne to do it; for if they had kept it in the
hands of their legislatures, as we have, I verilh
believe in all sincerity, that the Union wouli
have dissolved long ere this. It must have bro
ken into pieces, from the corruption of the thir
ty-one eating cancers, which this same thing o
electing a President by the State legislaturem
would have engendered. It i notorious tha
the election of Preridential electors was given to
the people in many of the States to prevent cor
ruption in their legislatures, or at least, this was
one of the many arguments used bythe friends of
reform, as the newspapers of the time, and able
speeches yet extant will show. This is espe
cially true of New York, and I challenge denia
from any gentleman upon this floor, that the
election of electors was there given to the peo
ple under the lead of Senator Tallnadge. in
consequence of the intrigues of Martin Van
Buren with the legislature, to secure the nomina.
tion of Mr. Crawford of Georgia. It was, I
again repeat, in consequence of' his proposals to
bribe and corrupt that finally carried the measure
through the New York Legislature. I know
that it has been frequently alleged in this State,
that the election of electors was given to the
people in the other States, by the struggles of
party for power. This is in some sort true, but
the proposition is not fairly stated, since the
Darty or parties who effected the reform in all
the other States urged its necessity to prevent
carruftion in the State legislatures.
e tignificnt fact, whij# goes to strengthen
a. ser'on his elee elwas. given to the
people t Starns prevent the patron
age and pa the Fete vernment from
tprruping a operain , uidue influence
uon thA l hnr i ro- *n.. nr shk
in.e L nitinuers of nien eapable of iii 1ng 11We
otiee. and it is perhaps right that no one nian
should fill that all controlliri office for so long
3 period as eight years. Previous to giving the
election to the people in must of the States, the
general rule was to re-elect the President, be.
cause of the overwhelming influence which his
oflice gave him over the State legislatures.
My second proposition in support of the bill
under consideration, is that the election of
electors ought to be given to the people to
prevent the election of President from devol
ving upon the Federal House of Representatives;
and I midintain that the other States have given
the election to the people in part to prevent the
recurrence of such an appalling event. This
Union consists of thirty-one States, as sovereign
communities, which are so distant from each
other; their organizations so separate and diA
tint ; their ceitres of action so remote ; their
interests so conflicting ; their principles so anta
conistic, that there rarely could ever be, at this
stage of the Republie, .ullicient ctoncert, of coun
sel and action among the legislatures to rally a
majority of the electoral college upon any one
main. The result therefore in most contests for
the Presidency would be. that the election could
only be decided by the Federal House of Rep.
resentatives. As long as Wasshington lived,
he headed a party of his countrymen, to whom
his will was law, and hence there never was any
formidable opposition to him, or his successor,
whom he named. But at the very' first election
after his death, what a spectacle did the country
behold. The election of Presidential electors
wits then in the hands of the legislatures, wvhich
voted for President on different days in nearly
every State. Tieaspiranta'for Presidential
honors intrigued with the leading members of
each Legislature, who had pretiously been elec
ted, and the election was thrown into the House.
Several days were spe~nt in fruit less ballots, and
at last two States, Delawatre and South Catroli
na, aippalted at the approach of anarchy, voted
blkk, and Mr. Jefferson was elected. 'Ho im*
mediately bestowed high rewards upon those
who voted for him in the H-ouse, as well as up.
on those who had controlled the State legisla'
tures. But at the same time, he ,ecommended
reform, and the constitution was amended, as tc
the mode of electing President, and for the lasi
time up to this hour.
Subsequent to 1801, two candidates for the
Presidency were generally put forward by Con
gressional caucuses, s as to co-operate anc
unite public opinion upon one man by the party
in power, and upon another by the party in op
posit ion. This was done evidently to avert th.
enc:tastrophe of the election being again throwi
into the House. Under this system, the ece
tion of President glided on smoothly, until the
age of pence, as it was called, came on, whet
four competitora for the Presidency were in th.
field--Mr. Adams, General Jackson, Mr. Clal
and Mr. Crawford. In consequence of Con
gressional caucuses having fallen into disuse
and the, present'nationail convenition- system he
ing unktnown, there was no general concert ti
elect a President. Wire-pullers were left ful
scope to intrigue with the Legislatures in suce
of theo States as had not yet given the electioi
of electo'rs to the people, and by voting forfou
candidates the election was again thrown mti
the House, whicth became a second time an as
sembly of electors, instead of legislators. Whnm
indescribable scenes were witnessed in the Re
rsentative hall, pending this election. Mem
be who wero aspirainta for office and whos
votes might have an important bearing upo
their prospects for Executive appointment', me
at the hour of midnight, log rolled. urgad tem;
ting bids for the votes of inlluential memberm
and ini their bachanal orgies over the wine-bottlh
the successful and more corrupt party chante
the sentiment, that "those who fell with th
first Adams shall rise with the second,
Mr. Adams therefore was accordingly eleete
by a sorrvupt coalition between himself and M
Clay, "either express or implied," and the wi
of the American people was thuts defeated accol
ding to the highest contemporaneouls authorit:
Sueh was the nude inorkery of the eleetit
franchise exhibited to the public gaze that t11
President elect said in his meossage of neClI
te. ,hnt but for the nannen of constitution;
d authority, he would decline the appointment at
e send the election back to the people. The '
e dignation of the people cried aloud fur vel
n geance from one end or Lhe Republic to ti
- other. The great mass of them ever afterwar(
a delighted to punish both Mr. Clay and M
Adams, while they reveled in the luxury of ri
s warding Gen. Jackson; and I believe that tf
I latter owed his fast hold upon the affections <
f the American people during his lire, and upo
r their veneration since his death, more to tl
- corruption. which defeated his first election tha
f to any other single cause.
f Snch was the horror with which the peopi
F regarded the election of President by the fedet
I al House of Representatives, that another al
t tempt was made, even during the administratio
of Adams in 1826, to amend the Constitut.on a
to the mode of electing President. No less
r man than George McDutlie introduced the bil
s for that purpose, and it was not only advoaete
by him, but by Col. Drayton of this State, an
a number of others-great and powerful iner
both in and out of Congress. Mr. McDuffie'
proposed amendment was defeated in Congresw
but it has been virtually adopted ty all th
Slates in the Union, except ours. They forced
one after another of the legislatures, to give th
eleotion of electors to the people, and by a wel
organized system of county, district, State ano
national conventions, they produce concert o
action throughout the union in all elections to
President. Some may object to all this extr
constitutional machinery, but the people, or a
least all of them ouLside of South Carolina
have unalterably decided two things: Ist. Tha
the Presidential election shall no longer corrup
State Legislatures, and 2d. That the election o
President shall, if it can possibly be averted, ne
ver again be thrown into the 1-Honse of Repre
sentatives. It is now the settled policy of ou
people to vote for but one of two candidates fol
the Presidency-they bury all minor diffierence
of interest, passion or principle to keep th(
election odt of the Ibuse; and although somi
of the States, as Massachusetts, Tennessee
Kentucky and South Carolina have oceasionall1
thrown away their vote, or rather refused tc
vote for either of the regular nominees, yet, th(
great controlling vote has invariably been cast
for one or the other of the two general nomi.
nees since 1828. I will cite four remarkabik
instances to prove this.
There was a tine when an ebullition of popu.
lar passion rained a strong party in this country
against the wide spreaid and secret order of
Free-Masons. And this anti-Masonie party or.
ganized for political purposes, and had the
courage to aspire even ti, dictate who should be
lIreSi ent. 'Williani Wirt, who had few superi
oJs age, or conntry, thought this party of
suffi "abilit warrant him in aeep
lintr tk . nat~tio. 'the Presidency. 'ut
iuory o ai prein ., . .....
and llale have respectively been run by the
abolition iart v for Pres'dent at each of the three
last Presideitial elections. Yet as strowg as
that party undoubtly are at the Nioh, and as
fierce as has been their warfare upon us, neither
of their candidates carried a single State. n r got
even a respectable vote in any State, sneh waS
and is the anxiety of every patriotic American to
prevent the choice of President from being left
to the House of Representatives. I ani aware
that much has been said here about the inabili.
ty of the present convention system, and the ele.
tion of Presidential Electors in the other States
by the people, to reflect the real public will it
choosing a President. But I have yet heard nc
argument to sustain the allegation. Every ex
ercise of franthise is merely a roluntary act. N(
man can be forced to vote in any election, and
as the people hold periodical and regular ele.
tions for delegates ton their cojnventions, althioiig
without aniy authority of law, we muet reasona.
'bly conelude, that they take as minehi interest ir
voting for a Presidenit in oilier Statcs, as ii
castinig their ballot for a constable, or count3
clerk.
I have other propositions to submit, but tI
two upon which I have already enlarged carr3
conviction to my mniind, and as other gentlemner
will desire to address the committee both fur ainc
against the bit , I shall now proceed tb answei
some of the objections which have been urgec
against giving this election to the people. Oni
objection came from the gentleman from Laurent
(Mr. Simpson :) I understood him, ini the outse
of his remarks, to say that he was niot opposec
to giving.this election to the people, nor opiposen
to giving up our present system of etectiotn am
legislation generally, merely ton account of it~
antiquity in the p)olity of the State. Bint I mnus
confess that after following him closely in hi
remarks, I thought lie arrived ait the conclusion
that he was opposed to this change on ino othe
ground than the antiquity of the piresenit systen
otf electing Presidantial electors in South Cairoli
na. In replyto himt, I have only to say. that a
the time our act of 1792 was ratified this Unioi
comprised but thirteen or fourteen States, witl
some 15,000, or 20,000 unimportant otlices, will
a sparse population of but little over 3.000,001
und a federal revenue of only about $5.000,000
Since that time. thte mammoth corporation, so ti
speak, of the federal government, has grown t
such huge proportions-thte number of State:
added to this contfederaccy has been so great, it
population has increased so rapidly, its wealti
has accumulated so fast, anid the facilities o
corruption could now operate so fearfully, tha
if the other States were to elect Presidentia
electors as we do, I honestly believe before m:
God, that this Union could not stand the shoeli
of three Presidential electlins, because of tht
corruption that wvould exist in the state legistla
tures, or be engendered in Congress. by throw
ig the election into the flouse. I thterefoire upi
peal to him to huntt up a better argument thal
" antiquity" against giviung this election to th
people. Our ancestors perhaps acted wisely
what they did in l'792, and we also, should no'
aet wisely in full view of alt the circumstance
which sunound us and guided by the lig.ht r
Sexperience in our governiment, which its fouri
ders had not. They estaublished the goverunim
and set it in motioni and therefore could iic
tmiake all its parts perfect at oncee. We shont
regulate the machinery anud alter it, wvheneve
the harmonious action or our complex systet
dematids it. I speak with reverence but ini trutl
when I ex press thte deliberate convictint th:1
tour foretathers themselves would make th
-chainge proposed by this bill if they could at
as the legislature of South Carolina in 1855, a
they did in 1792;
Next let me answer briefly the gentlema
e from St. John's Culleton. I confess that I ez
"deavored to gather at least a skeleton of bl
I objections to the Bill but that I was entirely un:
.ble to do so. He dealt in such gratiditoquet
1 phrases, sneh bold images, auch fiery Demo
-thenie expressions, that I could not for the lii
. of me catch his thoughts ais the'y passed froi
e his lips, Hie told us a great deal a bout the Frenc
e revolution, but I should like to know whaut thua
-n ins to do with giving the election of eletortits
i tl pennonle. It is very common ntow-a-days, I
!d refer everything to the-,rench revolution and
. the French revolution ty'pverything (laughter.)
Now I think the Frenehgrevolution has been -a
great God-send to colleg boys at least, for be.
1% tore that startling eventrit was fashionable to
r. refer everything to Gieece and Rome, and
Greece and Rome to everything (laughter.) and
I fully expected when the gentleman touched
f upon the days of the gidlotine and the reign.of
n terror, that he would golff to Greece and Rome
e i next (langhter.) But Wdriouslv, if the gentle
n 'man's objection to the"ill, be well founded,
that the people cannot govern themselve that
a they cannot make a'Wiei.Choice of Pre fial
. Electors and that thetigore their Legijlature
i must do it for them, hqfi is it. that the people
have intelligence, virtu nd judgment 'enough
s genevally, to elect efli t police offleers ud
good representatives make their laws? If
free institutions eanno long sirvive popular
elections, I would like iecedingly to have him
tell me how much free4om there is where no
popuhir elections exist.?!JOr how much freedom
there was in Rome wife her Senate, 'Which had.
the chief appointing pver to--office e'ould be
bought and mold.? or i e prefers, how much
liberty there was in V e when-" The Council
of Ten" did all the Y g, made all the haws
and attended to the ntion! The gentle.
I man should not ha rred to any branch.ol
r the Celtic race for -history to sustain'his
position. If he wi d.Di..Lieber's Civil.
t Liberty, he will there 1the information, that
no tribe of the Celtic ly ever enjoyed Liber
ty. They go not for I ty and union, but too
mch for unilk. It is u the Anglo Saxon
race that we have sprun. It is their example
that we are accustom eto cite and follow in
political science. The entemtan did cite -the
evils of popular electiom.a in some of the "hire
ling States" as he them'and in which
epithet I fily concur. ".it 'did not my friend
from Abbeville (Mr. ble) challenge him-to
4ive an instance in th outhern States where
danger had oenrred t giving the election to
the people. He did no it, and I defy him now
to do it. On the contr whereyer the elections
are given to the peopi irit of inquiry is arous.
ed and inqiry provo - discuion, disens
sion stinh bates though ought produces speech,
speech produes action id wise action. It is
not the least of the uments which may be
advanced in favor of.. ng tiis election to the
I people, that it would truct them.. As things
stand now, our people ow comparatively noth
ing of State polities, Uhild they are perhaps
better schooled in Ilederal affirs than-those-of
any other State in theiUnign. Ilt.is tNe busi
ness of the parish gentimei to bag the newspa
pers and divert the atption of th6e people from
their own domestic rs and keep their eyes
(;ver direcled to the c ptions and misdeeds at
Washiggion. We refore always see the
mote in Unfele Sa . ye, while we overlook
tion made befere, aganiim ar ; ....
tior. I have seen it again ani again in print,
anl sir.;nge to tell it his ncvtr b.-en contirde.
ted within my knowledge, as it mig!ht iive
bee~n. ,onth Carolina boabts of being a f: -
tr:de Siate-claims to he at the hea'd o1 the
Sta'e rights section c the Demo'ratic party. I I
and yet if her LegiSt re has always rel--eted ,
tle popular will ii theappointient of Pre-iden. t
tial clectors, and instrieting them for whom to
vole, wly was the vott of the State once given c
to Willie P. Man:gumt.i tnian who has long been r
famnotus only for his coisolidation whiggery aid e
his excessive devotion to his potations ? And
yet our legislature, in ast ing that vote, is said to
bave acted as the peple desired ? Was that
vote the retl-ctel will (it our gillant people ?
No. sir, I think nut. I remrlember well onceh
standing i colipany valh a dis..tinguished iem
her oh Congress at a br.el in Watshingt on City,j
whe n this Sou thI Cairo~in faivonte for t he Presi
deney reeledt by. anid nev'er felt the blush ofr
shadie rise so igh on niy cheek, as whe my~l ii)
distinguished comp~ania insinteid and satid to, me,d
with a blandl sumile, "Jd niot, your Staite onc~ee
v'ote for Mlanmu for lPesidenct T' Then let it
- ,t be said thin legishacre has always reh-ectedt
the popular will of~ S< th Carolina, or if it is;
said, let it not go uncitradicted-.
Let moe take the gentian to task up~on ano- t
1their pioiint. llow doe he know I Ihiow enn
any tian know thait th. legislature has alwayvs
reflected the will (of 1a people in voting for :
Presidential electors! )o we not vote here by di
secret ballot?-Canl th people know how any at
of us votei Suppose-hat tiny district should o,
wan tits vote cest foiDoniglass at, the next y
Presidential letin smid instruct its repre- i
snaietogive that 'te, couild not thtose re- ec
presentatives conne hierail east their sull'rages Ie
indi viduanlly or col lecti ly for l'nehana n, Cau,
- Willie P. 31:rngumt. or ry one else ? Could the b<
people of Ileiteld er know wvhether t heir [p,
wishes had been obey' or inot ? It is worse p
thaenn folly then to saty.hait this legislatu re re- lii
fleets the popular wiltn tine appointment of er
President ial electors, 01n any other of thne inn- hi
merouis elections that ke placo here. T[here
is nto way of ascertainir the fact, and it is but
assertion when tine remt is made. Even if the
popular will could be certained, there is no i
way of carrying it outure, as our State gov. b*
ernent is at present taniized. Indeed, sir, I e
Smainitain f.hat the peophif South Carolina have eo
ibut very little to dowtergvenet x t/h
ft ept to feel its oppreons, either in making
Slaws, or in saying who i expound and einforce Ij
them. It is a paimnful .ty, but I assume the
rresponsibility of mnakimgood what I have said.
I And now Mr. Chiairmi, I feel that I am go
I ing to tread upon very..nsitive ground, but I by
- shnall endeavor to keepy oIwn temper and will
. t wound thne feelintgf atny one farther thanIn
. may be necessary to taho truth. I am justifi
ied 'in doiing so, since otif the strongest objee-i
tions urged by geintlen from the up, as well
ias from the low couttngamnst giving the elee. St
tion of electors to thieople is, that it would
a disturb what are callege comlpromnises of our t
constitution, and the rions between the two
- sectionts of the Stat. th isa teiue maide
t by thne enemnies of the itipon your ta ble I must r
t be permtitted to inforiie Hiotse why I thiek o
I this electioni will not im be given to thne people
r -why it was tiot duoniong aco and why full r
Si~ comoplete justice bnot been rendeed t
tIte people generally amb those of the up-coun
try in partiemnhar. thti
eWhom do the peoplf South Carolina elet ne:
tto notlce. They are .aed to amuiie them..- y,
aselves, with the seiie of sovereignty in lati
Iholding, or voting for riads of petty Militia j
n ieand I charge uj members ofI the pair- thi
- ishies here that they ais a body disposed to
keep tip our present, alnable militia systecmi
-for nothing muore, thanhai ter the people with lien
ithe nppeanranlce of exuing power wvhere no
-riight, no liberty, but, we banble is at stake.gi
eWhat other otticers do peophe eleet? Thelnir
n hmobole district poliico; their very hiono ratle of
h ti-mbers of the letzisie and of Congres.
I['Ihey are not pecrmitttu elect all their local Ir~
o policeven as this n$. Asscembly :tppoiint
the comminisoners in tv---thiree of in four i~
districj, Boards of. coimissioners, all the migis
trates.nid alL the manarsa of. elections.
Now whorm do*e elect ind who are wef I too
am no :dea tr,) I hnow that I am.
regIvded as-a Ishes,~or'if fou
amin* this Housi,
that they es . d-republican,
who deserv nee. But'
IPtel- you. i . t I.-go for I
nothing bit e.
to every sect no more. I
But to come A yrgument Who are .4
we ? Are. we.arg .0 ng iore than a fair.spec.
men of, the men in or dia to~ts? (laughter) I t
have heard it tmarli elatures are but a
will dressea mobsn, or 6ther great aein.
blies or men. I believe itwas Mfr.Madison who t
went so far in one of his state papers as to.ob. I
serve, that no bodyof r&inn, even of the wisest '1
and most virtubuft tin -the awrld; could 'get e
together andingaie eiting discussions with- I
.out degeneratnagintojnobs; Of course I mean i!
no disrespect, wiien 1ay that we-awa body are t
but very little,if .anyabove. an average specimen
.of the middle classes in our district. But not
withstanding. this when.'ewe arrive -here, hQw is t
it that we hold on jo so much power for our- -
selves.. .How is that we have acq~ired, so.much 1
more political wisdoin on. the road froi.onr
homes to- this place. I insist upon, it -we either t
acqire morejsdoi. on theProad? rougt to do d
so, because we consider our'see enttiied na
able to exercise. a great many more powers here i
Qmn Ithink we can.judicioIslV. I hav ' always i
tITought, that ' Legislatures were instituted to I
make laws, but I ttink thiK Legislature was do. h
signed to nake elections. I iissert -emphatically t
that we-are an asqpmbly of electors rather than 'tl
of Legislators, ana I sAay this without meaning a
any offence, as I have the. esprit de corps at heart tl
as bilch as any gentleman upon the 4oor. :1
Let me enumerate a list of the .oieera whom -P
we eledt. I hakve written them down hurridly, -.
because I could' not name then all readily from it
memory, and now I fear that I liave omitted the ti
names of-sono. To sty, nothing of our own 0
officers, we lect, thi:'Governor, Lieutenant. -P
Governor, Secretary-of State, 'two Treasurers; a
Comptroller General,' Serveyor General, Adju- d
tant, and Inspector General, Attorney General, is
five Solicitors, ten Judges, twenty-eight Coni. u
missioners in Equiiy,one baster and oneRegister vi
in Equity fur Ciarleston, onin Assessor and one A
lEeleator for Charleston; a President and El
twelve Directors of the'Bank.of tire State, twen- tt
Ly Trustees of the Soutlh Carolina College, nine .h
Regeits of the Lunatic Assylum, six Visitors b
of the State Military Aeademies, all the com. a
nissioners of the varionq district boards of- ei
police, all-the inagistrates and all the managerh '
af eteqtiojns.in-.the whoi'State-that is the eata- h'
logue of Stite dificers, -whom we elect. Besides tl
hese we'also elect two United States Senators se
m1. sir. we eh-et them by ballt.' This general tli
--emblv Aello sits longer than three. and th
wver, I believe, more than four weeks. And as tit
ve h:ve In lect on the average, about one it
north ot'liese officers at every session of the m
&egislature, frequently holding two or three fu
mallotts in one eleetion-how inueh time is left pa
is to legislate. Nearly every member of this an
iody always hasi a friend who is either a declared fr<
adiudate or an aspirant for some office, now or ch
hiortlv to b-, viumit. We are therefore, all ch
lectioieerers, with each other, and the candi- thi
ates anl aspirants must electioneer with us.- thi
Ve miust consequently treat and be treated, feast on
nid be feasted--al of this consumes at least half 18
f our time, whie!i should be devoted to legis- po
Ition. So
I wi:l next u nderfake ti show that nor votes or
alegislaition are baiased ; yea. oft en cont11rolled, ;it
v thle votes which we intend to give, or hope to ie
eceite in elections four ouram friends. or ourselves phi
for members of this lezislature, arc often, very re.
fien. too of ten condidates here themselves, and ea
tndida~tes or at least aspirants for years at that.) -
|very sound minded man must clearly perceive, cit
mat a candidate or aspiranit is at all times previ- the
mlt to the eleetion, anxious to increaise his popu- ma
trity with those who are to pass upon his pre- the
ntions ; hence, that in any great excitement,
xtnding either to the whole, o'r, a part of the ont
'rtors, such office-seeker or aspirant must an<
id wilt be politic, oir, in convertable terms, pru- wit
~unt andl timid. Thesn' great excitements con- thr
antly occur in every legislative body, and in for
u-s, they for thme most part, always assume a fill
cional'direction. Hence, no candidate, no as- otli
rant for any ollice in the gift of this assembly, lyi
n give anm honest and independent vote on such rui
-asions. lie cannot even act as a true man ces
d statesman ought. faor the reason that it would Th
3in vaiin to appac:l from thme legislature to the all
-las thme ballot systeml here mocks the toll
~ople and preveimk thmem from bestowing a so- iir<
it'ors commiussioni, a judge's gown, or a guv- few
nors capa upon thieic favorite, howiever worthy pol
miay be. Lioi
And there are still other agencies, which op- tric
ate with alnost dictatorial force upon the votes wh
representatives here in many matters of leg. tur
ation. T1hae bank of the State, the private ber
nks. the railroads, the college, the military trio
ademies, and the lunatic asylum, although but tmii
rporations, are yet what might be called a scsi
Erd. and the most powerful branch of our leg- schi
ature. The bank of. the Staite las four mil- and
us of the people's mosey, and we manage it. last
'e elect' the otlicers who have inhluenice here, and
my members of this body get accommodai- era
mns there. and they must reciprocate the favor ble~
voting ais the bank directs ini many matters tri
legislation, as well as in numerous elections crac
re. If nt, actions at lawv and persecution An.
der cover of the ballot is their portion here, imt
well as indirect opposition in thes primary clo
-etions before the people. Many of the other cert
tes have a constitutional provision excluding evem
iers of rail roads and banks from sitting in the
legislature, but our private batnks have large to i
ekholders and directors without limit, who phr~
also members of this baody. Under cover era I
the ballot and other parliamentary tactics in a mn
ua here. these instittutions frequenmtly take a Leg
dh both in legislation and in elections. The or?.II
I roads stanud in the same category. The skill
utha Carolina college in a dilferent way, like- ever
e plays an imtportant part in the action of Elec
assembly. The same is true of the military said
demies, a's well ams oft the lunatic asylum; trol
sir, euvenl the asylum is married to the Legis- gren
re [tatughter.] adva
3ut now for the overwhelming evidence that T
4legislature is an Assembly of eletors and distr
,of legislators, and that by its peculiar organ- ing I
tio an oligarchy of five hundred men are by fi
mitted to rule the State witih an iron wvill. repri
tall at present say nothing more of the or- ean I
iaton~ of this llouse, than that it consists mei
one hunidred and twenty.four nmenmbr. half no a
whom reparesent taxation amnd the oter half that
he poputlation. Upon this joint batsis litmy ty th
re-enamtive-, I believe, cumue fromn thle pari-t poulit
md~ thte remaiintg seventy-fimr from the i<- Connti
t,- It woul be .nit -s matte. to show lattei
that -if *a were levied ''i'l and
gWaI h ed to 1
t I !eave that for a more 'loe
n to e oti use,
-.that body in i
li rithe other day, I
or alldgto it. t. propet name, and by
he way, I think we ought to alter the rules of t
he House-in that respect. -1 is a rule that we t
tve adopted without any just. reason from j
Xreat Britain, because an the House of Lords I
mce governed the Commons, the latter enacted c
he rule in self proteetion. But this is a digres- a
ion. In the other end ofthe eapitol there are t
wenityithree senatorsufrom the parishes and only g
wenty-two from the districte. trust we shall
ave twenty-three after a while. Oar upppr r
louse is organized upon the principle that-each d
lection district shall have one senator alwAiys..
;ach of the.judicial districts in the up-country t
also an election district and therefore each of; I
he districts proper, has only one senator. Each o
,f the -judicial districts, Benufort, Colleton,. t
'harleston; Georgetown, OrangeburgandSum
ar is sub-divided into election districts eale& .
arishes.. Beaufort by this arrangement .hsp c
)ur senators, Colleton- three, Charlestoaten i
sbhealWhys lakes eare of herselfi).g w W
au,geburg- tir' and Suit4OtifsVt t
istricts proper have aove 1,000 a I e
heyalso - sess a ve 163,000 more w l
habitiinft'ibove 61,000 more slaiesand above a
53,000,000 more.of property according to the "iJ
at federal censusa',and the last iannuai report of a
:e copptroller general, and .*th reference t* jt
e five' items of land, live stock, implements' ti
3d machinery, town lots and slaves, estima'ting o
ie latter at $500, p'er head .and couting the d
'elth of the. City of Charleston is so much 6
trish property, The five items of property; to a
hich. I have referred .are the !only . lqgimate. e0
dices of the relative wealth of the two see- -r4
ot's. I have purposely exli'ded any' aeoan't. d
household and kitchen furnithre [laughtej
late, jewelry, ready cash, baik and railway g
oak,.merchandize and the like, of which the -ci
stricts undoubtedly have more than the par. B
hes. Now this excess of territofy, white pop. si
lation, slaves and property in the districts is b
rtually without representation in the Senate. a
nd. just as much senatorial ripresentation as o,
W parishes have more thad' they ought, just b,
at much less have we got than we .ought to ii
ve. Hence 'if senatorial representation be lii
teed upon either territory, white population, 01
aves,'or property of the State, the excess of 3(
ther in favor of the districts as before given ti,
usti actually be mnltiplied' by two to ascertain t
>w much ot either basis is unrepresented in 01
e Senate from the districts to give them equal ni
natorial representation-with the parishes. The 'I
t -1e kno~w this and hence the teriacity with ti
for no man, ol
power vol. tt
1-is or.
he parishes c(
ing else re. m
two Iou- l1
th
ninge. As se
c legisauure Jie,., ... . it officer in ar
e State and as the districts have nearly four h(
nes -is much white population as the parishes, w
is evident, upon a general principle that they m
ast also have four times as many candidates yt
r offices in the gift of the legislature, as the ul
rishes. This is the stronghold of their power kt
d the secret ballot here is the masked battery w|
im behind which, they strike down every ev
ampion of the up country, and it is the iron ev
ain which binds and subjects 221,734 people, el
real men of the State, to 58,651 saints of tl
parishes-it is the anchor which has kept to
r ship of State in one position ever since an
08. Now for the oligarchy. What is the gi,
licy always pursued by ambitious men in an
uth Carolina? It is to gain power at home, mi
in their individual election districts and swap tis
if- in the Legislature. No aspirant for State S
tors cares one iota about cultivating the pen- Tr'
outside of his own election district. The tio
uilt is, that about half a dozen of what are att
led leading men in each district hitch teams tie
anrry the local elections for the Legislature, the
der for themselves or their tools, and sell the
:ir district's vote in the Legislature, either in ove
tters of election or legislatiork to proinote res
maelves, to the high offices- bei
l'hey, however, give and take. A cabal in to
district will join its forces to a coterie in nol
ther district and these two will unite
hi a clique in a third district, and so on out
oughout the State, until a regular phalanx is " i
med, so as always to have a majority ready to alo
any vacancy that may occur. The apoils of us
ce in South Carolina are partitioned regulara Cal
n this way, and yet we rail against the cor- the
tion and intrigue, which secures federal offi- go,
by tiaking a part in Presidential elections. St:
a reignting powers of the several districts are alti
the wihile flattering, complimenting and ex- ver
ing each other. Theby interchange eivilties has
ugh the newspapers, for our sheets, with a has
honorable exccptions, are dumb on State am<
tics, and are ever fillsd wvith fulsome aduln- the
and disgusting toadyism. Every little dis- ruii
t junta has its organ, edited by some one yet
holds an office in the gift of the Legisla- thei
',or it is controlled by a magnate who has a are
th, or wants one. Delegates from euch dis,. out
meet annually in Columbia during tha sit. thre
of the A ppeal court in May, or during the teet
ion of the Legislature. They concoct new coiz
~mes, divorce old alliances, foral new ones, i
so the State offices have been filled for the ficee
fifty years. Sometimes friends are sold of t
enemies are reconciled. As ambition gen- wha
ly knows no law but success, the ballot ens- ion
it to play traitor to a friend, or friend to a the
or without detection. Thus, deceit, hype- me1
y, intrigue and diplomacy, rule the State. to b
ambitious plebeian who has not yet been well
sted into the mysteries of the oligarehal Dire
s, watches with the cunning of a fox to as- wern
tin who is the mnost prominent candidate for Dire
y vacancy, and as soon as he has gathered thre
nformation, he forthwith unites his fortunes lot,
oese of the general favorite, or in different of a
se, an interloper always goes for the pow- wvori
hat be, not for those that ought to be. Many privi
mn has risen to high offices in the gift of the to th
slature in this way. Merit with us is gen- rupt
y ignored, while intrigue when the miost pres
ul is the most rewarded, and yet we are thiis
protesting against giving the election of' beer
tors to the people, because forsooth it is gent
cunning and wire pulling would then con- batt<
the oficees and the people too. But in this elect
game for place, the parishes have still the I iret
utage- fact,
tey are united in solid column against the ed jc
lott, because animated by a common feel. Na
o preserve the power which they obtained to th
'and and hold by diplomacy. The parish Sent
sentatives having but small constituencies, tioni
asily be returned again and again, like the not
bors for the boroughs in parliament. And cons
atter who represents a pariah, he known has a
hiis'people wvould as soon part with proper- .tionia
ey had obtained unjustly as give up their ibut
enl power which rightly belongs to the up. . shall
Iry. Not so wvithi ihe representativesa of the ever,
lip M-td ehtti
ew o1~ ~ bsut
oiotl n j trypen ntvlrtually
p nce aid taAt gafie J:urv 1:4
be- up.couinty lwaa 4 vifJf u*
av% four. ;i~ a many ente.N
ffl~Uadth paris'dtWliin lieiblfflnl
e co-operate in eler'tique, or with wh' li IfII
o unite in leginistipwe artiesintioan..ldt
antas, eliqes, and oterifSfnite.odiida -4
oting ft or men.-messum al5A dig(41aigs
f -the representative ia&:. al, dhL
takes, the spoils,.tIhe An , V.'
lie leadinglobjeit with I
iorethan the good of . C ,N fp
batativeils thu corrn t
ation of our governigej - 33 &e
inary occnias.:when-.tas evrnineilt may
roduce-corruptiaii itadegistuituio~istera*Ut
hat governmesmtiwbielIlpyd~.t Q19f!JqIII@Fl
rodacespneh ,ecrqpicqg nura~)
tndu The rises e
llR ~iln s ,.ennM ~ ~
unt
cnler. He'nce pser -
de adherence e. (
.oel
Sth -
MI.
tan Pendretn'- !fiiieftt -
r Soth Cailna' giv/thefieM'finl'1%il
butisl eleit~' th-i ole-isitsuiij
the igisat're- ctnesat thi s oikttiin~ Stt
to the ps&iserm-ta 'have ishowg~dmna alekis
maribe--therluiaure. 4-nda:1,es.erielse Sthl
faaLoftthbi;iate. 4StakayM paRru
mntial'electios, althoughs w'h remn~p' In'tme
nion mnd~articipatik fri Jt~llgisLtiuwr f'a
-es4, auf eo'din'uns to subit'tIetYer
tizei to ti adjodientionAite~ &'ddadewfirf#,
y refusing-tg gire'the edflfit tb-the'piipit,
le }efaues to get int-the irijon4 l edtiventis4i
mcause the peope netd-take-hodisteretd.l.i
tatter, as-they can haen-siat:eerl
re the vote of the Statei .pS e OJNt.It4
dilot here, making hthi an uicontrbliAit9I,
id because furtzer,-t ha pa.epj- in .antp4maro
ma ire wholly unacqiittedwith tie qnven
caucus iystem aS ntee
te. .By the. t. 're fusing tIgoi iti -
nal conventtion,A elakes no part ip er a
i~electio 10,ha nitiwh j ~nd Yi Hst
hier-hf drl ExecutdkaioinA% T "Mfol
mination is virtual ithb 'elktflofi Itwa ally
e electio, be to-the mbAequent Statu1ne- -
ns are neri 'njlc ta-inefti erehfoth'er
thetwo prIfnin ha ntiilltma, tiatmM l
at for the last Itweuity.year. wmO aeesd
Acert. I have watched their 1membrs here
d they have WnIehd me; (laughter) I havc
tened to their ennversation. -amd in.suppose
cy hare listened to mine. I hve.attended-tihe
asions ofa iis legisint nre for four or five years,
d I am satisfied from what I have seen and
ard, that there never was in the hi~tnry at the
>rld, in ancient #r mq.lern time', any set of
n banded togemher in a nser embre.. han
ur parish reprert'iati'e. 'They d rule timl
-country by briery. They may rn nowi
ep their seats, a' chamnpin from the districts
11 maintain th,-ir enn-e of enaeretis1n in
erything. It has breenme fa'hionale, how.
er, for leading men of teit np.cuntr, to de
Tre war against te. parishes .ub, maodo, lint
my only do it to get their price, h get vot4,e
get office. They go oi the parihlu members
i say, "elet me to na high office, which will
e me comtanedinmi itlece in the. tenniutry
I Iwill use that influence in your behalfamong
people. I will take up the cry of conservn
A-will represent the intaerents if the whole
it, and make as inneh ado, as any man ean."
eaan to his e nn-meiene, l.is G'd andthi at ie.,
n, has been the price of many ai9 olice be.,
wed by this legilature. upon up-m numy gen
men. 'Yes, sir. the parisites throttle na will
hands of our own leding muen, who fire into
camp of their frieuds like Arnold, s'the go
r to the foe. Whtile they .pr..re iving the
ard of their gtson, and after the price hits
n paid down, it is thegcepa ion of their lives
prte of toe rigt_ 'if the- parishes and ay
hing of the wro'nga of the districts.
eacel peace ! peace ..is hie..etei-nal theume or
oligareby. ." wn will disturb," say they,
e i compromises of the constitmutilon, vhet
no the landmarks wliich our intherihard left
" I have thought that of af f ird . Soigh
olina professes to hate that of "enmpromnide"
moat. But it is right i suppoein the Stat e
ernent, althod~gh wrong inm thec federial. ..
mange inconsistencyv ! lThe "theri S&ates (age
red their con.-:ituionls and- have ealled con-.
tions for that purpose. Virginin, for instine
done it frequent ly, and I do -nost think she
been injured by it; hot to ebugng,, talter,
mnd, or modity ancylhing in Snulfh Carlinn,
parishes say, wounld bring dseonlation and
I upon us. " No parties," -is their cry, andi
out of thirty or forty faimeons, iwill not cil
na parties, the ?arishmea rule themn nll. Parties
a blessing. No free country was evej with.
them. When was England .withoutawo. or
e great national parties ? They watch, die
and expose each other's overdoing. or short
ings.
do not object so tmneh to theo'number of of
a elected by this L~egislasture -ns lhe modec
mat election. The -baltt! the ballot:] ise
t I raise my voice agninst, In this conneet.
[ remember an ineident .whieh oei-urred ist
at. session of this Lecislaturec whicha pained
ery much, and o~f which I desire thme ca'rry
a informed. We all remember it bot. too
, or at leastI do. On the first' hallot far
otors of the Bank of the State; 'only -elfrven
chosen. On the second balkot for tweltlh
etor there was still no election, bause of
eandidatee being rue, and on the thmiti bal
too more votes were nat than the-niminer
embers who had votedl. -Yes,&a poor bit
hy young man of Charlestont wras ihmef'
d of his election, anid L wanl.it.to-go abroad
e people, that t wo members of 'this incur
blde body, two mnemhe'rs who had RI~Ornio)
~rve, protect and defend the cnnstitution er
State and of the United State's, who 'had
elected perhaps by a huigh winded, intelli.
and virtuous constihtuency, went up to the
>t box and depo~sIted t wo votes each in an
ion for a Director of the Baink of the State.
eat it again, anti every member knows the
nlthough it does. not appear upon the print.
urnals of the Iloutse.
arly all the St ates have-tlaen all elections
e people except that of .Judges and U.'ts..
tors, and some of them have. given t tjep1je
of even Judges to the pe Cl,.1Iiik e4s
*pprove. In addition to 4hikseevergntie
~itution in the Union (or nearly nll of them)
provision of tlai. sort: eLblat,h) .gilee
by-the people, theavtteshall :be .by, Jt,
n. all elections by ihem Jagjislainte dhe.vee
be aiiva ace." Ft'nr .q( .the4~pte,..haow.
vote tica voce, ev:en in pr imary elections,
CONCLUDED, OY * f Tt ,*,2Te1 r .A4u1TN