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Edgefield advertiser. (Edgefield, S.C.) 1836-current, August 29, 1866, Image 1

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BY DUB?SOE, KEE<E & CO.
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EDGEFIELD, S. C., AUGUST 29, 1866.
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VOLUME XXXI.--N0. 35.
J. I. ADDISON,
ATTORNEY AT LAW AND S OL I CI
TOR IN EQUITY,
EDGEFIELD C. H" ?. C.,
Omeo in Law Bange.
May .22, tf 21
M. Ii. BONHAM,
Attorney at Law and Solicitor in
Equity,
EDGEFIELD.- S. C.
Office formorly occupied by EMVET SEIBELS,
Esq,
Jan 29 ' tf 5
Professional Card.
aW.. ADDISON, ATTORNEY AT LAW
and SOLICITOR IN EQUITY for Edge
field and adjacent Districts.
Edgefield, S. C., May 22 4m 21
Di
DENTISTRY.
fR H. PARKER respectfully announces
that bo is welt prepared to execute in the best
manner and promptly all work In the business,
-and at greatly reduced figures.
Ilaving acquainted himself with the late, ines
timable improvements in the profession, and se
cured a full stock of materials, ?o., he warrants
good and satisfactory werk to all who may desire
his services.
Edgefield, S. C., Aug. I, ' . tf31
Dentristy.
DR. J. B. COURTNEY respectfully in
forms his old friends and the publio general
ly i h u ho is prepared to do all work in the
DENTAL LINE, in the best manner,.and on
shirt notice. He will, wait on parties atthoir
recidonco when requested to do so.. Letters ad
dressed him at Edgefield C. H., or at Granite
ville, will receive prompt attention.
May 22 33m? 21
For Sheriff.
'Thc Friends of Capt. A. P. WEST respectful
ly announce him as a Candidate for Sheriff of
Edgefield at the next election.
Nov 7 te* 45
?Z?* We have been authorized by the Friends
of Capt. H. BOULWARE to announce him a
Candidato for Sheriff of Edgefield District at the
next election.
Apr 12 te? 16
For Tax Collector.
The Many Friends of D. A. J. BELL, Esq.,
respectfully nominate him os a Candidate foi
Tax Collector at the next election.
Oct IS te 43
For Tax Collector.
THE many Friends ol Capt. JAMES MITCH
ELL respectfully nominate him as a Candidate
for TAX COLLECTOR tit tho next election.
SALUDA.
Dec 6 te? 50
g3S~Wo have been authorized by tho many
friends ef Capt L. YANCEY DEAN to an
nouaco him a Candidato for Clerk of tho Court
of Common Ploas. for Edgefield District at the
next election.
Jana 20 to ^ "27
CARRIAGE MANUFACTORY.
EDGEFIELD, S. C.
TSE Snbscribers respectfully announce that
Xhoy are now prepared to do all work in the
COACH MAKING and REPAIRING BUSI
NESS that may be entrusted to thom, in a work
manlike manner, and with neatness and dispatch.
We have on hand a few CARRIAGES and su
perior BUGGIES, of our own manufacture, which
wo will sell low.
All kinda of REPAIRING done promptly and
warranted to give satisfaction.
^&*As we sell ONLY FOR CASH, our prices
jyro unusually reasonable. All wo ask is a trial.
SMITH dc JOKES.
Mar I tf M
5
?
t
S
t
U
tl
S
it
FISK'S PATENT
METALLIC BURIAL CASES
AJSFID CASKETS !
THE Subscriber hos just received an assort
ment of these beautiful Rosewood finish
METALLIC BURIAL CASES and CASK BI'S
Air-tight and indestructible-for protecting and
preserving the Dead-which he will sell at but a
moderate adrases on original cost and transporta
tion. Wherever introduced these Coses have the
preference ever all others.
ES^Ordcrs promptly filiad. Terms, of course
strelly Cash. J. M. WITT.
Edgefield, Mar 13 t,f ll
I. W. TEAGUE,
'" EDGEFIELD, S. <
JTl'S, leased the Whitaker Stables for the pur
lit pose of conducting s general SALE AND
uIVSRS* STABLE BUSINESS,
HORSES left in hts charge will receive the
?best attention.
BUGGIES, CARRIAGES and HACKS, and
^oui gentle HORSES, io hire whenever caAJLed
?OT.
DROVE IIS will Cod ample accommodation at
cry Stahle?.
?E^"Termsfljfiasana'bln. .
F*b U ?t l
SPECTACLES
?^or Old and Yoting
HAVE on hand a large end choice variety of
^ SPECTACLES, including Patent "Percscople
LENS and genuine Scotch "PEBBLES. Also,
EYE GLASSES, EYE PROTECTORS, ka.
Give mi a ca?. I can suit yo? Eyes.
D. F. MCEWEN.
Oct 31 _ti_'
?
A Handsome Residence,
.WXrlTH ETGHT OM TEN ACRES LAND
attached, at Curryton, 10 ini'es from An
puata A very dosirable location for a physician
or oth-r. There are nino rooms in th? House,
well finished.-Good out burdings attnehod.
Ono wishing more land can purchase it, as there
ia a largo body of land around it for sale.
For farther information address
Maa. S. A. ROPER.
Edgefield, 8. C.
JRo Excuse Now!
OR-I have NEW CASTINGS on my MILLS,
?. fromkottom to top. New Smut Machino and
New Bolting Cloth. Therefore, breaking down
. .hoi plny^.oni, and as to the Flour I make, ask
those thaf haye bad Wheat ground lately at my
-JUBJ, and theta wiU be no uso in my saying any
ching-about iL R. T PARKS.'
Aug. 8, _St^_ 32
Final Settlement.
^mrOTICE ia hereby given thataFinal Settlement
-Ul will be made on tho Estate of THOMAS lt.
WILLIAMS, dee'd.. in tho Ordinary's Office, on
. < the first of November next. Those bavinitclalma
against said Estate aro notified to present the same i
V von or before that date, or their claims will be !
- -barred payment Ferions indebted to said Es- '
tat?aast pay np forth; ?nih if they desire to savo ,
WU. H. W?WAM8, ager.
DECLARATION OF PRINCIPJ
OF THE
National Union Convention,
* . . AT
PHILADELPHIA, OX THE 16TH AUGUST, 1
-- ?
From the Charleston Courier,
^he Hon. Mr. Cowan, <Jn behalf of
Committee appointed to prepare the res
tio;:s and address, after a very careful
elaborate consideration of the same, las
ail the day. and a good part of the night,
ported the following declaration of princi
which were adopted unanimously by the C
miti.ee, and passed without a dissenting vc
by the Convention :
DECLARATION OP PRINCIPLES.
The National Union Convention, now
sembled in the City of Philadelphia, cornpo
of delegates from every State and Territ
in the Union, admonished by'the solemn I
SODS which, for the last five years, it
pleased the Supreme Euler of the Uni ve
to give the American people, profoun
grateful for the return of peace, desirous
are a large majority of their countrymen
all sincerity to forget and forgive the p;
revering the Constitution as it comes to
from our ancestors, regarding the Union in
restoration as more sacred than ever, look
with deep anxiety into the future as of
s tant and continuing trial, hereby issues ti
proclaims the following declaration of priu
pies and purposes, oe which they have wi
perfect unanimity agreed :
First. We hail with.gratitude to Altnigh
God the end of war and the return of pea
to an afflicted and beloved land.
Second. The war just closed has maintain
he authority of the Constitution, with t
.he powers which it confers, and all the i
strictions which it imposes upon the Gen?
Soyernment, unabridged and unaltered, ai
X has preserved the Union, with the equ
rights, dignity and authority of the Stat
perfect and unimpaired.
' Third. Representation in the Congress
.he United States and in the Electoral Co
ege is a right recognized by tho Constitutif,
is abiding in every State, and as a duty in
Dosed upon its people-fundamental in i
.ature and essential to tin existence of o?
repablican institutions ; and neither Congre;
?or the General Government has any author
y or power to deny thia right to any State, c
.o withhold its enjoyment udder the Const
.ution from the people thereof.
Fourth. We call upon the people of tb
Jnited States to elect to Congress, as mem
>ers thereof, none bot men who admit thi
hndamental right of representation, and wh
rill receive to seats therein loyal represents
ives from every State in allegiance to th
Jnited States, subject to tho constitutions
:gbt of each House to judge*of the eloetioi
eturns and qualifications of its own members
Fifth. The Constitution of the Uuitec
?tates, and the laws made in pursuance there
if, are M the supreme laws of* the land, any
hing in the Constitution or laws of an}
?tate to the contrary notwithstanding." Al
he powers not conferred bj the Constitutior.
potflbe General Government, nor-prohibi
ed by it to the States, are " reserved toihe
[tates or to the people thereof and among
ho rights-tims reserved to the . States is. the
ight to prescribe qualification for the elective
rancbise therein, with which right Congress
a'nnot interfere. No State or combination
if States has thc right to withdraw from the
Inion, or to exclude, through their action ir
Congress or otherwise, any olher State oi
States from the Union. The Union of these
states is perpetual.
Sixth. Such amendments to the Constitu
iou" of the United States may be made by
.he people thereof as they may deem expedi
;nt, but only in thc mode pointed out by its
>rovisions, and in proposing snch amend*
neats, whether by Congress or by a Conven
ion. and ratifying thc same, all the States ol
he Union have an equal and an indefeasible
ight to a voice and a vote therein.
Seventh. Slavery is abolished and forever
>robibited, and there is neither desire nor
>urpose on tho part of tho Sonthern -States
hat it should ever be re-established upon
he soil or within the jurisdiction of the
Jnited States, and the enfranchised slaves in
di the States of the Union should receive ia
:ommon with all their inhabitants equal pro
eclion in every right of person and prope :ty.
Eighth. While we regard as utterly invalid
ind never to be assumed or made of binding
bree any obligation incurred or undertaken
n making war against the United Slates, we
lold the debt of the nation to be sacred and
nviolable; and we proclaim our purpose, in
lis?harging this, as in performing all other
national obligations, to maintain unimpaired
ind unimpeached the honor and the faith of
ne Republic.
Ninth. It is the dhty of the National Gov
ernment to recognize the services of the Fed
?ral soldiersi and sailors in the contest just
closed, by meeting promptly and. fully their
just and "rightful claims for the services they
have rendered the nation, and by extending
to those of them who have survived,- and to
the widows nnd orphans of those who have
lallen, the most generous and considerate care.
Tenth. In Andrew Johnson, President of
tho United States, who, in his great oflice,
has proved steadfast in his devotion to the
Constitution, thc laws and interests of bk
country, unmoved by persecution and unde
served reproach-having faith unassailable in
the people and in the principle cf free gov
ernment-we recognize a .Chief Magistrate
wo/thy of the Dation and equal to the great
crisis upon which his lot is cast, and we ten
der to him, in the discharge of his high and
responsible duties, onr profound respect and
assurance of5"our cordial and sincere support.
When the Secretary read that section de
claring that the, war left ail the rights of the
States "perfect and unimpaired,'' the entire
Convention rose to its feet and spent some
time in cheering the sentiment. The allusion
co President Johnson was also received with
loud and long continued applause.
The vote was tfct? taken on the adoption
of the resolutions as read, and they were
unanimously adopted.
THE ADDRESS.
Tho Hon. Henry J. Raymond, of New
York, was then announced to the Convention
by the President, and was received with loud
cheering. Silence having been restored, Mr.
Raym-nd proceeded toread the address which
bad been agreed upon by thc Committee:
To thc People of the Vailed Slates :
Having met iu Convention at tho City cf
Philadelphia, in the State bf Pennsylvania,
this lGth day of August, 16G6, as the rt pre
sentatirves of the people in all sections, and
all tbe-Statcs and Territories of the Union,
to consult upon th/ condition and tho wants
of onr common country, wo address to you
this declaration of oar principles, anti of the
political purposes we seek to promote.
Since the meeting of the last National
Convention, in the year 1860, event? have
occurred which have changed the character
of our internal politics and given the-Unit??
States a new place among the nations cf tbe
earth. Our Government has passed through
the vicissitudes nnd the perils'of civil war
a war winch, though ma.i?ly sectional in its
character, has nevertheless decided political
drfferenct s that from the very beginning of
the Government bad threatened tho unity of
our national existence, and bas left ita im
press deep and ii effaceable upou all the inter
ests, the sentiments and tho destiny of the
republic. While it has inflicted upon the,
wfcte cooB?y?eFere Sosar* ip fife ?ngipl
property, and has imposed bardens wi
mast weigh on its resources for generat
to come, it has developed a degree of natit
courage in the presence of national dangei
a capacity for military organization
achievement, and a devotion on.the pai
the people to the form of government wi
they have ordained, and to the principles
liberty which that Government was desig
to promote, which most confirm tho co
dence of the nation in the perpetuity of
republican institutions,- and command
respect of the civilized world, *
Like all great contests which rouse
passions and test the endurance of natio
this war bas given new scope to the ambit
of political parties, and fresh impulse to pb
of innovation and-reform. A nid. tho ch
Of conflicting sentiments inseparable fx
such an era, while the public heart is keei
alive to all the passions that can sway !
public judgment and affect the pnblic actio
while the wounds of war are still fresh a
bleeding on either side, and fears for the :
ture take unjust proportions from the men
ries and resentments of the past, it is a d
cult bot an imperative duty which on ye
behalf, we, who are here assembled, have i
lertaken to perform.
For the first time after sis long years
alienation and of conflict, we have coi
together from every State and every secti
if our land, as citizens ot a common count
inder the flag, the symbol again of a comm
jlory, to consult together how best to ceme
md perpetuate that Union which is again ti
abject ot our common love, and thus secu
he blessings of liberty to ourselves and o:
posterity.
In the first place we invoke yon to remet
>er, always and everywhere, that the war
mded and the nation is again at peace. Tl
?hock of contending arms no longer assai
;he shuddering heart of thc Republic. Ti
insurrection against the supreme authority
-he nation has been suppressed, and that ai
.hority has been again acknowledged, I
vord and act, in every State and by evei
?tizen within its jurisdiction. We are r
onger required or permitted to regard <
reat each other as enemies. Not only b&f
he acts of war been discontinued, and tl
veapons of war laid aside, but thc state <
rar no longer exists, and the sentiments, tr
>assions, the relations of war have no long?
awful or rightful place anywhere throughoi
mr broad domain. We are again people <
he United States, fellow citizens of one cour
ry, bound by the duties and obligations of
ommou patriotism, and having neither right
mr interests apart from a common destin]
Lue u.uies that devolve upeo us now ar
gain the duties of peace, and no longer th
luties of wai- We have assembled here t
ake counsel concerning the interests of peace
0 decide how w?.may most wisely and effec
ually heal tho wounds the war has made
nd perfect and perpetuate the benefits i
las secured, and the blessings which, unde
1 wise and benign Providence, have sprunt
p iii its fiery track. This is tho work, no
f 'passion,- buTof calm and sober judgment
ot of resentment for past offences prolong?e
eyoud tho limits which justice and rease:
rescribe, but of a liberal statesmanship whici
olerates what it cannot prevent, and build:
s plans "and' its hopesfor the future rathei
pon a community of interest and ambitior
aap. upon distrust and tho weapons of force
lu thc next place, wo . call-upon. yoiOx
ccognize in their full significance, and to ac
ept with all their legitimate cousequences,
he political results of tho war just closed
n two most important particulars the victorj
chieved by the National Government has
teen final and decisive! First, it has ostab
?shed beyond all further controversy, and by
he highest ol all human sanctions, the abso
ute supremacy of the National Government)
3 defined and limited by thc Constitution oi
ho United States, and th"- permanent intcg
ity and indissolc.bility of the Federal Uniou
? a neccssarj consequence ; and, second, it
las put an end finally and forever to the ex
stence of slavery upon the soil or within the
urisdiction of tho United States. Both these
>oints became directly involved in the con
est, and controversy upon both was ended
ibsolutely and finally by the result.
In the third place, we deem it of the ut
nost importance that the real character of
bo war and the victory by which it was
:losed should be accurately understood. The
var was carried on by the Government of
he United States in maintenance of its own
mthority, and in defence of its own existence,
)Oth of which were menaced by the insurrcc*
,ion which it sought to suppress. The fcnp
)ression of. that insurrection accomplished
hat result. The Government of the United
States maintained by force of arms tho su
preme authority over all thc territory, and
)ver all the States and people within its ju
'isdiction which the Constitution confers upon
t; but it acquired thereby no new power, no
?alarged jurisdiction, no rights of territorial
jossession or of civil authority which it did
wt possess before tho rebellion broke out.
Ml the rightful power it can ever possess is
:hat which is conferred upon it, either in ex
press terms or by fair and necessary implica
tion, by the Constitution of the United States.
Lt was that power and that authority which
tho rebellion soueht to overthrow, and the
victory of the Federal arms was simply the
lofeat of that attempt, ' he Government of
me United States acted throughout the war
an tho defensive. It sought only to hold
possession of what was its own. Neither the
war, nor the victory by which it was closed,
changed in any way the Constitution of tho
United States. The war was carried on by
virtue of its provisions, and under the limi
tation which they prescribe, and the resub
af the war did not either enlarge, abridge,
or in any .way change or affect the powers it
confers npon the Federal. Government, or re
lease that Government from tho restrictions
which it has imposed.
The Constitution of the United .States is
to day precisely as it was before the war, the
"supremo law of the* land, anything in the
Constitution or laws of'any State to the con
trary, notwithstanding;1'and, to-day, also,
precisely as before the war, all the powers
not conferred by . the Constitution upon tho
General Government, nor prohibited by it to
the States, are "reserved to the several SCatcs,
or to the people thereof."
'Tl is position is .vindicated not only by the
esseutial nature of our Government, and the
language and spirit of the Constitution, but
by all the acts and tho language of our Gov
ernment, in all its departments, and, at all
time.8, from the outbreak of tho rebellion to
its final overthrow. In every message and
proclamation of the Executive it was explic
itly declared that tho sole purpose ond object
of the war was to maintain the authority of
the Constitution and to preserve the integri
ty of the Union ; and Congretis moro than
once reiterated this solemn declaration, and
added the assurance that, whenever this ob
ject should bo attained, tho war should cease,
and all the States should retain their equal
rights and dignity unimpaired. It ia only
since the war was closed that other rights
have been asserted on behalf of *one depart
ment of the General Government. It bas
boen proclaimed by Congress that, in addi
tion to the powers conferred upon it by tho
Constitution, the Federal Government may
nowclaim'over the States, t>-~ territory and
the people involved in the insurrection, the
rights of war, the right of conquest and of
confiscation, the right to abrogate all existing
governments, institutions and laws, and to
subjept the territory conquered and its inhabi
tants to such laws, regulations and depriva
tions as the legislative department of the
Government may see fit to impose. Under
tfabpot?vv? sweeping claim, that dansa of'
the Constitution which provides that
State shall, without its COD sent, be depr
of its equal suffrage in the Senate of
United States," has been annulled, and
States have been refused, and are still refi
representation altogether io both brant
of the Federal Congress. And the Cong
in which only a part of the States and of
people of the Union are represented has
sorted the right thus to exciudeihe rest fi
representation, and from all'share^m mau
their own laws or choosing^ their . own ru
until they shall comply with such conditi
and perform such acts as this Congress t
composed*may itself prescribe.* That ri
has not only been asserted, but it has b
exercised, and is practically enforced at
present time. Nor does. it find any supp
in the theory that the States thus exclut
are in rebellion against ths^ Government, ?
are, therefore, precluded from ^haring its :
thority. They are not -thus in rebeUi
They are one abd all in an attitude bf Joya
toward the Government, and of sworn alic
ance to the Constitution of the United Stal
In no ono of them is there the slightest in
cation of resistance to. this authority, or I
slightest protest against its jos' ?id bindi
obligation. This condition of renewed ic
al ty bas been officially recognized by aolei
proclamation of the Ekecntive depaitme
The laws*bf the United States have been <
tended by Congress over all these States a
the people thereof. Federal Courts have be
re-opened, and Federal taxes imposed a
levied, aird in every respect, except that th
are denied representation in Congress a
tba Electoral College, the States once in i
hellion are recognized as. holding the sat
position, as owing the samo obligations, a:
subject to the same duties as the other Stat
of our common Union;
It seems to us, in the exercise of the cab
est and most candidj udgment we can bril
to the subject, that sacha claim, so enforce
involves as fatal an overthrow of the autbo
ty of the Constitution, .end as.complete a d
struction of the Government and Union,
that which was sought Jo be effected by tl
States and people ia.armed insurrectir
against'.hem both. It cannot escape obse
va ti on that the power thus asserted to exclut
certain States from representation is made 1
rest wholly in tho will 'and discretion of tl
Congress that asserts it- It is not made i
depend upon any specific conditions or ci
cumstances, nor to be subject to any rules <
regulations whatever. . The right asserte
and exercised is absolute, without qualifia
tion or restriction, not conf-ued to States i
rebellion, nor to States that have rebelled ;
is the right of any .Congress in formal posset
sion of legislativo authority to exclude an
State or States, and any portion of tb? pee
pie thereof, at any time/ from representado
in Congress and the Electoral College, at it
own discretion and until they shall perfon
such acts and comply with such conditions fl
it may dictate. Obviously, the reasons fe
Buch exclusion, beingjwholly within the dis
cretion of Congress, may change as the Con
gress itself shall change. Oue Congress ma
exclude a State from all shard in the Goverr
ment for one reason ; and that reason removed
the next Congress m?V exclude it for anothei
One State may be ?duded on ono groum
to-day, and another may be excluded on th
oppositegMuudto-mrcrow. Northeru aseen
rJency may excluae Southern States from oni
Congress;.jdic^^pytncy^MVestern ero
Southern interests, cr ofboth c?u\bThf?c*7ma;
exclude the Northern or the Eastern State
from the next. Improbable as such usurpa
tions may seem, thc establishment of tht
principle now asserted and acted upon b;
Congress will render them by no means Sm
possible. The character-indeed, the verj
existence-of tho Union is thus made de
pendent solely and entirely upon the part]
and sectional exigencies or forbearance o
the hour. ***?
Wc need not stop to show that such actioi
not only finds no warrant in the Constitution
but is at wa- with every priuciplc of out
Government, and with the very existence o
free institutions. It is, indeed, the id?ntica
practico which hns rendered fruitless all at
tempts hithcr .o to establish and maintain fret
Governments* in Mexico and the States o
South America. Party necessities assert
themselves as superior to the fundamental
law, which is set asido in reckless obedience
to their behests. Stability, whether in thc
exercise of power, in thc administration ol
Government or in the enjoyment ol' rights
becomes impossible : and the conflicts of part)
which, under constitutional Governments, arc
the conditions and meansof political progress,
are merged in thc' conflicts of arms to whirl)
they directly and incvitably'tend.
It was against thia peril so couspicunns and
so latal to all Irce governments that our Con
stitution was intended especially to provide,
Not only the stability but the very existence
of thc Government is made by its provisions
to depend upon the right and thc fact of rep
resentation. Tho Congress, upon which is
conferred all the legislative power of the Na
tional Government, consists of two branches,
the Senate and House of'Representatives,
whose joint concurrence or assent is essential
to the validity of any law. Of these thc
Honse of Representatives, says tho Constitu
tion (Article i, Section 2,) "shall bo com
posed of members chosen every second year
by the people of the several States." Not
only is the sight, of representation thus recog
nized as possessed by all the States and by
every'State without restriction,, qualification
pr condition of any kind, but the duty of
choosing representatives is imposed upon tho
people of each and every State alike, without
distinction, or the authority to make distinc
tions among them, for any reason or upon
any ground? whatever. And in the Senate,
so careful is the Constitution to secure to every
State this right of representation, it is ex
pressly provided that " no State shall, without
its consent, be deprived of its equal suffrage"
in that body, even by an amendment of the
Constitution itself- When, therefore, any
State is excluded from such representation,
not only is a right of the State denied, but
the constitutional integrity of the Senate is
impaired, and the validity of the Govern
ment itself is brought in question. But Con
gress at the present moment thus excludes
fcom representation, in both branches of Con
gress, ten States of the Union, denying them
all share in the enactment of laws by which
they are to be governed, and all participation
in the election of the rulers by which these
laws are to be enforced. In other words, a
pongrt&s in which only twenty-six States are
ropresent?d assorts the right to govern, abso
lutely and in its discretion, all the thirty-six
States which compose; $w Union-to make
their laws and chooso their rulers, and to ex
clude the other ten from all share in tNir
own government until it sees fit to'aamit
them thereto. What is there to distinguish
the power thus asserted and exercised from
tho most absolute and intolerable tyranny?
Nor do thejse extravagant and unjust claims
on tho part of Congress tb powers and au
thority never conferred upon the Government
by the Constitution, find any warrant in tho
arguments or excuses urged on their behalf.
It i * alleged, *
. First. That these States, by the act of re
bellion and by voluntarily withdrawing their
members from Congress forfeited their right
of representation, and they can only receive
it again at the hands of the supreme legisla
tive authority of the Government, on its own
term3 and at its own discretion. If reprcscn
I tation in Congress and participation in the
I Government were simply privileges conferred
I and held by favor, this statement might have
? tho merits of fusibility. But representa
tion is under the Constitution not only ex
' fnaaj recognised as a eight, bat ii is imposed
aa a. duty, and it is essential in both aspects
to the existence of the Government and to
thc ttaintenance of its authority. In free
Governments fundamental and essential rights
cannot be forfeited except against individuals
Dy due process of law ; norean constitutional
duties and obligations be discarded or laid
aside.. The enjoyment of rights, may be for
a time suspended by the failure to claim
them, and duties may bc evaded-by thc refu
sal to perform them. The withdrawal of
their members frc m Congress by the States
which resisted the General Government was
among their acts of insurrection-was one of
the means and agencies by which they sought
to impair the authority and defeat .the action
of the Government ; and that act was annulled
and rendered void when the insurrection itself
was suppressed. Neither the right of repre
sentation nor the duty to bo represented was
in the least impaired by the fact of insurrec
tion ; but it may have been that by reason
of the insurrection the conditions on which
tho enjoyment of that right and the perform
ance of that duty for the time depended
could not be fulfilled. This was, in fact, the
case. An insurgent power, in the exercise of
usurped and unlawful authority in the terri
tory under its control, had prohibited that
allegiance to the Constitution and laws of the
United States which is made by that funda
mental law the essential condition of repre
sentation in its Government. No man within
the insurgent States was allowed to take the
oath to support the Constitution of the United
States, and, as a necessary consequence, no
man could lawfully represent those States in
the councils of the Union. But this waa only
an obstacle to the enjoyment of thc right and
to the discharge of a duty-it did not annul
the one nor abrogate the other; and it ceased
to exist when thy usurpation by which it was
created bad been overthrown, and the States
had again resumed their allegiance to the
Constitution and laws of the United States.
Second. But it is asserted, in support of
the authurity claimed by the Congress now
lt possession of power, that it flows directly
from the laws of war; that it is ami ng the
rigfits which victorious war always confers
upon the conquerors, and which the conqueror
may exercise or waive in his own discretion.
To this we reply that tho laws in question
relate solely, so far as the rights they confer
are concerned, to wars waged between alien
and independent nations, and can have place
or force, in this regard, in a war waged by a
Government to suppress an insurrection of its
own people, upon its own soil, against its
authority. If we had carried on successful
war against any foreign nation, we might
thereby have acquired po.-session and juris
diction of their soil, with the right to etilbrc*
our laws upon their people aud to impose
upon them such laws and such obligations a>
we might choose. But wo had before the
war complete jurisdiction over the soil of the
Southern States, limited only by our own
Constitution. Our laws were tho only na
tional laws in. force upon it. Tho Govern
ment of the United States was the only Gov
ernment through which those Statesand their
people had relations with foreign nations,and
its Hag was the onl flag by which they were
recognised or known anywhere on the face
of thc earth. In all these respects, and in
all other respects involving national interests
and rights, our possession was perfect and
complete. It did not uccd to be acquired,
but only to bo maintained ; and victorious
war against the-rebellion could, do nothing
more than maintain it. It could only vihdi
cate and rc establish thc disputed supremacy
of the Constitution. It could neither enlarge
nor diminish the authority ^.'hich that Consti
tation confers upon the Government by which
it was achieved. Such an enlargement or
abridgement of constitutional power can bi
effected only by amendment of the Constitu
tion itself, and such nmendment can be UIKCIC
only in the modes which the Constitution it
sell prescribes. The claim that thc suppres
sion of au insurrection against tho Govern
ment gives additional authority ?ind power to
that Government, especially that it enUrge
the jurisdiction of Congress and gives thai
body thc right to exclude States from repre
scntation in .the national councils, withouT
which tho nation itself can have no authority
and no exisieuce, stems to us at variance
alike with the principles of the Consecution
and with thc public safety.
Third. But it is alleged that in certain par
ticulars the Constitution ol the United Stafc
fails to secure that absolute j os tice and ?in
partial equality which thc principles of our
Go'/er&mcut require; that it wan in the?
respects the result of compromises aud con
cessions to which, however reec-sary when
thc Constitution wai formed, wc are no lon
ger compelled to submit, and that now, hav
ing the power through successful war and
just warrant for its exercise in tho hostile
conduct of the insurgent sre'ion, the. actual
Government of the United Slates may imp-'Se
its own conditions, aud make tho Constitu? ?on
conform to all it- provision?;, to its ideas ot
equality and the rights of man. Congress a?
its last session proposed auieudtneuts to ihf
Constitution, enlarging in some very imper
tant particulars the authority of thc General
Goverumeut over that, of the se.vcral State-,
and reducing by indirect disfranchisement,
the representative power of tho State.- iu#
which slavery formerly existed ; aud it ia
claimed that these amendments may bc made
valid as parts of the original Constitution,
without the concurrence of tho States to be
most seriously affected b}* them, or may bi
imposed upon .those S:aies by three fourths
of the remaining States, as conditions of their
re-admission to representation iu Congress and
in thc Electoral College.
It is tho unquestionable right of thc people
of the United States to make such changes
iu the Constitution as they, upon duo delib
eration, may deem expedient. But we insist
that they shall bc'made in the modi which
tho Constitution itself points ont-in confor
mity with thc letter and tho spirit of that in
strument, and with tho principles of self-gov
ernment and of equal rights which lie at the
basis of our Rt-publican institutions. Wo de
ny the right of Congress to make these changes
in the fundamental law, without the concur
rence 6Y three fourths of all States, inclndiug
especially those to oo most seriously affected
by thom ; or to impose tb*em upon States or
people, as conditions of *representation, or of
admission to any of the tights, duties or ob
ligations which belong under th? Constitu
tion to all the Sutes alike. And with still
greater emphasis do we deny the right of tiny
portion of thc States excluding the rest of tho
States from any share in their, councils, to
propose or sanction changes in the Constitu
tion which are to affect permanently their
political relations and control or coerce the
legitimate action of the several members of
the common Uuion. Such an exercise of
power is simply a usurpation, ju?t as unwar
rantable when exercised by Northern States
as it would be if exercised by Southern, and
not to be fortified or palliated by anything in
the past history cither of those by whom it is
attempted or of those apon whose rights and
liberties it is to ake effect." lt fiuds no war
rant in the Constitution. It is at war with
the fundamental principles of our form of gov
ernment. If tolerated in one instunca. it be
comes the precedent for future invasions of
liberty and constitutional right dependent
solely upon the will of the party in possession
of power, and thus leads by direct and ne
cessary sequence to the most fatal and intole
rable of all tyrannies--the tyranny of shift
ing and irresponsible political factions. It is
against this, the most formidable ot all tho
dangers which menace the stability of free
government, that the Constitution of the Uni
> ted States was intended most carefully to pro
1 vide. We -jmand a strict and steadfast ad
j herence to its provisions. In th?s and
alone can we find a basis of permanent
I and pence.
I. Fourth. But it is alleged in justifier
the usurpation which we condemn, tl
condition of the Soutbc-rn Statesand
is not such as renders safe their re adr
to a share in the government of the co
that they are still disloyal in se itimei
purpose, and that neither the honor and
nor the interests of the nation would 1
if they* were re-admitted to a" share ,
councils. Wu might repiy to this :
(1 ) That we have no right for 6uc
sons, to deny to any portion of the Sit
people rights expressly conferred upon
by the Constitution erf the United State
(2.) That so long as their acts aie th
loyalty-so long as they conform in all
public conduct to the requirements (
Constitution and laws-wo have no ri,
exact from them conformity in their
men ts and opinions to our own.
(3.) That we have no riaht to distrui
purpose or the ability of the people o
Union to protect and defend, under all
tingenciesand by whatever means mi
required, its honor and its welfare.
These would, in our judgment, be ful
conclusive an-wera to the plea thus adv?
for the exclusion of thi se States from
Union. But we say further, that -this
rests upon a completo misapprehension i
unjust perversion of existing facts. t
We do not hesitate to affirm that -tin
no section of the country where the Cc
tution and laws of thc United States fi
more prompt and entire obedience th:
those States and among those people
were lately in arms against them ; or N
there is less purpose or danger of any ft
attempt to overthrow their authority-,
would seem to be both natural and inevii
that, in States and sections so recently s'
by the whirlwind of war, where all the t
uary modes and methods of- organized in
try have been broken up, and the bonds
u-fluences that guarantee social order 1
been destroyed-where thousands and
of thousands of turbulent spirits havo 1
suddenly loosed from the discipline of
and thrown without resources or rest:
upon a disorganized and chaotic society,
where the keen sense of defeat ?3 added to
"Vertbrow of ambition and hope, scene;
violence should defy for a time the imper
discipline of law, and excite anew the fi
and forebodings of the patriotic and well
posed. It is unquestionably true that li
disturbances of this kind, accompanied
more or less of violence, do still occur, j
they are confined entirely to tho cities
large towns of the Southern States, wi:
different races and interests are brought rr
closely in contact, and where passions and
sentments are most easily fed and fanned
to outbreak; and even there, they are qi
us much the fruit of untimely and bur
political agitation, as of any hostility ou
part of the people to thc authority of the
tional Government. *
But tho concurrent testimony of those b
Hcqnainted with the condition of society ?
thc state of puLlic sentiment in the'Soutl
including that of its representatives in t
Convention-establishes thc fact that thc cr
nias - of the Southern people accept, with
fud and sincere submission as do the peo
of the other States, the established suprer
cy of the national au: hority. and are prcpar
in the most loyal Bpi ri t, and with az*al qui
..n-.-d "alike by their interest and their pri
to co-operate with other States and sretit
in whatever may be necessary to defend t
rights, maintain the honor and promoto t
welfare of our common country. History
fords no instance where a people, so power
in numbers, iii resources, and in public spii
after a war so long in its duration, so destri
live in its progress, and so adverse in its issi
have accepted defeat and its consequent
with so much of pood faith as has mark
?he conduct of the people lately in insu rn
tion against the United States. Beyond
question this has b*cn largely duo to the w]
generosity with which their enforced surre
der was accepted by the President, of t
Unit?d States aud the Generals in immedin
eoiumand of their armies, abd to tho libei
measures which^*verc afterwards taken
restore order, tranquility and law io t
States whvrc all had fourbe time been ove
thrown. No steps could haVe been better c?
ciliated to command then spect, win thc co
fidence, revive che patriotism and secure t'
permanent a- d affectionate allegiance of tl
people of thc South tq the Constitution ai
laws of tue Union, thr?.n those which ha'
been so firmly taken and so steadfastly pa
sued by the President of the United State
And if that coi.fMence and loyalty have bet
yiuce impaired ; if thu people of thc Soul
are to day less cordial in their allegiance Un
they were immediately upon tho close of tl
war, we believe it is due to the changed toi
nf thc." legislative, department of the Gener
Government toward them ; to thc action e
whie? Congress has endeavored to supplat
and defeat thc President's wise and henel
cent policy of restoration ; to their eXclusic
from ali participation in our common Gover
incut ; to the withdrawal from them of rigb
conferred and guaranteed by t he Oonstitutio
and to the evident, purpose of Congress, i
the exercise of a usurped and unlawful ai
thority, to reduce them from the rank of fo
und equ:tl members of a republic of: State:
with righis aud dignities unimpaired to th
condition of conquered provinces, and a cor
quered people, iu ull things subordinate ar.
subject to the will of .their conquerers, fr-.:
ouly to obey laws in making whrh they ar
not allowed to share.
No people has ever yet existed whose loy
alty and faith such treatment long continua
would not alienate and impair. And the tn
millions of Americans wfio live in the'Soutl
would be unworthy citizens of a free country
degenerate sons of an heroic ancestry, un:i
ever to become guardians of thc rights anc
liberties bequeathed to us by the fathers ar c
founders of this Republic, if they could ac
cept, with uncompl?ining submissiveness, tilt
humiliations thus sought to bc imposed upor
them. Resentment of injustice is always ar.d
everywhere essential to freedom; and tilt
spirit which prompts the States and people
lately in insurrection, but insurgent now nc
longer, to protest against thc imposition ol
unjust and degrading conditions, makes thean
all t ho more wort hy to share io the Govern
ment of a free commonwealth, and gives still
firmer assurance of the future power and
freedom of thc Republic. For whatever re
sponsibility the Southern people may have
incurred in resisting the authority of the Na
tional Government and in taktog up arms for
its overthrow, they may be held to answer,
as individuals, before the judicial tribunals
of tho land, and for that conduct, as societies
and organized communities, they have already
paid tue most fearful penalties that can fall
on offending States in thc losses, tho .suffer
ings and humiliations of unsuccessful wur.
Bui whatever nany bo the guilt or the pun
ishment of the conscious authors of. the in
surrection, candor and common . juatice (le
maud the concession that the great mass ol
those who became involved hvita responsi
bility acted upon what they believed to be
their duty, in defence of what they had been
taught to believo tueir rights, or undera
compulsion, physical and moral, which they
were powerless to resist. Nor can it be amiss
to remember that, terrible as have been the
f bereavements aud the losses of this war, tfcey
1 have fallen exclusively upon neither sect'on
and upon neither party-that they havo fal
len, indeed, with far greater weight upon tb-jse
- with whom the war began; that imho de ita
of relativ, s and friends, tho dispersion of fr nv
i ines, the disruption o? social ay ot em and social
?ties, the overthrow of governments, of law anc
of or3er, the destruction of property and o
forms aud modes and means of industry, th<
loss of political, commercial, and moral ir.fln
ence, in every shape -and form which greal
calamities can assume, the States and people
which engaged in tho war against the Govern
ment of the United States have suffered ten
fold more than those who remained jn allegi
ance to its Constitution and laws.
These considerations may not, as they cer
tainly do not, justify the action of the people
of the insurgent States ; but no just or on
erous mind will refuse to them a very consid
erable weight in determining the line of con?
Juct which the Government of the United
State? should pursue toward them.
They accept, if not with alacrity, certainly
I without sallen resentment, the defeat and
overthrow they have sustained. Thoy ac
knowledge and acquiesce in the results, to
Themselves and the country, which defeat in
volves. They no longer claim for any State
the right to secede from the Union ; they no
longer assert for any State an allegiance para
mount to that which is due to the General
Government. They have accepted the de
struction of slavery, abolished it by their State
Constitutions, and" concurred with the States
and people of the whole Union in prohibiting
its existence forever upun the soil or within*
the jurisdiction of the United States. They
indicate and evince their purpose just so fast
as may bo possible and sale to adapt their
domestic laws to the changed condition of
their society, and to secure by the law and
its tribunals equal and impartial justice to all
classes cf their inhabitants. They- admit the
invalidity ot all acts of resistance to the na
tional authority, and of all debts incurred in
attempting its overthrow. They avow their
willingness to share the burdens and discharge
the duties and obligations which rest upon
them, in common with ether States and sec
tions of the Union ; and they renew, through
their Representatives in this Convention, by
all their public conduct in every way and by
the most solemn acts by which.States and so*
cieties can plcdgo their faith, their engage
ment to bear true faith and allegiance, through
all time to come, to the Constitution of tho
United States, and to all laws that may be
made in pursuance thereof. v
Fellow countrymen ! We call upon yor,
in full reliance upon your intelligence ana
your patriotism, to accept, with generous and
ungrudging confidence, this full surrender on
the part of those lately in arms against your
authority, and to share with the honor and
renown that await those who bring back peace
and concord to jarring States. The war just
clesed, with all its sorrows and disasters, has
opened a new career of glory to the nation
it h^s'saved. lt has swept away tho hostili
ties of sentiment and of interest which were
a standing menace to it3 peace. It has de
stroyed the institution of slavery, always a
cause of sectional agitation and strife, and bas
opened for our country the way to unity of
interest, of principle and of action through all
time to come. It has developed in both sec
tions a military capacity-an appetite for
achievements of war, both by sea and land, be
fore unknown even to ourselves, and destined
to exercise hereafter, under united councils,
an important influence upon the character and
destiny of the continent and tho world. And
while it has thus revealed, disciplined and
compacted, our power, it has proved to us be
yond controversy or doubt, by the course pur
sued towards both contending sections by
foreign powers, thatwe mustjbe the guardians
of tmr own independence, and that the princi
ples of republican freedom we represent can
find among' the nations of the earth no friends
or defenders but ourselves.
We call upon you, therefore, by every con
sideration of your own dignity and safety, and
in the name of liberty throughout the world, "
to complete the work of restoration and peace
which thc President of the Uuited Mates has
so well begun,.and which tho policy adopted
cud the principles asserted by the present
Congress alone obstruct. The time is close
at hand when members of a new Congress
are to be elected. If that Congress shall per
petuate this policy and, by excluding loj-a?
States and people from representation in its
halls, shall continue thc usurpation by which
the legislative powers of tho Government are
now exercised, common prudence compels ns
to anticipate discontent, a sullen withdrawal
lrom the duties and obligations of the Fede
ral Government, internal dissension and a
general collision of sentiments and preten
sions which may renew, in a still more fear
ful shape, thc civil war from which we hare
just emerged. Wc call upon you to interpose
your power to prevent the recurrence of so
transcendent r. calamity! We call upon yon
in'every Congressional Districtof every Stat?,
to secure thc election of members, ioho, what
ever oiher differences may characterize their
political action, viii unite in recognizing the
RIGHT OK EVERY STATE OF THE UNION* TO *
REPRESENTATION IN CONGRESS, and WHO WILT.
ADMIT TO SEATS IN EITHER BRANCH, EV BB Y
LOYAL REPRESENTATIVE FROM EVERY STATE
tn allegiance to the Government, who may be .
found by each House, in the. exercise of tiie
power, conferred upon it by the Constitution^
to have been duly elected, returned and quali- ?
fed for a seal therein.
When this shall havo been done, the Gov
ment will have been restored to its integrity,
thc Constitution of the-United States will have
been re-established in its full supremacy, and
the American Union will have again become
what it was designed to bo by those who
iornied it-a sovereign nation, composed of
separate States, each like itcelt, moving in a
distinct and independent sphere, exercising
powers denued and reserved by a Common
Constitution, and resting upon the assent,' the
coniideuco and co-operation of all'the States
and all the people subject to its authority.
Thus reorganized and rc-jiored to their con
stitutional relations^ the States-and the Gen
eral Government can enter in a fratern?lspirit,
with a common purpose and a common interest,
upon whatever reforms the security of per
sonal rights, the enlargement of .popular lib
erty and perfection of our republican institu
tions may demand.
Thc reading of this address during the first
ten minutes was frequently interrupted with
applause. ,
Ex-Governor Perry, oftSouth Carolina : I
move that the address just read to the Con
vention be adopted.
. The President : You have heard the mo
tion. Those in favor of this address will say
"aye."
This was received with a unanimous vote,
and tho Chairman thereupon declared the ad
dross unanimously adopted.
Mr. Tilden, of New York : Mr. President,
the delegation from New York propose to
this Convention three cheers for the Hon.
Henry J. Raymond, tho author of the address
which has just been read.
Three cheers were heartily given.
Tho work of the Convention had been ac
complished: Its platform bad been laid down.
Peace Democrats, War Democrats, Conserva
tive Republicans, and the men of the Sooth,
had all met in common Convention and con
secrated themselves with a unanimity unpar
alleled io history to the preservation of thb
Constitotiocand the rescue of the country from
the hands?of revolution aud faction.
The time had come for adjournment, and
amid the most impressive and solemn silence
the blessing of God was invoked upon the
Convention, its deliberations and action, and
for the success of those great' princiiles of
, representation, and equality which heat the
? foundation of all tn.? liberty".
i And tier Pt^id tl ( crM?r Prrfjd?pt. John
. son, the Convention ?teed cdjcuined without
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