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The Newberry herald. (Newberry, S.C.) 1865-1884, December 18, 1867, Image 1

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~'At Jeyberry C. R.
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-tt;isee" ie os ,Re.L
coeKnva STOV E.
jthe .oi6 sted, askere a
to sa jU
-~ -BK ef d?kiads
75 Broad Street.
p USTA, GA., -
Attendor 'ale, I sP'
e s ea iei0s,
a. s s WWg dier essi bt
seg will pay the 11GRiSPT
an, ~W forlour, Graja
gi m g{y fgiends lbr the
p77 u wbleetor.
- 15 Jou W TLLIaMa
anos Kznm.
Danzar, B. WHEEL.BR
For the Legislature.
R. V. GIsT.
For Clerk of Court.
100 tons warranted genuine Peruvian,
from the Agent of the Peruvian Govern
ment, on hand and for sale by
October 23 48
AU per-sons having demands against the
estate of Janett Sloan, deceased, are hereby
requested to render the same to the sub
.oriber properly attested, and those in.
debted to the same, will make payment 0n
e.r before the tenth day of January next, as
a settlement will be made on said estate at
t,bat time.
Nov. 21. 1887. 27-48 as. Ex'nr.
Dr. J. D. Bruce
Havlag resumed the practice of Medicine,
tenders his professional services to the public.
Office in the building formerly occupied by
Xr. John A. Chapman, and opposite Mrs.
harp's rsidence.
Sept. 18 38 tf.
The President's Message.
-.Tbe following are the most im
portant points of the President's
m a, as arranged by the -Mer
cury for those who may not have
had the time or the patience to
read the whole document.
1.-And in the first place above
hdim , is the distinet:aeknowl
edgment, that the Southern States
laid dowi their arms, on the faith
of the declaration of Congress,
that the sole object of the late
wsr on the part of the United
States Government and the North
ern States was a restoration of the
Unioat- The President: says:
"The oustitutiAonal duty is not
the only one which requires the.
State -to be resftred. There is
another consideration which,
though of minor importanee, is
yetof great weight. On the 22d
day of July, 1861, Congress de
elai-ed,. by an almost' unaninons
vote of both-houses, that the war
.isad ie heenducted-sole}yc for the
purpose of preserving the Union,
:0d ma aiiig the supremacy of
of the ideral constitution -and
laws, without impairiag the digni
ty equality and .ri hts of the
StMeer of individ4 and -.that
bed h was done thehwar should
cease. I donot say :that this de
-laration.is personaily binding oih
those whealined iu-making it, any
iare't n individeral members of
ogressare rona ly bound to
py a pguie' ebt created,under a
f'r ivbicr they oted. But
it vasa sodknin, pultc, opiat pledge
g the national honour, and I can
.not imagine upon what gzounds
the repudition of i is to be justi
lied. Ift said that we are not
bound to keep faitk with rebels,
iet-It :be remembered that thia..
.pionise was- not made to rebels
b.nly. 'tlhousands -Qf true ien in
the South.were dra*n*tp our stand.
ard by it, and huedreds of ,thous
ands in the NortJbgave Iieir live
in the belief that it would be ..ea
ried out. It-was made on the day
after-the ft*ieat battle of the
war bad been fought and lost.,
Al ptiotie.. and intelligent men
thi saw-tAe necessity of ivedw
such ..an asgarande, and bel'eyed
that.w t -it theMwar wol end
.idteraEte ur eause. Having
Qien tat aesdranee in tAextremi
ty of our peril, the 'viostion of it
now, in the day of our power,
wos14 be a rude reading of that
faith which holds the moraI
world together ; e'ur-eonntry woud
cease to have any claim upon' the
'eace of. penJ.;it wouldd make
the .war not bty~ a-filute but a
2E The 'next impeitant -point
made in the message is, that seces
sion was void3 adthUe.te:o'th
ern States-are*now .as they have
ever been' within the Union and
under the Conistitution of the Uni.
ted States with all its guaraRtees.
It says :
:t is clear to my apprehension
~that the States lately in rebellion
are still members of the National
Union. Whnen. did they cease to
be so? The 'ordinanes~ of seces
non,' adopted by a portion (in
most of them a very small portion)
of their estizens, were mere nuli
ties If we admit now that they
were valid and effectual for the
purpose intended by their authors,
we sweep from under our feet the
whole ground upon which we justified
the war. Were those States after
wards expelled from the Union by
the war? The direct contrary
was averred by this government
to be its purpose, and was so un
derstood by all those who give
their blood and treasure to aid in
its prosecution. It cannot be that
a successful war, waged for the
preservation of the Union, had the
legal effect of dissolving it. The
victory of the nation's arms was
not the disgrace of her policy ;
the defeat of secession on the bat
tle-field was not the tiumph of
its lawless principles. 19or could
Congress, with or without the
consent of the Executive, do any
thing which would have the ef
fect, directly or indirectly, of sep
aratin g the States from each other.
To dissolve the Union is to repeal
the constitution which holds it to
gether, and that is a power which
does not belong to any depart
ment of this government, or to all
of them united.
"This is so plain that it has
been acknowledged by all branch
es of the Federal G-overnment.
The Executive (my predecessor
as wvell as myself) and the heads
of all the departments have uni
for.mly acterd upon the nrinciple.
that the Union is not only undis
solved but indissoluble."
3. The description in the mes
sage of the nature of the military
acts now ruling the Southern
States is most forceable.
"To demonstrate the unconsti
tutional character of those acts, I
need do no more than refer to
.their general provisions. It must
be seen at once that they are not
authorized. To dictate what al
terations shall be made in the
constitutions of the several States ;
to control the elections of State
legislators and State officers, mem
bers of Congress and electors of
President and Vice-President, by
arbitrarily declaring who shall
be excluded from that privilege ;
to dissolve State legislatures or
prevent them from assembling;
to dismiss judges and other civil
functionaries of the State, and ap
point others without regard to
State law; to organize and operate
all the political machinery of the
State; to regulate the whole ad
ministration of their domestic and
local affairs according to the mere
will of strange and irresponsible
agents, sent among them for that
purpose-these are powers. not
granted to the Federal Govern
ment or to any one of its branch
es. Not beibg granted, we vio
late our trust by assuming them
as palpaby as we would by acting
in the -face of.a positive interdiot ;
for the constitution -forbids us- to
do whatever it does not affirma
tively authorizeeither, by expresa
words or by clear implication. If
the authority. we desire to use
does not oorie to us through the
constitution, we can exereise it
nly by usurpation ; and ;us-fpa
tion is the - most dangerous of po
litical crimes. By that crime the.
enemies of free government in all
ages have worked out their de
signs against public liberty and
private right. It leads directly
and immediately to the establish
ment.of absolate rule; for' uniele
gaWd:power is always unlimited
and uorestraine4.
"The acts of CoRgress- in ques
tion are not only objectionable for
their - assumption of ungranted
poer, but many of their provi
sdin* are in conflict with the direct
phibitioias of the .coastitution.
The -eonstitution eommands that
a ublican form of government
bi -i'e- guaranteed to all- the
States; that no pe.on shall be- de.
prived of life, Iibe y or property
withlat due processof law, ar
restedWithout judicial Warrant,
o/puoished, without a fair -trial
before an-impartial jury-; that the
privilege of habeas corpus. shalt~
not be deaied in time^ of' peace.;
and that do bill of attainder shall
be passed,. even against a single,
individual, Yet the system of'
measures established' by these acts
of Congress does totally subvert'
and destroy the form- as welt as
the substance - of republioan gov
ernment 'in ' the ten States to
which they apply. It binds them,
hand and foot,. n absolute slavery,
and eubjects them to a strange
and hostile power, more unlimited
and mdre likely to be abused than
any other now known among
civilized men. It tramples down
all those rights in which the es
sence of liberty con sists,anzd which
a free government is always most
careful to protect. It denies the
habeas corpus and the trial by
jury. Personal freedom, property,
and life if assailed by the passion,
the prejudice, or the rapacity of
the ruler, have no security what
ever. It has the effect of a bill of
attainder, or bill of pains and pen
alties, not upon a few individuals,
but upon whole masses, including
the millions who inhabit the sub
ject States, and even their unborn
children. These wrongs, being ex
pressly forbidden, cannot be con
stitutionally inflicted upon any
portion of our people, no matter
how they have come within our
jurisdiction, and no matter wheth
er they live in States, Territories,
or Districts."
4. The object of the military
despotism put over the Southern
States is negro supremacy.
"It is manifestly and avowedly
the object of these laws to confer
upon negroes the privilege of vo
ting, and to disfranchise such a
number of white citizens as will
give the former a clear majority
at all elections in the Southern.
States. This, to the minds of some
persons, is so important, that a
violation of the constitution is jus
tified as a means of bringing it
about. The morality is always
falsew.yk' i excuses a wrong be
cause, iproposes to accomplish a
desirable end. We are not per
mitted tn do evil that srood may
come. But in this case the end
itself is evil, as well as the means.
The subjugation of the States to
negro domination would be worse
than the military despotism under
which they are now suffering. It
was believed before hand that the
people would endure any amount
of military oppression, for any
length of time, rather. than de
grade themselves, by subjection
.to the negro race. Therefore they
have been left without a choice.
Negro suffrage was established by
act of Congress, and the military
officers were commanded to super
intend the process of clothing the
negro raee with the political
privileges torci from white men.
The blacks in the South are en
titled to be well and -humanely
governed, and to have the .protec
tion of just~laws for all their rights
of person or.propdrty. If it were
practicable at, this time to give
them a government exclusively
their own, under wfich they
might manage their own affairs in
their own way, it would become a
grave qnestion whether we ought
to do so, or whether common hu
manity woul4 .not require us to
save them from themselves. But,
under the circumstances; this is
only a speculative point. .It 1a
not. proposed. 7merely_ that they
shall govern themselves, but that
they shall rale the white race,
make and admiinister -State laws,
elect Ptesident and members of
Congress, and shape to .a greater
or less extent the future destiny
of the whole euatry.
"We must not delude ourselves.
It will require a strong standing
army, and probably more than
two hundred millons of dollars
per annum to maintain the supre
macy of negro governments after
they are established. . The sum
thus thrown away would, if prop
erly used, form a siak$ng fund
large enough to pay the whole
national debt in loss, than fifteen
years. It is in aii to hope that
negroes. will maintain fheir ascn
dancy themselves. WithOutmIli
tary power they are wholly gnea
pabl 6f h4fding in subjection the
white people:,ofthe -South.
5. The President recoommends
the repeal- of the Reconstrucfion
acts. -
. -Being sineeriy convinced that
these views -are correot, I would.
be unfaithful to my duty if I did
,not recommend the r.epeal of the,
acts of Congress whie, phice ten
of the Southern States under the
dQmination of mlitary maters. If
cealui reflection sh~all satisf~y a ma
jority &f yowr honorable bodies
that the acts referred to ai-e noZ
only a violation of the' national
faith, but in direct eenfiet 'with
the constitution, I dare not permit
mnyself to4doubt that you will im,~
mediately strik~e them from the
statate book.
6. The last- important part of
the message, to whielr we will
call the atttention of our readers,
is-where the President distinctly
intimates his- determination, to re-a
sist his being removed from office
by the impeachers.
"How far the duty of the Pres
ident, 'to preserve, pro.tect and de
fend the constitution,' requries
him to go in opposing an uncon
stitutional act of Congress, is a
very serious and important ques
tion, on which I have deliberated
much, and felt extremely anxious
to reach a proper conclusion.
Where an act has been passed ac
cording to the forms of the con
stitution by the supreme Iegisla
tive authority, and is regularly
enrolled among the public statutes
of the country, Executive resis
tance to it, especially in times of
high party excitement, would be
likely to produce violent collision
between the respective adherents
of the two branches of the govern
ment. "If Congress should pass
an act which is not only in pal
pable conflict with the constitu
tion, but will certainly, if carried
out, produce immediate and irre
parable injury to the organic
structure of the government, and
if there be neither judicial remedy
for the wrongs it inflicts, nor pow
er in the people to protect them
selves without the official aid of
their elected defender ; if, for in
stance, the Legislative Depart
ment should pass an act even
through all the forms of law to
abolish a co-ordinate department of
the government-in such a case the
President must take the high re-.
span sibilities of his office, and save
the life of the nation at all hazards.
The so-called Reconstruction acts,
though as plainly unconstitutional
as any that can be imagined ,were
not believed to be withmn the class
last mentioued."
rFrom the New York Herald, of 7th inst.
The Great Presidential Issue
Negro Supremacy or Negro
In the rapid progress of events
in this age of steam, electricity,
general intelligence and an inde
pendent public press, most of the
political questions of the tithe as-1
sume new phases from day to day,
and while-old issues are constant
ly disappearing, new issues are
constantly coming to the surface.
For instance, from the agitation of
the money question by the leading
politicians and -party journals on
both sides, it was only the other
day apparent that. this imp6rtant
issue of the reconstruction of our 1
national financial system wQuld
[swal! w up, like Aaron's rod, arf
other issues before the country in
our coming Presidential contest.
Since the meeting of congress,
however, we perceive from -the di
versity of opinions and theories
among the leading minds of the
Republican party and the. Demo
oratic party,.among the. Radicals
and Conservatives, that no defi- _
nite programme on our national
finahces can .be expected frotm
either party as a Presidential ptat
form. In all -probability, there
fore, we shat not have any broad
ly defined lines of party demarea
tion on the money question in this
approaching. Presidential cam
paign. -
Btt there is -another question
which looms so boldly and broad
ly in the foreground, and which
has.assumed a shape so definite
and substantial, and so urgent and
alarming, that it- cannot - be
changed, evaded- or postponed.
We allude to the negro question
the question of negro supremacy
or negro subordination. The. old
slaveholding oligarchy, in its pride..
and insolence, for a long time con.
trolled the government in all its
departments, but, -failing at laat
to control it, undertook the ex
periment ofi''separato slavc:hold
ing confederacy by force of arms.
This rash experiment- resulted in
the extinction of this.Southern oli
gvrchy,_ with the institution upon
which it rested. But now,.in its
place, we are invited to the ex
periment of its four millions of
liberated African slaves as a new
-Southern balance of power in our
national polities on the basis of
universal suffrage.
This is the sum and substance
of tho reconstru-tion policy ofthis
Radical.Congress now in full opera-.
tion. in.the ten unrecognized rebel
States.' The experiment has been
developed sufficiently to pro<fne
already a popular reaction in* the
North, so powerful, indeed, as to
suggest the n ec-ssity to the Radi
cal party .of -hurrying up their
work of Southern reconstruction
on this basis of- the negro vote, in
order that these ten on-tside. rebel
Stat-es may be restoired in season
to turn the scale of the coming
Presidential election against an
apprehended Anti-Rladica' ,ari
ty from the electoral collegs.1 of the
North. We expect to see this par-j
pose carried ont, and when carried
ou; we expect a Noi-thern rea.ction
hardly less decisive -than that
which foreshadowed the speedy
annihilation of the Demiocratic
white oligarchy of the South in
the first election of Abraham Lin
coln to the White House.
There is something so repulsive
to the America~n nmind so antagon
istic to the ge!ius, L.he spirit and
the mianefest destiny of our politi
cal and social system, in this thing
of a Southern negro b9Ance of
power, especially as it is estab
lished on white disfranchisemnents,
that in cannot last. It is a com
pound of Asiatic despotism and
African barbarism, so monstrous
that its first submission to the
general verdict of the country
will result in a judgment decreeing
the authority and the instruments
for its overthrow, Put it to the
test, and the majority of fifty
thousand agamnst negro suffrage
in Ohio, for example, will be main
tained against this experitnent of
a Southern balance of power in
Congress and our Presidential
elections, resting upon universal
negro suffrage and white diAfran
chisements. And so it will be in
New York and throughout the
North, excepting, perhaps. only
Vermont and Massachusetts.
It was supposed at the time
that the suspension of Stanton and
the removal of Sheridan and
Sickles-three of the leading fig
ures of the war-would operate to
strengthen and solidify thbe iRepub..
lican p arty in our then impending
fall elections. But the results
have shown that the eyes of the
people have been drawn for the
time being from our heroes and
the achievements Qf the war to the
unuutliurized and unexpected re
construction schemes.of a Radical
Congress and tlcir dangerous ten
dencies. In view of these facts,
and of the election of 1852, when
General Scott was overwhelming
ly defeated by an obscure New
Hampshire politician, on the bare
suspicion that the leading men
of the Whig party were not safe
on the great Compromise measui-es
of 1850, it may well' be doubted
whether General Grant himself
can -be elected if placed on this ob
noxious platform of Southern ne
gro supremacy, naint4itied by:a
coercive miitarv despotism. We
anticipate, then, from the present
complexion and shapingof things,
a politieal revolution - in 1868:
against-this substituted negro oli
garchy of: the South quite -as- re
markable and effeetive as that of
1860, which decreed the extinetion
of the old .egro sla'eholding white
Important Communleation
from our Immigration
OLDENBUIto, Nov. 15, 1867.
General Jos A. WAGENER, Com
Dear Sir: By 'to-day's mail I
send a- variety of papers. Among
them you will notice-a paper from
friend Herman Meier, which he is
now publishing. I have written
to him, and expect soon to see
some articles about SonthCarolina
in his paper. A new emigrant pa
per has been started in Bremen.
I sent an.advertisement, and the
editor wrote-a small 'notice at the
rate of six-grosehen per line. It
is hardly worth it, as the paper
seems to be almost entirely de
voted.to the interest of California.
Our,friend. Bechre's paper has al
so been started in Hanover, and
he has kept. his word and wrote
an ecelleit article about South
Carolina. I will send you a. copy
by next tnail. I had again a few
applications from people who de
sire to go next Spring to Charles
ton ; among others a young ma
chine builder from Hanover apd a
family from Ellwurden, who de
sire to buy land-cash capital
about $1500. The five tlousand
pamphtets I 'had printed here have
been nearly all distributed through
dut Germany. One thousand of
theni have been sent to five hun
dred differen,t book:tores. I now
have translated the supplement
and wil -distribute them as soon
as they are printed. The contin
gent flund for printing, .acvertising,
&., Of.frve.hundrgd.'dllars, - is
drawiig 'to. a close, and still it
would be very desirable to - a<fver
tise more, especially in 'the small
country papers, There sare over
frve Ihundred of thenm, mad if we
could give each two dellars' worth'
of Advertising.it would be -return
ed to the State a thousand fold,
But I suppose nothfng.raore can be
done thtis year until the legislature
makes an other appropriation,:'ex
eept ear 'liberal. Charl ton mer
chan.ts~ contrib~ute somethip'g to
wards it. The weather. at present'
it, mild,. Spring like, but we have
had a great dead of rain, and se
very cold days,' although no frost
as yet. To-day,. especially is, a
beautiful day. I have n3y window
open, and still some roses are
blooming in tihe open air ; it re
minds mec of our beautiful Caroli
na. Respectfully,
WELL.-On Friday the 29th ulti
mo, one of the most violent tor-n:
does that ever swept ovcr this
section of country, wa3 experien-'
eed about 21 miles above this vil
lage. Its fury was coafGned to a
very narrow scope, covermng n
width about a quarter of r. mile.
Trees, fences, out-houses, &c..
were levelled to the ground, and
some three or four of our planting
friends, on whom it vented its
spleen, will not be able this year
to clear their land. On one place
there was not r. single tree left
standing. A wagon was carried;
some forty or ~ffy yards and
stove into atoms, and a large tfree,
after it was uprooted, was carried
some twenty or thirty feet from
where it grew. and lodged against
a tree. Fortunately no lives were
lost, but the extent of the damage
cannot be estimated ; even the
cotton left standing in the fields
was spun out a yard ini length,
and much of it twisted. Our in
formant, Mr. S. C. Cave, a gentle
man who can be relied on, states
that he has never seen anything
to equal it, and the oldest inhabi
tant does nlot recollect ever witnes
singr such a stormn.-Rarnedl &en
How Impeachment Wa , "
The Washington eorr spond . .
of the Richmond Dtspatd .itet.
on Sunday :
Immnediately after the.
ofth4 jour'nal ia theHoe$
the impesohers eAdbi'
stion to again resort--to
tering, of forcing Thei'r
to yield to the demandf
discussion of the questibn P
peach men t. From COW Jogiin
of views, privately, it wxs- lbsaa
that'Eaeh:party was:as determiVed
as the other, and. that filbut- -
ing would continue to, th4,%" of
the Fortieth Congress un.eM.5em.
compromise coad be mide
meah time. Under the '
that meriyRepublicaasW
vote' fr 1ayiig" the si-hjet
the table would- Aot dari4
squarely against'the-iipesl t
of the Presidetit; the- ssin
proposed tht if abe-ndaoti 4s
on the table shouk bewi i ,
and a.vote taken diee
merits . of the case,;
cease further fd
proposition was at ofre
by the Republicans wb o
impachment, and a vo'
takn, resuted in 571n 1 av'
impeaching the ?resident and 108
against. If a fll Bose- ad "-e
present-tbe-impeacbiers werdMe.
-bad 60 votes .nd tTie op Ot
124. During the call-of ii' -
day the most prefo aamdseb
was- manifested by 1aember an -
spectators." As- esm er's
name was called" eyeswerecir
ed.to him' uti. e le
'his' Dame.-No noiy i
tion wa&nade,; but. Ueer :up a
scene in Congress .moer
eive, and sensational Ike9t
and when the result of tha.
was declared all seemed tobr
freer, and 'all felt as a
heavy weight had been --k
the 'body politic.
There is a geneYal re' ter
night, sand membei*-O
arecailing on the Proidet
congratulations.. Vr.Jobn
,haves with eseedi .
and becoming dignity .u- apr 4h
The shington Star
day eveinig says: - -
"This decisive vote AAits_:
to the matter, beyond
of resaseitatioi: The:: Aess
taken amidst much _.xitieet,
and witft-profound sirene "'ethe
part of the audience, save - en a
buzz ran alIng the gateries:fol
lowing upon some unexpecced ote
being given po or con, The. fate
of impeachment was pret.ty wson
settled, when }nen of the promi
nenc in. the Republican 'party of
Messrs. Banks, Baldwin, Bin gham,
Blain, Dawes, Eliot, Lailin, I riger
soll, Garfield, PolandC Spalding,
Van Wyck. the Wa~hburareWelk
er, Woodbridge ami James F.
Wils5n. weie found voOng ead
Some vent too th~e escit~ie ing
was afforded fr'omn time to tima by
the laughter occasioned by odd ex
cedses and explariations tuide' by
.different meinbers. Mr.Dr6t0mall
rose to say that his colWeague, Mr.
.Schod$,was not here, bi if he
Were here he had' noudobt' be
would vote-right. [Great Iaugh
ter.] .r.- Miller, of P?ennsylvna,
said he should vote "no," onzth
ground that the evide1i.ce was.not.
strong enovgh to sustidn-:ipapoh
men t. Mr. Eldridge (Dem.)..aid
that wadpreelsely the reason why
be voted against it. {Lengh4
Mr. Stevens was not in tieUall
Wvhen -the vote was "tak bu
came in subsequently, at<i was the
last, or fifty-seventh man t& .rote
aiiirmatively- for impeachment.
All the four Wash burns (Cadwala
der C., of Wisconsin, Elihu B., of
Illinois, Henr'y 5., of Indiana, and
Win.'B., o!Maisachusetts,) voted
in a row against impeachment.
T am S3Ionas ADJ!TrURE WrrH
A DTo.-A gentleman about to trav
el on a French railrod had, at the'
time of entering the car, an un
lighted cigar in his mouth. Ob
serving that there was a lady
in the compartment, he was
about to replace the cigar in his
case, when lo ! from the lady's
feet there rose a fierce dog, in a
threatening attitude. At the
same time the lady snatched the
cigar from the gentleman's mouth
and threw it out of the window,
with the remark : "I dislike
smokers ; they make me ill." The
gentleman. with a polite bow, re
joined : "I do not like dos;
they annoy me." Then seizing
the animal back of the neck, he
pitched him after the eigar.
Menken created rnuch dissatisfaction
in a London theatre by appearing with
her c1rtham on

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