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The Orangeburg news. [volume] (Orangeburg, S.C.) 1867-1875, November 16, 1867, Image 1

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,'. f*tjBJ4SUED AT OK A N (i EBUilO, S C.
' } jBV?r>; Saturday Morning.
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Associate Editor..
tl ARLES If. J/ALL, rtddisher.
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Attorneys and Solicitors.
^'J^ill I'r^ici* in Court.-, of the State.'and also ol
the United,Starrs, especially in the Courts of
I) A X K It-XT; l? T C V.
n^Kr ikj, s. c.
i"< ?: t .iv;
O?rf (fur the /*rr.*c?t) i,i Hear of
l>r. If. 5ff.-HltViI.VAVH I>ruj; Slorc,
ORANOKIU RU 0. H., So. Ca.
Jkj?~ Carolina Tinste* Ofiice same Place,
jrm /'M.:..... ,r.
AflV*P O BS H r AT 1 A W .
\,\"Au:nitiiin:o. s. (.'.
Will practice in the Courts of Oraiigebttrg find
Collvtua, ami attend promptly to all business en
trusted to his cure.
&kf~z.7r ???:.-?.r. - ? .
.il 1 7/ Work Wcuttff Repaired aud .
It TJ'S S'E L L S t R E E T.
?vpt 28 c ly
Btj?l/& SCO AriJVL,
Equitable Life Insurance Company
ofxew york,
?J^lvtdand Deolitred Autiuully to Policy Holders
Cohielsoii, Kraraer & Co.,
,.'.?W ^???ft^sMS*?* t? i?itw?J?# h;lfc<f'OMPA.NV ?
And ?ahy Le*'l.y<ic up^'H'n'b?? general audod'acious '
Hdea iLh'at Simtliecu Cauipauies tire not ns gocd as !
'IN'niit3>&?i or; Fibrci^n. Wo only ns]c such to clo the ]
?rsipfli'lfl.'j<Hftioc -of ?applying to our AgiMitf, or direct
Wfhc lloinc 'Offwe, and they will reeeivc Indubita
ble cvulc'iiee'tfri this point. With funds invested in
Best 'Storks. tit/Id Kst/ite, n?id Goad .Securities, no
'Cohtpa'tfy can be more S/>he*ji, wilh ample means.
None shall be more prompt*.
>t,25 ...... 'c ly
21, 25?, 25' ?f- 27 ])roadicajy, X. Y.
*t>f)0 ; . t.)]ipc'isitc Rowling Green.
O N T H If E U R O F v, A N v L A X .
failJE STEVENS ll6lJSE> well ami widely known
?iE?' tlie tra'.eljing ptddjc. The Incath'n is cs
pe'efally suitable to merchants -'|i>d btisiuck^ mcij ; it
is in clyse proximity tti the .business part of the
,Vity?is on the hjgh?';iy.id* Southern and Western
?travel?and adjacent tu all thp principal Railroad
''Hhd Steamboat depots,
? T|ie STEVEN'S HOUSR hna lljicjal a^cononoda
*uon for over !](Kl giiesls---.-il is well ('urhis'jjcdj and
tMfSes^es o,v?'ry mudc|;|| iinproTemeut- fur l]ic com.
ft its "miimtcs, The rooms arc spacious and
(?Tf V'etitilal6d.-^pruvided with gns'and wolc?'.?the
kUbilaniiea \u prompt upd respectful?-and tlje table,
is gtfllero'njily/ prnvldud witii every delicacy of the
season?iit mttdcrflle rates.
'The rooms having been rcftirnlshed and remodel ,
.,4Hly w<j tirp tijmblcd to otjcf extra.JVtOiJific'i tiif the
tiEo. k. Chase co,, I
jMI,c1_(ji? ( Proprietors.
I've Ueen Thinking.
I've liccn thinking, I've been thinking,
What-a glorious world wero thin,
Did folks mind their business more,
And mind their neighbors less.
For instance you und 1, my friend,
Are sadly prone to talk
Of matters that concern us not,
And other's follies muck.
I've been thinking, if we'd begin
To mind mir own affairs,
That possibly our neighbors might
Contrive to manage theirs.
We've fault* enough at home to mend?
It may he so with others:
It would seem strange, if it were not,
Since all mankind were brothers.
Oh ' would (hat we had charily,
For every man and woman,
Forgiveness is the mark of those
Who know "to err is human.*'
Then let us banish jealousy?
Lei's lift our fallen brother,
And as we.journey down life's road,
??Do good io one another.*'
A Fact, not a Fiction.
No lady was more cheerfully admitted to i
Alice's friendship than was dill in llurton. a j
stylish but sensible <rirl of eighteen summers.'
iTer parents, with a mere competence, were do-;
sirens of indulging their eldest daughter ; ami 1
while she was foml of embellishing her own ;
hi.me. and improving her mind, she wan none ;
the less attentive to h t parents; to her sisters I
and brothers, which rendered her ijuite attrau
tivo to visitors. Alice was received with mi
reserved affect-ion. tit tho heartItside, where all '
the loveliest amenities of life wero daily tatmltt j
by practice. This intimacy rendered Alice'
linpj?ier. for 'tis childly by comparison, that we
arc able to value our blessings ; and never till '
now, had this only child learned to appreciate j
the lavished tenderness; of bee parent*.
Mrs. Joslyn had recently become averse to
visiting,, and while a welcome ever awaited her
friends.?to Ireijuent evening assemblies w.w
always a trial to her. .She would, del pate to
Mrs. llurton the office of chnficrituc and often
the. t/irj* would meet in the morning, arrange ,
their plans, and enjoy their mother's surprise i
at their ready expediency in matter*- of taste t
or propriety. On one or two occasions, uncle
.John had been persuaded to eall at Mr. Hur
toti's, and even to be numbered among their1
escorts. Once. Alice with her quiet fun, bad
whispered, ".Julia, dear, I'll let him be your
beau, it' you'll be a real good A nut." To
which her friend laughingly replied,
"A creature he,?so cold, so state,
For him, 1 am no filling mate."
In the next breath, that wilful child gather
ed up to Uncle J. and said, "sonic one called
you stately, you are not haughty, Uncle, are ?
lie replied, "I will chide ho breather in the
world but myself, dear Alice, against whom I
know most faults."
His voice faltered as he added, M]f man's
internal griefs were written oil the brow, many j
who nyw excite envy, would appear to be ob
j-iots of pby."
Alice's mirth '?v;;s checked, Mid slic recalled
the oiremnstunccs ouC.n ilg'un
To absent friends, say what is better,
Than memory's talisman.?a letter!
'.otters_(_>!' = precious compensation, to those
Jhonre ^??* ?,M* Crtn,c.
no coMtmdietioh-^cading ?io uncharitable
? * x' ? . 'i'bev conic relying
iUjfmiVttio))4 no criticism. 1 mv 1 ? vj
ov 3Ieino>'y'fi .jiaie, hunrt-wa?*lucl,>!i !'m??
ehc-ororsr?lilc-'/>sM<-i.*. Tim talkative co..'.''"r"
ters,.?fjie ujicouvc?tioua} index of our thoughts!
Oh. let truth be stamped above their margin
and kindness breathe livi/n every line. Tliuy
improve our Imppincitt, or abate our mbrry.
Tho Bynipathyj which dictates every word,
doubles our joy, or divides our grief. Thank
Hod for such, say we \ I
And KiUvuVd liplnnd loved these shects
which often immc to light bis eye with glml
nevui, nmj to wing his assiduity in study. He.
yet "wax needed to complete the ftututfuotiou,
at each /'?/'? or Kociublu," and the minutiae were
given by Mr. if) of by dear Alice.
And yet lie was content to mum
While loved so well by all at home.
"It is now two years since our boy left us.
mother," said .Mr. J. "and next winter I hope
hp willfottlrri a graduate.','
''Ah, husband, 1 have missed the dear fel
low so much, that t seaino am jjlnd to hear, be
will study law.".
'-Well, wifOj.Tus talent lor oujcutioti wjns a
marked, even from childhood, that J judge it
will bo Iiis choice. He has only once alluded
to it, but as we arc Cully able to meet tho ox-,
pcnsu, I think it most advisable.
(7V; be Continual. )
Conservative Convention.
To the People of South Carolina.
Fkli.ow Citizen?:?Iii times of great pub
lic danger, tho instinct of self-preservation
prompts a people to assemble and confer to
gether upon the issues that the stern logic of
events forces upon their attention. The citi
zens of South Carolina stand, to-day. in this
position. It becomes our duty, therefore, to
take counsel together, and to announce our
; conclusion; temperately, but firmly and fear
lcssly to the public.
In performing this duty, we shall avoid all
terms of animadversion upon men, parties or
j sections. The vice oi" inisroproso.ntioii and de
1 traction has become the order of the 0 tj\ and
both North and South have suffered Ir?ni the
j evils which had their or.igin in this fruitful
, source of mischief. The Northern people,
flushed with victory, have not been solicitous
to ascertain the temper of the Southern mind;
j and the Southern people, crushed by the loss
of their cause and their most cherished hopes,
have been.alike indifferent to events for wjiieh
they do not feel themselves i sponsible, and j
over which they have nut (ho power of control, j
; In the meantime, wicked and designing men. j
both at the North and at the South, have not
j been wanting, to keep alive the fires of .suction- j
al hate, until now they threaten to involve the .
winde country in misrule and anarchy.
Of the late war, it is not our purpose now to 1
speak?the sanguinary fact will stand forth j
forever in the history of these American States. 1
Our duty now is with present evils, and their
future consequences. The emancipation noli- j
cy of the Kiovern nicht was and is the great!
fountain-head from which .springs, and will
continue to spring, the thousand evils hv which
we are itiviroucd.
What hut disaster could follow in the foot.- ?
steps of tho hasty inconsiderate policy, by which i
I.(i(lt)l).<)<)!| id slaves, without, education, a|i.K
without the least preparation for the change. J
were turned adrift from the discipline and in- '.
/>?/ < .-//?// care of the master, to provide for them
selves. Must it not be self-evident to any
thinking man, no mutter what his prejudices,
that untiling he Call now propose will he able
to convert an idle, roving, thriftless free, negro j
population into the steady, healthy, laboring'
population that we formerly employed in our
lit Ids at the South, lint gloomy as the pros
pect may be. the people at the South must re- j
gard this disastrous result . now fixed and j
settled beyond recall. Slavery is at an end.
Wo do not projio.se that what has been done
should be undone; but we do propose to show
that, with the present free, negro labor, the
industrial resources of the South an- in no con- j
d it ion to contribute to the prosperity of the ;
country. It is the part of wisdom to look
our misfortunes in the face. We should not
deceive ourselves, cither at. the North, or at!
the South. Three years id'experience by both
Northern and Southern men attest the fact that
the cultivation of both rice and cotton?tho
great staples of tho South?is, under tho pre
sent system of free negro labor, the most un
certain, the least remunerative, and the most
hnrrassing employment in tin: world. Had a j
gradual system of emancipation been adopted.'
men won id by degrees have accommodated
themselves to the gradual change, and the in- ,
dtistry of the country would haw received no j
such shock as noW prQslrafcH the South and ;
overwhelms her in despair. Cpim the ag' ivll|. I
lure of the country mainly depends the wealth ?
and prosperity of the Country. Hut a few
years ago. the cotton exported from the I'nited ?
States controlled foreign exchange, and held j
the monopoly in foreign markets. How is it |
to-day. and how will it lie in the future? In
stead C.'*live millions of bales, sent forward to i
."crcise the fiir.,,lcl" influence upon trade, we
i -on' than one 'bird of the crop of I
havo not ii.!,lc 1,1,111 1,111 1.
IStiO, coining into 2??>kct} and i)?at at apneu
per pound, in nirreneg?tnJ revenue tax '-o - j
sidercd?very little, if anything, i.. advance of* j
what was realized per pound for the lar&yj
crops of former yoars, paid in gold. Why is
thin7 it may be asked. The lauds are the
same?the seasons are the same?the climate
is the same?why. then, the difference? We]
answer, the labor in not the name. Instead of
industry, we have idleness ; instead of Hysloiii,'
we have disorder \ and instead pf proflta, \ve ;
have losses, Shall \vo ho able to tlrjyo out
competition in tho future as we havo it; the j
past? Surely not. lint \\ few yeara before
the \yu?< uiip of our most intelligent planters
r?preseuted Uli* State at the World'? Kxhibi-;
tion. iu l'aris, and, upon his return, reported |
that lie *nw upon exhibition there, the cottons
from Algiers and from tho Km.-; which were in |
j every way equal to the finest prodUctifriVs of
j ttt'o lintcd State?. He nsked why cannot
these eottons conijicte with the American rot
tons ? The tf-iswcr was, because wo cannot
produce the article for tho same price; we aro
compelled to hire tho labor which you own?
ours is unreliable, idle and eoHtly, while yours
is under control, steady nbd cheap. From
itheso reasons, you wilf always be able to drive
us out of the market. But what now is the
condition of the Southern plantor? His labor
is much more costly than that of Algiers or the
K?st, equally unsteady, nud, probably, less un
der his control, and he finds himself now, after
on exhausting war, driven from the market by
prices which his former competitors can afford
lo sake. The.present low price of cotton is
hut the evidence of the causes already stated.
And it may be that, in a few years, we shall
he importing cotton and rice into tho United
States, instead of exporting these great coin
iuuditics. We are now eating) in the interior
of South Carolina, rice imported from China.
and we have been credibly informed that East
ft \ ? *t
Indian cotton has been imported into New
Yprk\ How soon the State-craft of Great
Britain may find it expedient to impose ah
import duty upon American cottons, who can
tell ? But it may be asked, is there no reme
dy for these ealamuities to the Southern peo
pleWe answer, most probably no immediate
remedy. Time is the great master of the situ
ation. If our people will give up the delusive
liope of growing rich by the cultivation of cot
ton?thereby probably working their utter
ruin?if they will cultivate lo.-s cotton aieJ
more breadstuff: rai- e for their own use and
fur sale horses, mules and stock of all kinds;
cure their own hay, make their own butter,
and sell the surplus ; if they will labor to fill
the laud with plenty they will, in a short time,
realize a change for the better in their own
condition and the condition of the South; at
least they shall not have debts and disappoint
ments added to their other calamnities. And
i:''T:iising our own food and supplies at the
South, we should also manufacture our own
cloths and implements, upon our own soil
There can be no more auspicious moment tbau
tttc present tp lmgin, at the South, the uianu
fai'turc of goods from our own raw material.
Tins' was done to a meat extent during the
war. No matter on how small a scale, let the
w^irk b^gin. To be successful, we must begin
at the beginning, and work upward, as our
population and wealth increase. We repeat
that we would not now re-establish slavery at
the South. It is!.mi late to correct the error of
its sudden oxt'iicl'ion. it is to our interest to
make the most of the circumstances by which
we are surrounded. We cannot recall the
past. ''Let the dead past bury it dead." But
let us not be entirely hopeless ui" the future.
Little more than half a century ago. the
great commodity exported from this State was
indigo. .It ceased to be profitable here, be
cause it could be more cheaply cultivated else
where. Cotton was introduced in its stead,
and was cultivated with unparalleled success.
Tobacco and rice contributed to increase the
wealth of the South. Tf these staples cease to
be as remunerative in the future as they have
been in tin; past, we still have, a great country
left to us, and. with something like good gov
ernment, our necessities w*il] give rise to new
expedients. To conquer our difficulties, we
must meet them with patience, fortitude and
courage. But shall we have a good govern
ment ? That is the great question presented
ih the next point that we propose to consider.
To admit as a fact, as has been assumed to
be the result of the war. that the (rOverniliciit
of the United States is supreme, and that the
States have no rights, or if they have rights,
that they are subordinate to the (J vernmeut of i
the L ii i?*-I States, or which is t\\z same thing j
subordinate to ;tic will of a majority having
control of the tiove^nnicnt, is to admit the
abrogation of the Constitution, and to ignore
the facts <>f history. In other words, it is to
acknowledge that we have a Covcrnment of
tibfofttfi: powers instead of a (lOVCrtliucut of
limited and delegated powers. It is admitted,
that any (iuvcrnmcut. however limited, may
for a time usurp all power. A single man
may rise up and say. '?! am the State." Any
assembly of men may, for a season, arrogate,
to themselves all power?executive, legislative
and judicial. But the question recurs, is this
laW, "1* is this usurpation Is this good gov
ernment, or ;:' it revolution { .Mere physical
force ''of law. it may compel obedience,
but it cannot give to its acts the sanction of
law; unless it bo in those countries-where the
will of an absolute despot is the recognize/^
Iaw of the land. To fulnilt that the war baa j
established a power in tho Unheil BtatCS,
is to admit tliat all comstiintioeaj government
is at an end. ami jlut| as States, or as individ
uals, w? hohl mil life, jihefty and mopcrty nt
the will and, pleasure of NOV majority, wbioh,
for (ho time being, umy h"ld the power. Sml:
tQ-day, may be pructiually the t-oiiilition. Pf tPll
States of the Amein-a?! I'liion, l?nt, aro we
prepared to endorse these nronectliugc ami eu
gml't t:o monstrous a to ^position into our gov
ernmental polity? That L4 the qm..dion that
tb'C people of de- NTorfh a- well as. of die South
are called upon (o consider ! The great object
of laws, of constitutions nnd of government, is
to protect tlie weak against the strong?-to
shield minorities ngainet encroachments of ma
jorities. It is n political aphorism that a ma
jority can protect itself Acting by the sheer
exercise of arbitrary power, a Majority may for
a time set at naught all laws within these States
?it may enforce an obedience to military de
crees, from which there U no appeal1?it may
administer a purely military government ac
cording to its own will, and as such it must be
obeyed. Hut when we arc called upon to sanc
tion such government as being in accordance
with the Constitution nnd the laws, we have a
right to test the question according to the ntfc
proposed and to withhold our assent. "Wo ad
mit the furl that martial law exists in South
Carolina ; but we do hot admit the principle
that martial law has the right to impose a civil
government upon us without our consent. Far
be it froth us to raise a factious opposition to
the reconstruction acts of Congress. We be
lieve that those acts and the measures they
propose are destructive, not otdy to our consti
tutional rights, but to our social peace. With
its it is not a question of part)", nor of political
power. We care nothing for these things.
We are quite willing that others should enjoy
all the honors, all the emoluments of oifice, all
the pomp ami circumstance of pi ice. What
we desire is peace?not the semblance of peace,
but the substance of pence?peace at our own
firesides and throughout all our borders. We
desire peace to enable uk to build up our waste
places, our-temples of worship, our sacked and
ruined cities now lying in ashes, our dismantled
dwellings and our prostrate credit. We desire
peace for its own sake; for its holy Christian
influence, and for the civilization and refine
ment which spring up iu its path. Do the
Reconstruction Acts of of Congress propose to
give us this peace '} No. they give Ills war nnd
anarchy, rather. They sow the seeds of-dis
: cord itl otirunUst. and place -the best interests.
[ of society iuto. the bauds! of au ignorant mob.
They disfranchise the white citizen and en
franchise the newly emancipated slave. The
slave of yesterday, who knew no law but the
will of the master, is to-day about to be in
vested with the Control of the (iovorument.
In all popular (lovernments, the two great
sources of power may be traced : 1st. To the
exercise of the ballot. 2d. To the franchise
of the jury-box. Invest any people with these
two great powers, and they have at once the
government of the country in their hands. By
the Reconstruction Acts of Congress, these
powers are conferred upon tint negro?he can
make and unmake the Constitution and the
laws, which he will administer according to the
dictates of others, or his own caprice.
"We are not unfriendly to the negro ; on the
coiitrary*. we know that we are his best friends.
While he occupied the position of a slave, he
was protected by the laws, according to his con
dition in life. And now, that he has been
made free, we are not only willing to confer
upon him every civil right, but to protect him
in the full and free enjoyment of those rights.
In this properly, in his life, and in hi< person,
j we are willing that the black man and the
I white man shall stand together upon the same |
t platform, and he shielded by the same equal !
j laws. We venture the Opinion, that the pen- [
j jde of South Carolina are prepared to adopt, as I
their own, the Constitution of any New Kug
lantt or other Northern State, wherein it is
supposed that the civil rights of the negro are
most fully and amply secured. Hut npon a
question involving such grave and momentous
issues. We should be untrue to ourselves. Rthl
i unfair to our opponents; were \vc to withhold
I the frank and full expression of our opinions.
We. therefore, feeling the responsibility of the
subject and the occasion, eider our most solemn
protest against the polity of investing the ue
gro with political rights. The black man is
what tjod and nature and circumstances have
! made him. That he is not fit to be invested
I with these important rights, lnay be no fault of
his. But fact is patent to all. that the ne
gro is utterly tin lit ted to exercise the highest
functions of the citizen. The government of
tlit' country should not be permitted to pass
from the hands of the white man into tho
bauds of the negro. The enforcement of the
Reconstruction Acta by military power, under
the guise of negro conventions, cannot lawfully
re establish civil government in South Carolina.
! It may for a time hohl us iu subjection to a
I t/ua?i civil government, backed by military
I'.'Vvt:, btit it Olm do uh Wm, As t*i'i'/t ,-s Of i
the United Slates, WO ?hoiihl not consent to]
liyo under iwgro i*unrnwnpy, n?r *houUl w? *?(?? j
quieucp ii| negro equality. Not (\?r uurselyes j
I only, but oh behalf of tho Anglo-Saxon, ynce
! and blood it) t ouutty, do we protest hgnihst
this puhvcrBton of tho groat social law, Where
by an ignorant and depraved race is placed in
powpf np,d infltffluce Ithpvp the virtuous, the
educate,!] ami the refined, % these Act* of
Congress, intelligence virtue are put under
foid. v.'Viilo ighorAncc jftitj vice arc lifted into
ridwt' i*.
? ? ? . i ?
lu South Carolina, the negro majority, un
der the Kivon:unction Acts, i.; much more
than two to ore. ,In mast of .the other Sqiith
; :"s .-V.-'iiy-lu fe->ft(l<wT ;
crn .States, the negro majorities, it. not bo irrcat
, , . , i ? V'"''i '???Tti. woil FiiM
are almost .at? doeidcd. tI,nj?thosC pjujes ^tliCr?
the white vote is ia the nsceiid?nt.trie" election
. ' . .ofmia 'jrll U -*rio<*
instricts Iiave been ho arranged,,as to take tho
. . ? . <n KOJrS in ?'.?iii fiMUC
political power from the. white Vote And Castjt
; ??,' ; ?' hii?.fS*' nfii> iH>m.yM
in lavor ol the ne?ro vote. , W. nut. then, is tho
. hv'&tu tlfwri ? ttt.?tfwfwiL
inevitable result: It invests the nC''ro'wilh
, ,. . , .'?'??'o d?lM?jMUMflil
absolute political power id each oi -the ten
? fj f'j.i ?? <U-U i?{?in MM
?Southern States, and at the same tinie, uiyest9
him with tho balance of power* in the ..United
States. Nor is this
s all?^thc reeonstruetiou
scheme close* the ballot-box acniust t^o^cst
lulonned ami educated clauses in U?d com
munity, and opens it to the. liegrq^ uf wfioiu
not more than one in n hundred call rcao^a
i i ? ? r-liiwStf, n??n? *
word, ami not more .than one ni live hundred
can write his name; ami nuillitu^ip. of^wfioai
ore so projbuinllij iiiuorahti as to he unable, to
i , , , ? ? ?'? 'i t' "">*W*
ram in Oer tin: nathe tin which thru have been
, ,,' ? , . ' V * -lAor^T?
rcyofterca, \ crlly, this pceins to heepuvennjg
a popular (ioverniiKliM. of Whom we have Cecil
justly proud, into a poplur farce ^ nnd Ave' wopid
he content so to consider it,, if it .did not in
volvc the issue of life and dentil to the j?rnum
(lovcrrnncnt established by our fathers "for*tho
benefit of themselves and their posterity. If
i * . !? V '?'/??? ?>;? ?',us i,,- t-iifi
the object ol the trainers of the t'econstruc
tion Acts was to degrade the Southern,peojujc,
it is time for them to consider whether'tue dc
, . ?? ' ;? ,' i " 'tM^Ii.iwiii
gradation may not be brought Jtotlicjr j?wii
doors?whether the poisoned cup j ina^^notTo
returned to then- own lilV. 3iut.it' liuiv po
asked, v.'by do not llio Southern peonm accept
the situation and coutrol'llHi n'ciiro ? clcincht i
' . ' i^r/Jirjc-w of
Hii.s question .is pinch p^^^Y^^A^^nlil^
answered. In , tiro first pl?cof(it j}?py bc^^ud
that the iuflucn.ee of the. corrupt .apd^ jljjjtKJ1
ing demagogue, who will appeal t^ijissjpn^d
prejudice. bus always been found to bo uiore
powerful with excited and ignorant moWAuu
the wisest counsels of W"best tn^w'^o
sidea. liic foundation stone.'llpoh wliuflr?cptftj
can govern incut rests is. tljatf thc'cloTkfvVWfh
chlsc is to l>c e.vefcised' by a irce^'"|nte^R^i|n"t
and unbiassed judgment'j^ind' ^vlicjievpr u is
admitted that, \\im^niucVis^*\n Vo Jio/, eomrmaf^
or. in other worils,"to be madeVlic siuijec?"of
undue influences iufti1 of hrtlthV, tlieii1,1, too?*St
must be admitted that lle^Vubricah'Gov^liin^t
is an end, and must suoiief'or latcr'givojV5|''l<>
sueh other t iiiVcr?ntltif nruTI^
a depraved and already comtjitnl pci'iple.' ^nt
if it i.s proposed in advanee"i'o phice ifie"* en
franchised negro under control, why confer' tno
franchise at all? Surely, the part oPwiso
government w tc prevent the evil, itn'd,,irotf'opcu
the (R?or to the tnisehief vhitdt otKer.V 'hriHtt
mdiH.fhcd they must he prepared, 'b^r' trlelc'fer
mauagemcnt, to avert. Bnt why p^rcss 'the hh)>
jecf fuit.hcT'( It is cnong foV ms to knt'lrr:tbut
this wild and reckless expeiment cbtheS home
to the hearth stone of every citir.ch, add in
volves family and prope rty, society, liberty and
life itself. Nor i* tni- all. The court.tof'jttS
tiec are dragged into the mire from thfclfi lllgli
position; our most intelligent white ciH&ens'ttre
excluded from the jury, while the ignora^t'-iib
gro is elevated to that responsible p^sttittnj Ine
jury lists are madri up from the lists lof ,;rb^ii
torcd voteiv. which, as we have said, tire rhofo
than two to one in favor of the negro."''Not
"ulv, bo it remembered, is- the negro n?ihftrtftl
to thfe jury box. but the white thnii is exclurtb?
therefrom. Think you that when tltbu^r*f?at
masters of the common law of Kn^htWd'pro
nounced their encomium upon the trial by jo'ry,
that they eoutehiplntcil for a ui?inent' such an
instrument as au Ignorant ndgr? pait'el? Think
you, that when the iranters of tho Constitirfiob
of tho United Stat'cB,iticor|Jor*:it'dd' jnfq that in
strumcut the provision thnttlm trial byguiy
Bhnuld always be held iuviolato, that^idpiu?
tended to ongrnft upon it such an-enormity".'as
negro jury men-; fresh from thecottnn and rico
fields of the Smith? Think - yoth-fthWtMlftlh'
.John Hut ledge and his illustriouSt compeers
signed that iustr.utnent on the part of Soutn?
Carolin:', that vhoy intendi'd to Jbi*ge a' chain*
which, in a period no longer than an ordinary7
life-time, would drag their grand-children.(will)'
were then playing around their knees, anj?1
some of whom arc now living,) for trial h?for?'
a jury of their own .^lavee? Talk of adjiitjoji
al humiliation, talk of confiscation, complain of
clemency to rebels, after this! God1 forbid I
The Governhicnt id' the United States bus en-*
forced against the Southern Ocople ihe most
Stupendous net of confiscation that hascvW
been cnfurcctl in the history of nations; their
property in slaves has hccii confiscated t? tllo
amount of three thouPtllid tuillions of dothtrsj
oilier pL-vsonal ptojiorty. in the Bhhjio of d?tt?h,
pvoyisiouH. stock, plate and 'onoy, ha? becfn
cnptmv.il or deiitroycd, tu tlr vnlnbofono
tliopsaud, niillhrns of d?lliifsj -a rfr?nt! !tbe?o
cause? their land mis dotoriofafed" to tbo" extent
of one thousand millions of dolltirs->-nja!rlng
hi the aggregate fhn ?nWHtohs sum"tei* flto
thoiwnnd millions of dollars. These 'ovcr
whehning pocttniary losses fall exctirtivcly'-?r^oq
the SintthvriV people. The polittCrtl'?Viw '?ouY'
plained of will, of courso,. fall chie^y,,ABort,<^?
people of the. SotUK, hut,' noftxol?s?i'oiy'"ftpon,
them. Pasten negro puprctna6y,u up^mi tho
b'aNi l.riO'.lMiN j?KCONI) r.v<:i:T . it

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