Yorkville enquirer. [volume], September 16, 1880, Image 1

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voL. 26. YORKVILLE, S. Q-, THUBSDAY, SEPTEMBER 16, 188Q. JSTO. 38.
Ipscdliiucous |UaiUng.
SPEECH OF SENATOR BAYARD,
OF DELAWARE,
DELIVERED IN COLUMBIA, SEPT. 7, 18S0.
My Friends, my Fellow Countrymen, Citizens
of South Carolina : This is the first time
that I have entered upon the soil of your
State aud taken part in your political counsels,
and while 1 am rejoiced to see this great
gathering of men, aye of the women of the
State of South Carolina, because it shows me
that they appreciate the great importance of
their duties under a Republican form of government,
for without earnest devotion and
oit/l /L'-iinforocto/l uMemfirm hv hf?n
UliOClllOU U11U UlOillbVlVdiVU j ?
est men and honest women in public affairs,
we shall have little chance of making this
the safe government of a free people ; yet I
must beg of you silent attention, for I am
here, need I say to you, as the friend of every
man and woman upon the soil of this State.
[Immense applause.]
Standing here surrounded by banners that
bear such inscriptions as meet my eye, the
names of Marion, of Sumter, and of Laurens,
why they tring back to me the struggles in
which my own people had their part in common
with you. They recall those ancient
traditions of American valor and of American
patriotism, all of which developed themselves
for the common cause of American
freedom and independence. It is, I believe,
but a matter of thirty miles from the place
where we stand to-day to the
BATTLE FIELD OF CAMDEN,
where on that day, side by side with your
own people, a regiment from Delaware, led
by Baron DeKalb, laid down their lives
almost to a man for the great cause of the
freedom and independence of this country.
I would like indeed to visit that field of battle.
I would like to pluck from that sacred
spot some poor blade of grass, some pretty
twig or leaf to carry back to my children to
show tnera that the American feeling is not
bounded by lines or hemmed in by sections,
and that common ties will call us to common
defence whenever it will be necessary.
[Applause ]
73-11 a. i T
r enow citizens, me topics upuu niuvu j.
desire to treat to day are not local. I do not
address you simply as South Carolinians.
The issues to which I desire to address your
intelligent attention are national. They belong
to the whole country. You are here to
day in my mind and in my eye, but are only a
part of that great army of thoughtful and intelligent
men enrolled under the banners ot
the National Democracy who are fighting the
same
BATTLE FOR CONSTITUTIONAL LIBERTY
everywhere all over the Uuion. In 1876
this great National Democracy, which is organized
in every State, in every county, in
every city, in every township, in every State
from Oregon to Maiue, from Minnesota to
Florida, from Texas to Massachusetts, all were
moved by the same impulse that move you
to day, and all are marching on to accomplish
the same great end to which your organization
is dedicated. [Immense cheering-]
Fellow-citizens, while I thank you for
every expression of your approval, still I had
rather have your careful attention than your
enthusiastic reception. The matters I have
to speak of are not trifling and are not to be
settled by cheers, but by the strongest intellectual
endeavor that each one of us can exert,
and we should give to a discussion of
these questions that gravity which so great
and holy a cause demands. I say that in 1876
this great party, of which you are members,
polled in the Union four ar.d a half millions
of votes. There was a popular majority of
one quarter of a million that was meant to
prevail, and would have prevailed, had not
THE SPIRIT OF REVOLUTION
and of despotism possessed those in charge or
our National Government, and by a mixture
of fraud and force perverted the honest results
of a great election by the people.
[Cheers.] That majority is not to be decreased.
The four and a quarter millions of votes
polled for Tildeu and Hendricks in 1876 will
grow to five millions of votes in 1880 for
Winfield Scott Hancock and William H.
English. I do not say this as an idle boast.
I don't mean this as an excited utterance
from the stump. I say that which I believe,
that the curreut of au honest public sentiment?what
I may term the instinct of selfpreservation,
will cause such an expression at
the polls in November next, that no one will
be so wicked, so daring or so dishonest as to
attempt to defeat the voice of the great
American people as will then be so positively
CApiC99CU. |_i. lUIVU^CU uuccto.j
As I said, I address you as part of a great
whole, as a National and not a sectional party.
The time has never been in my life when
I was a member of a sectional party. The
time has never been when I have asked any
man to accept the unjust domination of another.
I have been all ray life not for the
Solid South or for the Solid North, but for
THE SOLID UNION
of the North and of the South on terms ot
peaceful and just equality. What task so
easy as for me to speak here to-day ? There
is nothing that I have to conceal. No portion
of ray heart is or ever has been unfaithful
to any part of this country, and what I
have to say in this pine grove to-day I would
say with equal freedom upon the steps of the
New York Chamber of Commerce or in
Faneuil Hall in Boston. We have no objects
that need to be hidden from any portion
of our countrymen. We design neither
the degradation or the insult of any man who
lives under the flag of our country. We
speak in the same voice everywhere, everywhere
the same principles, in the sunshine
and in the darkness, always the same.
[Cheers.]
THE SOUTH AND TIIE UNION.
Now, if I speak to-day of the value of tbe
South to the Union, in the same breath must
I speak of the value of the Union to the
South. The one cannot be separated from
the other. The health of the living body is
dependent upon the health of all the parts,
and if there is a canker in oue part it will
spread to the mortification of the whole body.
Let me ask you this : What is there in the
Republican party to day to give it a claim
upon any disinterested voter in America for
his support ? What are their claims? If
theirs are greater than ours, then in common
justice I say that they should be allowed.
Rut let us ask why it is that any fair-minded
man who wishes to be a citizen, a father, husband,
friend, to fill anv relation in life properly
and conscientiously, what is there to bind
such a man to vote to favor the success of the
Republican party ? Is this party a sincere
one? Does the past tell the American people
that it will be wise and right to continue
the governmental power in their hands ?
Have they brought business to the American
people, or have they injured them? First,
Jet me say one thiug?the proper care of property
is essential to every good citizen. It is
one, perhaps the greatest, object for which
government was designed. The law, with its
calm spirit of beneficence, was intended to
take
THE PLACE OF BRUTE FORCE.
The poor, weak and dcpendent, all find in
the law their best protector. Constitutions
are the fundamental laws to protect the
weak, to protect minorities not majorities.
The strong man with an army at his back
needs no aid. It is the poor man, standing
alone by his principles, who needs something
to appeal to that bids the invader of his rights
to pause in his course. Then come the laws
for the exchange of property. Then comes
money as th?. instrument-for exchange. Men
cannot barter and exchange the raw produce
always. You have no doubt stores in the
country where every thing is exchanged in
kind, yet the value of everything that is taken
in exchange by the largest to the
smallest country store must be expressed in
money. Money must be the language of all
contracts in this country, and that
MONEY MUST BE HONEST,
so men, when they deal fairly with each other,
! must they deal in the lauguage of truth. If
money is the language of exchange, then moni
ey must be honest and true, or else some one
j is bound to be cheated. We to-day owe the
iuvention of dishonest money and its applica!
tion to the dealings of the people, whereby
j both creditor and debtor are deceived, to the
| machinations of the Republican party. It
was that party which, in defiance of all our
history of the past, repeated once and over
! again, iu the days of the first revolution, des!
pite the piain mandate of the Constitution,
I i -i.i. i? xi :?i.i ^ ?
nas said uia. v^ougress jihs me ngiu iu mm, a.
worthless piece of paper and say that an
American citizen must receive it as the fruits
of his labor. If any man or set of men were
ever to be entrusted with unlimited power,
what greater exhibition of unlimited power
could there be than this which places in their
hands the right to say that a worthless piece
of paper shall become nothing or everything?
That a farmer shall be paid for his farm by a
blade of grass that grows by the road-side,
and that the poor laborer, who works all the
week, may be paid with a promise to pay that
is never paid. Don't you see that there was
never a more cruel blow struck at the laboring
man than by that party which
ESTABLISHED DISHONEST MONEY
in this coiiDtry. And this, my fellow-citizens,
was done by the Republican party, against
the vote of every Democrat in both houses of
Congress. They prove themselves false guardians,
for they abandon their trust at the very
moment wheu they should have most carefully
guarded it. They did invent the Greenback
and they drove gold and silver, which
have value in every nation of the world, out
of this coun'ry. Gold and silver have value
in every country of the world, and gold and
silver is stamped by every nation in the world,
I not to give it value, because God gave it
value. It was He who told men in every age
to value these metals, and since the sun shone
they have been the medium of exchange between
the people of all nations. It was this
party of moral ideas, which claims itself to
be the great party of finance in this country,
to which we owe the
ACCURSED PRESENCE OF DISHONEST MONEY.
One of the great men of this country, he who
had faculties which were called god-like, it
was the great Webster, had said that "an irredeemable
paper money was the most remarkable
invention to fertilize the rich man's
field by the sweat of the poor man's brow,
that had ever been evolved from the fertile
brain of man," and it is to-day, from this invention
of the Republican party, that men
must receive money that can be increased by
the vote of an accidental majority in Congress.
I ask you to carry home the fact that down
in th*> hnff.nm nf the human heart lies the
value of truth, and he who pays another by
j force, for value, that which has no value,
j cannot be called au honest man.
What ha3 this Republican party done? I
could go a little further. After the bounty
of Providence had given to this land of ours
enormously productive acres, after the same
wise Providence had withheld His smile from
other nations, and with deluges of rain had
injured the crops all over Europe, so that the
superfluity of our production afforded bread
to those who needed it, and were compelled to
pay almost any price you asked?in view of
these facts, the American industry, agriculture,
the very foundation stone of the nation's
prosperity, was encouraged, and by these
means, and by the labor of such men as I see
before me, the great balance of trade was
j carried in favor of the United States and the
I products of America were paid for in Europe
! and brought back in precious metals. It was
| the industry of the American people, reward.
ed by the American people, that enabled this
| country to commence the redemption of its
j money. The proof that there was no money
J was the issue of new notes. A man does not
J issue a note when he has the money in his
! pocket. That is a plain matter of fact, and I
j say that the evil was this, not that the government
in time of trouble must borrow money,
j Credit's a blessing, but don't attempt to turn
j the convenience into a curse and intc the ar!
bitrary rule that shall compel a man to rej
ceive as cash that which is but one half credj
it. Th& abundant crops with our industry
brought us back into the condition to say,
; bring us our money. The notes were brought
I forward and the money was there to meet
j them. But it didn't stop there. This same
disposition to
JUGG' E WITH THE TRUTH.
I and to deceive the people which has marked
j the course of t e Republican party for the
I last fifteen years, marks to day the course of
i their secretary of the treasury, and has ini
duced them, as fast as the note is paid, to
I reissue it. What kind of redemption is this?
If you know a merchant who owed a great
many notes and mistrusted his financial status
because you thought he owed more than he
; could pay, would it strengthen your confii
dence in him if he should announce his readi
; ness to meet hie notes and at the same time
j reissue new ones ?" He owes as much at the
i end of six months as he owed when he began,
; and thi3 is what they call redemption. As I
! said in the Senate once, it is like trying to bail
out a boat with a sieve. It flows back one
way as fast as you take it out the other,
i What I wanted to say was, not that we
! should instruct our Government, not that
we should diminish the volume of our cir,
culation and restrict business; but I said
i this, that 1 would deny the right of the Government
to compel the honest man to take
dishonest money if he did not want to do it.
And I advocate that, from and after January
next, no note of paper shall be compulsorily
receivable, and to allow the people to take
it for what it was worth. Don't compel the
man who has worked all the week, and is
entitled to his ten dollars, to accept that
i which is only worth six dollars or eight dollars.
If so you have wronged that man.
This was the doctrine -of the Democratic
party of Andrew Jackson, of Calhoun, of
every man who has adorned the Democratic
roll since the beginning of the government.
What was the answer of this guardian of the
public honor and credit, Mr. John Sherman ?
Upon the introduction of that resolution a
caucus was held by the Republican senators,
and it was resolved that the measure should
never pass the Senate. Such was the way
that a Democratic attempt to secure honest
money was met at the hands of a Republican
Administration and Republican Senate,
i LAND GRANTS AND RAILROAD SUBSIDIES.
Another thing?do you believe it safe and
right that this land of ours, upon which we
j live and of which all humau power cannot
! create one part, do you think it right and
j just, do you thing it statesman-like, do you
think it patriotic, that millions of acres of
fertile land, capable of bearing glorious crons
1 and filled with mines of mineral wealtn,
should be given over to ha'.'dozen artificial
bodies called railway incorporations ? Is
J the text of the American people "Eat, drink
J and be merry, for to-morrow we die?" No,
' wa look to the future, and we say that this
great domain shall be preserved for future
generations, that they may reap the fruit of
our good guardianship and trusteeship. That
is the doctrine of the Democratic party. But
j the doctrine of the Republican party is to
I feed fat those who do not need fattening;
to make the strong stronger at the expense of
the weak, and to make the rich richer at the
expense of the poor, and in proof of this as,
sertion I point to these laud gifts by Act ot
j Congress from 1863 until a Democratic majority
in the House put a stop to them. Fellow-citizens,
this is not a subject to be discussed
lightly. It is a subject upon which a
man might spend more than a day to show
the terribly reckless course of this party that |
has made these grants for all time without j
regard to succeeding generations. I can re-1
j member when I first entered Congress, some)
! twelve years ago, how the lobby flaunted i
itself in the face of the public; how men '
wonld sit there and put conditions in the ;
! passage of laws, and they did it by money i
! and that money was the money of the people j
: of the United States. Subsidies and grants of j
all sorts were distributed with a lavish hand, j
i No wonder that the wine flowed freely and j
that Washington was a gay place and that;
the Republican party was popular with a
class. They were
FATTENING ON THE CORRUPTION.
| When the Democrats came in power in 1875,
' * * Tt ?J _ll iLJ
in ine lower nouse, ic put an enu 10 an men
grand dinners and their receptions and their
influence, and their power was gone. Let
any man who was acquainted with the corI
ruptiou of those days look at Congress to day
j and tell you the difference. Was it the Re-,
i publican party that caused this reform ? No,
i it was the will of the Democratic party that
! placed an honest majority in'the House of
! Representatives. Another thing I would like
to call your attention to is the attitude of the
Republican party towards
THE COLORED PEOPLE
! of this country. There has been a contemptible
meanness by that party and its leaders
towards the negroes that meets my most
hearty contempt. They knew that they were
| ignorant. They knew that they were weak,
j and not able to protect themselves, and what j
; have they done ? They have professed to be j
' their warm friends and admirers. They.have J
! told them that they were fit to occupy any j
i station in the Government. They told them j
I they were the equal of any man in every re- j
! spect. What has it all come to, when the !
| opportunity is given them to give substantial j
; proof of their love and admiration"?^xI dial- |
I lenge any man of any color or party to name
a single colored man who holds an office under
the United States government by the
vote of the National Republican party. I
have seen so much of this thing that it is
very familiar. I have been in Washington
for twelve years aud have been a householder,
and being a taxpayer and residing in Washington
a great portion of the time, and being
a member of one of the houses of Congress,
I know whereof I speak. In 1870 they began
to apply to the Republican Congress and
to make the District of Columba what they
said was
A BLACK MAN'S PARADISE,
j a place where he would have to work very
i little or not at all, and could support himself
| by voting the Republican ticket. Well, it
brought a great many there, but things went
on so that, they confessed themselves, they
began to recoil from the work they had begun.
They commenced by destroying the
house of delegates in which colored men sat,
and then they destroyed the governorship,
and the board of public works, and they had
anent not less than thirtv million dollars on
the streets of that town ; and it was done by
the action of the Republican Congress, under
a law signed by a Republican President,
being no less a man than Gen. Grant himself;
and to-day and for the last six or seven years
no colored man has been allowed to cast a
vote in the District of* Columbia, and no
white man either. Here this guardian of the
public liberty, this party that sets itself up as
a great example and apostle of all that is correct
and right in Republican government
has stricken down the right which lies at
the very basis of our institutions?I mean
the right of suffrage. No man, for five or
six years past, white or black, could go to the ;
| palls and express hi3 opinion in the District
! of Columbia as to whether he is well or ill
governed. [Applause.] I went
DOWN TO MISSISSIPPI
i in June, 1876, as the minority member of a
i committee of investigation. The majority of
: that committee was composed of Mr. Boutj
well of Massachusetts, Mr. Cameron of Wisj
consin, and Mr. McMillan of Minnesota.
| They called up the colored people to ask
| them whether they had been deprived of the
right to hold office, and what had been done
! to them in elections and about their rights,
j and I had some conversation with those peo
; pie, and I wish to call your attention to the
fact that there is not to day in the State of
Massachusetts a single colored man holding
any office, nor in Wisconsin nor in Min|
nesota, and therefore when they are down
here, expressing solicitude that the black
| man should have office, they are deceitful because
in their own homes they take carc that
nothing of the kind shall happen. [Cheers.]
| So that I think we have a right on the score
| of common sense and justice to arraign this
i party for its gross insincerity in those very
: things of which they proclaim themselves the ;
| especial champions. I said just now that i
I this party was insincere about money, about
(public credit. Today the secretary of the
i treasury is making speeches through the North
' declaring that the Democratic party is not
| to be trusted by people of property, by the
men of substance of the land. Now, to put
: this question of public credit in a short form :
Public credit is nothing but an aggregate of
1 individual credit. The public credit of South
Carolina is the private credit of every individual
in South Carolina, and if he does not
see the immediate and instant result of a stab
against
THE CREDIT OF TIIE STATE
he will find it in his individual fortune shortj
ly. In Virginia there has been much distress
, and trouble. Frankly, I do not think their
affairs were so wisely managed as they might!
have been. They temporized with affairs
| they ought not to have temporized with, and
' I believe that State lost more money by tera|
porizing with its public credit than the whole
principal and interest of its public debt would
| amount to, and being a friend of Virginia
and loving the people, I do deplore the uuI
wisdom of their course in this matter. But
1 who has been to blame for it ? Do you mean
! to tell me that Gen. Mahone, who has been |
| most prominent among her citizens who ad-1
: vocated this course, is to blame ; for who is !
Gen. Mahone, what is he, compared with the ;
I Federal Administration, at the luad of whose
finances we find John Sherman? It was the
action of the administration at Washington
! that is to blame for this state of affairs in
; Virginia ; for there is not one endowed with
I Federal power in that State, high or low, that
did not lend the aid of his power, official and
norannnl t.n fnutpn
THE FANGS OF THE REPUDIATIONIST3
! upon the vitals of that old commonwealth. !
! [Cheers.] Talk about this Republican party j
being the friend of honest government, and
we see Virginia, that old State, the State of
Jackson and Washington, branded with the
attempt to escape from her honest obliga
tiong. I turn to the City of Washington and
there I see John Sherman, the immaculate
I protector of the public credit, and Ruther[
ford B. Hayes, the fraudulent President,
i [cheers.] I see them lending their aid to
, elect Mahone and them claiming that they
are the party par excellence of public faith.
I say that this is the party of insincerity. It
; is not to be trusted. No man, whose objects
! are those of the good citizen, no matter what
may be his condition, has any claim to supi
port this party. , Whether our hands be hardened
by daily labor, or our brows he wrinkled
by toil at the midnight desk, we have
the same interest in having a government that
will make us respect ourselves and secure our
liberties to us and our children.
But there is another danger, my friends.
The Republican party is
A SECTIONAL PARTY.
It would create that division of the house
against itself which is sure to cause its downfall.
To-day, washed by the waters of the
St. Lawrence on the north and the Gulf of
Mexico on the south, two oceans pouring
their tribute on both shores, the United States
presents a most magnificent example ot free
trade. There is na customhouse between
the States. Any man who wants anything
produced by nature or born ot man's labor or
ingenuity can get it simply by adding the
cost of freight and transportation, and that is
very cheap at the present day. I saw the
other day a most interesting statement of
that?that it required but one day's labor of
an operative in a manufactory on the Atlantic
coast to transfer all the meat and flour
that she can use in a single day from the granaries
and meat depots of the West. For one
dollar and a quarter a mechanic in New York
or Boston can have a barrel of flour or meat
transported from Chicago. Then, now, this
beneficent rule prevails that whatever can
be produced on our soil and in our climate is
open to the people of that soil and climate to
make a favorable exchange. This is the
beneficence, the
CHRISTIANITY OF HUMAN INTERCOURSE
that it gives to each man the superfluities
and the results of other men's labor in exchange
for the superfluities of his own labor.
1 .-.L-i ..
> V I1UL H Sill Hill! WI1UI rt UlllJiU 13 It kllCIl tnut
those who have the power in their hands
should set up a barrier between themselves
and their fellow countrymen. How can men
in one Christian church that I know kneel
in prayer to their Father in Heaven and then
maintain their hate and animosity towards
their fellow countrymen. False money is a
bad thing, hypocrisy and deceit are bad
things, but surely this spirit of hate that
comes into a country like ours and seeks to,
array brother against their own kin is worse.
I confess, that all the thoughts of argument
and illustration fade away before this broad
sense of humanity. I am making the appeal
here to you, the same appeal I make to the
people in the little State where I was born,
the same that I would make to vaster audiences
or elsewhere, but coming back to what
is the result of this sectionalism, I to-day arraign
the Republican organization as the
great obstruction of American prosperity. I
say to day that they are indulging their animrtoiftr
of flio /^ncf c?f ftio nprsnnn.1 u-elfara nf
every individual of the land. I will not say
every individual perhaps, because I know
that in the rear of every array there are
CAMP FOLLOWERS AND CARRrON CROWS
that feed on the public distresses and make
merry over the sufferings of ^mankind. But
they are not worthy to be spoken of, they
are exceptions to humanity that will be borne
down by the tide and flood of execration. But
I speak to those who love their homes and
children and love their fellowmen, and I ask
how can such men support such a party ? So
that if there was no other fault to find with
their fellow-countrymen apart, that alone
would be enough for me to decline to favor it,
and that is the question, too, all over this
land of ours. Go where you please and you
will find
SECTIONAL HATRED AND JEALOUSY.
Why, who is safe from it? What will they
not do to invoke it? If there be on the face
of the great earth a man who would not tell
a lie to save himself or his friends, that is
Wade Hampton. [Cheers.] Wade Hampton
is not a man to hide his thoughts or fears,
to look a man in the eye and tell him what
he thinks. You know him. He has been
since he went to the Senate a free, candid,
outspoken, conscientious representative of his
people and of the Constitution. He has had
nothing to hide. There was no thought in
his heart that would not bear God's sunlight,
and yet when he made a speech the other
day in Virginia and was talking with those
people whom he had fought lor and whom
he loved, he advised them to stand upon the
public faith and not to tamper with their
public reputation, and he said that if Lee
and Jackson were here would you not do as
they would do in such a case as this? Can
you doubt, said he, where Lee and Jackson
would have stood had they been spared to
live under a condition such as this. And
what did those partisan spirits do with his
speech ? They declared that the man whose
honor is unsullied as the sun intended to
reinvoke the spirit of military resistance to
the government. And they knew that was
a lie. [Cheers.] They knew that when Hampton
sheathed his sword and signed the terras
of submission and when he went into tne service
of the Government of the United States
he did it with a clear conscience and an intent
to keep his word, and he has always kept
it. [Cheers.] But it is useless to defend
him here where you all know him. But all
over the North they have tried to spread falsehood
and injure the.man among people who
delight to honor him and love him. And
how shall we meet it ? There is an old saying
that a lie will travel a league while
Truth is putting on his boots, and- so I suspect
we are content to be silent, except to
make the denunciation that I make to-day,
and such as I would make anywhere where
that falsehood met my ear. But this shows
the desperate efforts of that party who would
sow
THE SEEDS OF DISCORD
and arrest the tide of prosperity in our midst.
I think that these efforts will be in vain. I
think there is a divine purpose that does not
intend these people to remain at war with
themselves. Everything speaks to us to oppose
the party based upon these things. The
love of our country, the love of peace, the
very hard material gains of our daily labor,
all warn us that a sectional party is a foe to
the prosperity of a country, and that every
man is equally interested in putting an end to
any such attempt. Sometimes it was a convenient
thing for Garfield to resort to such
topics just as the sailors say "any port in a
storm," and it strikes me that any man, with
the Congressional record to answer to that
Garfield has, is wise if he flies to anything to
avoid its explanations. [Cheers].
One other thing and I am done. When the
government was founded we were a poor, hardy,
industrious people. We had stripped ourselves
for a hard fight. I mean our forefathers
had, and they came out of the struggle
with their self-respect and independence, and
very little else ; they framed this government
and they avoided kingly rule. They determined
to distribute the power in small parcels
and for short terms. The whole object was
that a small amount of power should be placed
in the hands of plain and simple men. Scholars
and philosophers and men trained in statecraft
were few. They consigned the government
to plain people, and they gave to each
j man only a limited amount of power, and
: they placed the power of the government in
departments, and only gave it to men for limj
ited terms. The object of that was this : It
was, in my judgment, the safety valve by
which they could hope to make this govern:
ment a success. The people, in choosing their
rulers, would inevitably make mistakes. The
people in followiug certain policies of govern[
ment would necessarily find themselves iu er|
ror, but the election was the path which
they left open, by which they could retreat.
We were to be enabled to change our rulers
when we found that they had violated our
| confidence, and to change our policies when
they were found to be unwise. But in order
to do that the elections must be free, and today,
one of the dangers which confront us is
the declaration of the leaders of the Republi
cun party, that the safety and welfare or the
Republican party require the power to be
kept-in their hands, and to serve their country
under that pretext, they have resorted to official
interference with elections, that threatens
to make our elections 110 longer free. We
must check it now. There are 105,000 names
of officials on the blue books of this country.
Each one of those men is armed with some
such power and authority, and has so much of
the public money. What was it given to thera
for? To serve the public? Was it given to
them to keep them in their places, to resist
the popular choice, or to give them the power
to prevent the public from changing their rulers
? If so, then the whole object and intent
of our elections have been destroyed. The
safety valve of the American government is
free elections, because the people are given
the chance of relieving their mistakes and are
not apt to make the same mistake twice. The
officeholders say you people of the United
States may think a chango desirable, but we
think it better to remain in power, and therefore,
we will use all the official power given to
us, more than was intended to be given us, to
continue ourselves in power beyond the term for
which we were elected. Tilden received 250,000
more votes than Hayes, and yet he was
cheated out of the election. These 105,000
officials were told to bring so many voters
each, and to give their money and the public
time in aid of the campaign. They bring a
man from Austria, who is paid one thousand
dollars a month to represent this people in
Austria, and he is earning his money by stumping
Iowa for his own election. They are calling
upon the clerks to pay part of their money.
They are to pay two per cent, this month.
What does this amount to ? If you take into
consideration the enormous mass of officials,
and calculate that even if each of these men
only controls five votes, you have an enormous
number of votes cast, not in the interest of
free elections, but to keep these men in power.
The single case in which the Constitution
speaks of officers elected under its own provisions
is the case of president and vice-president,
and it expressly forbids any man who
holds any office of profit or trust under the
United States government to serve as elector,
and yet this is one of the evils and one of the
dangers to which I call your attention ; because
now is the time for you to make the
struggle. These evils will intensify themselves.
Every success of the Republican party drives
the ship of the Constitutional party
FARTHER OUT TO SEA
and makes it more difficult than before to return
to the rock of the Constitution.
I do not see that there is any reason why
I should tax your patience farther, and yet
I would not like to close this visit of mine
to your people here in Columbia, right here
in the heart of South Carolina, without congratulating
you from the bottom of ray heart
upon the kind of men you have chosen for
your leaders in this contest. [Cheers.] I
tell you, gentlemen, it is as fine a thing for
you Southern men to vote for Winfield Scott
Hancock as it is for him to.receive your votes.
There is something in this very choice ; this
splendid figure in American history; this fine
straightforward gentleman who never did an
uusoldierly thing in his life; a fair square
specimen of an American. It is a fine thing
to see you men of the South coming and
standing by him for the sake of your united
country. It cannot but make you feel the
dignity and privilege of American citizen
ship, and teei a scorn ior the oaa ana sman
sectional feelings with which the Republican
party emblazon their banners and affect to
call torth the prejudices of their people.
These thoughts and aspirations must raise
you in stature of American manhood. It
was a wise thing to nominate him ; and it will
be a wise and a blessed thing to elect him. It
may be that on this scene ray eyes may never
rest again, and those who hear me now
may never hear me again ;and to-day if you,
young men, you upon whom the active work
of this life and this canvass depends-^depend
upon it that, in all this line of American history,
from the battle of Camden to this day,
there never was a time in which it was more
necessary for you to give a steady, upright, and
I had almost said religious, devotion to the
task that shall secure to your country peace,
and to yourselves and your posterity happiness
and prosperity.
A SCOUT'S LONG FAST.
"Big Foot" Wallace, the noted Texas
scout, tells the following strange Btory:
In the year 1862 I was in the north-western
portion of Texas, a private in Company
K, Duff's regiment, C. S. A., and stationed
at Fort Davis. While on a scout
two companions and myself became detached
from our company, aud camped on Providence
creek, a few miles northwest of the
fort. We were attacked at night by the
Indians, my two companions killed, and our
horses stampeded. I escaped in the darkness
with only the clothes on my back, and my
revolver and bowie knife. The next morning
while attempting to reach a pool of water
in a rocky ravine, I fell and fractured my
leg about midway between ankle and knee,
both bones being broken. At the edge of the
water pool was a deposit of tough, tenacious
? T kaim/1 *v*rr KhaItan llmk ttm V* tyix7
WCt Ultiji A UUU11U LUJ U1UQCII illuu ntuu iuj
shirt torn in strips, and then plastered it over
thickly with the clay, keeping the limb as
quiet as possible, and frequently renewing
the clay poultice. After the second day I
experienced no pain from the fracture. During
the first three or four days I suffered
much from hunger. I used water sparingly,
and kept my belt comfortably tight about my
waist, which apparently afforded me relief
from the griping pains that occasionally annoyed
me. For one day only, I think it was
the ninth or tenth, I became flighty at intervals,
but not sufficiently so to banish from
my mind that absolute rest of the injured
limb was necessary. The twenty-first day
after the accident I removed the bandage,
and found, to my great joy, the broken bones
were reunited. After a few efforts I raised
myself erect, and stood on my feet, holding
on to a little tree until I became satisfied I
could trust the injured limb. I then cautiously
and slowly, with the assistance of a
forked stick that answered as a crutch, worked
ray way for several hundred yards, when
I became exhausted and sought the shelter
of a shelving rock where I soon dropped into
a fitful sleep that I was aroused from by
the howling of a cayote wolf which was but
a few yards from me. I took as good aim at
him with my revolver as my nervous and
exhausted condition permitted and blazed!
away, providentially killing him ; then I cut
his throat and sucked his blood until I had
swallowed a pint or more, when I was compelled
to stop by violent cramps in ray stomach.
After suffering untold agonies for an
hour or more the pain gradually subsided,
and I fell into a sound and refreshing slumj
ber. This was the first food that had gone
into ray stomach for twenty-one days. When
i I awoke it was late in the night. An almost
insatiable desire seized me to fill my
' stomach with the raw flesh of the wolf. I
knew, however, it would be death to do so,
and partially relieved my hungry cravings
by chewiug the flesh and only swallowing the
juice. As soon as day light appeared I coli
lected brush and wood, made a rousing fire,
and soon roasted the hams of' the wolf, on
which I subsisted for the next two days, swallowing
very little of the flesh, but all the
juice I could extract by constant chewing.
During the twb days I walked eight miles
[ and reached the fort, where I was received as
! one of the dead. I was put in the hospital and
under the kind care and skillful dietary management
of Dr. Arthur Stevens, surgeon, C.
S. A., I slowly recovered ray health and
strength. My ordinary weight prior to my
starvation was about*2G5 pounds. The second
day after my return to the fort I weighed
126} pounds. My height is six feet one and
a half inches.
THE CATTLE HERDERS OF FLORIDA. .
A letter dated Fort Myers, Florida, says:
The Caloosahatchee at this point is a deep
and wide stream, affording easy navigation
for ocean craft. From here eastward the
river narrows, and drains an open prairie, or
savana-country. This region is a vast cattle
range, and inhabited only by herders and the
remnants of the Seraiuoles; Some of these
cattle raisers are wealthy, and pride themselves
on their acquisitions. Cuba affords
them a market and their available wealth is
mostly in Spanish doubloons, though a great
deal of it is in Mexican dollars. The silver
money is kept in sacks representing $50, $100,
or $200, and never untied?passing from hand
to hand, for the amount marked on the tag.
T?irorr man ia liia'nurn Konl/fli? on/1 Ma nni 11 la
m?ii ? li.o un" uuunw, ?
a good deal safer under his own roof than it
would be in the custody of any bank. It
would be impossible to rob one of these cattle
men of his money and get away with it.
The weight of the coin would prevent rapid
flight, and there is no place to fly to, if flight
were possible. Hemmed in by swamps and
ocean, there is no safety for him who would
rob his neighbor, for he could not get away or
make use at home of what was another's. If
theft were attempted swift punishment would
follow the offense. No useless judge or superfluous
jury would consume time in determining
the magnitude of the crime. The offender
would die with his boots on, and there
would be no cumbering of a court record with
the transaction.
The people of this region are honest from
a desire to be so. Everybody's house is open.
The merchant, who is always his own clerk,
leaves unclosed the door of his store when he
goes to dinner. If a customer should come
in during his absence and want a plug of tobacco,
he would take the tobacco and leave
the value of it in coin in its place. If he
couldn't make the exact change at the time,
be would mention it afterward and square the
account. There is no such thing as cheating
on the part of a merchant. He couldn't keep
store if he was known to cheat, and he never
attempts it. There is unlimited mutual conhdence
on the part of buyer and seller.
One of these "cattle kings," as the herders
designate each other, is a miser and lives in
a miserable hut, with no company but dogs.
He has boxes of doubloons in untold numbers
secreted about his premises, has no visitors
and no neighbors, for, in addition to
being a miser, he is a hermit. Perhaps fancy
has credited him with more wealth than
he actually possesses, but he is reputed the
richest man in Florida, and marvelous stories
are told of the gold and silver he has buried.
As poorly as this miser cattle king lives,
there are none of them who live much better.
Bacon is their staple meat, and with all their
cattle, they have neither milk nor butter, and
fresh beef but seldom. With a climate and
soil that would produce fruits and vegetables
the year round tbey have nothing of the
kind, except what is gathered in a wild state.
One or two families at Fort Myers have done
something in the way of producing fruit, but
elsewhere about here no efforts are made in
this direction.
The Caloosahatchee is a favorite home of
the alligator. Thousands line its banks, basking
in the hot sun of April. Deer are found
in abundance, and bears and wild cats are
too numerous to make the rearing of hogs or
sheep possible except in enclosures. Fish of
6ne quality can be had for the catching.
Birds of gaudy plumage and ravishing song
enliven the forest, and bush and tree of exquisite
flower and foliage make a picture on
which the eye delights to linger.
Class Rank of Noted Soldiers.?The
following table, prepared from official sources,
giving class, rank and year of graduation at
West Point, of noted Federal and Confederate
soldiers of the late war, will be found interesting
: federal.
Class No. in
Name. Rank. Class. Year.
Grant 21 39 - 1843
Sherman 6 42 1840
Sheridan 34 52 1853
Thomas 12 42 1840
McClellan 2 59 1846
Burnside 18 38 1847
Hooker 29 50 1837
Hancock 18 25 1844
Schofield 7 52 1853
Meade 19 56 1835
Halleck 3 31 1839
McPherson 1 52 1853
Lyon 11 52 1841
Rosecrans 5 56 1842
Franklin 1 39 1843
Heintzelman 17 41 1820
Gillmore 1 43 1849
Warren.- 2 39 1850
Custer 34 34 1861
Sedgwick 24 50 1837
McDowell 23 45 1848
Porter 8 41 1842
Pope 17 56 1845
Smith, A. J 36 45 1835
Anderson, Robert.. 15 37 1828
confederate.
Lee, R. E 2 46 1829
Jackson 17 59 1846
Johnson, A. S..:.. 8 41 1826
Johnson, J. E 13 46 1829
T.rmrrsf-.rppi, f>4 56 1842
Hood"7."......... 44 52 1853
Beauregard 2 45 1840
Stewart, ".. 19 46 1838
Ewell 13 42 1854
Early 18 50 1837
Ilardee 26 45 1838
Polk 8 38 1827
Pembcrton 27 50 1837
Magruder, W. B.... 15 38 1827
Smith, Kirby 25 41 1845
Lee, Custis .T 1 4(5 1854
Lee, Fitzhugh 46 49 1856
Davis, Jefferson 23 33 1828
Van Dorn 52 56 1842
A Farmer's House in China.?Crossing
a small stream, we prepared to enter a farmhouse
for rest and refreshment. As usual,
our first salutation came from the dogs, who
were speedily quieted by the men. These
were Chinese settlers who had intermarried
with Mongols, and although the elders retained
their Chinese traits of countenance, the
offspring were clearly of a mixed race. A
number of Tangoats were stretched upon the
ground sleeping, having arrived in the morning
with a number of sheep for the market
town of Liang Chu, to the west.
The buildings, in lieu of possessing an inner
and an outer wall, consisted only of a
quadrangular courtyard. On the upper side
was the dwelling house, with large open windows,
On each side of the doorway the wo
men of the family sat sewing and mending
clothes. Mules and ponies were engaged in
the open space threshing out the wheat. This
rude operation consists of dragging a heavy
stone roller to within a few inches of the head
of the grain. The grain was winnowed by
men with wooden shovels, who gather it up
and toss it against the wind. In the house
we saw an old cone grind-millet and wheat
for family use in a hollow stone mortar with
a heavy wooden pestle.
The straw was packed in heaps at the angle
of the yard. Agricultural implements of a
by-gone age were lying around ; square harrows
with long iron prongs ; plows with immense
shares of a peculiar shape, the rough
carts used tor transport, neaps ot manure
were lying around for future use when dried.
The dung of camels, or angol, as it is called,
which is used for fuel, was to be seen in one
of the outhouses. Having obtained permission
to enter the house, we found ourselves in
a square room. The furniture consisted of a
round pine table, with some two legged stools
of the commonest kind. The picture of the Buddha
hung immediately opposite the
door.?Or. San Francisco Chronicle.
Origin of "A Wild-Goose Chase."?A
writer in the Troy Times says: "Wild-goose
chase" was a term used to express a sort of
racing on horse back formerly practiced, resembling
the flying of wild geese, these Tt?irds
generally going in a train one after another,
not in confused flocks as other birds do. In
this sort of race the two horses, after running
twelve score yards, had liberty, which horse
soever could get the lead, to take what ground
the jockey pleased, the hindmost horse being
bound to follow him within a certain distance
agreed on by the articles, or else to be whipped
in by the triers and judges who rode by,
tttiiohevor tinrno pnnlit distanrA t.hfl nthfir
won the race, This sort of racing was not
long in common use, for it was found inhuman
and destructive of good horses when two
such were matched together. For, in this
case, neither was able to distance the other
till they were both ready to sink under their
riders; and often two very good horses were
both spoiled, and the wagers forced to be
drawn at last, The mischief of this sort of
racing soon brought in the method now in
use, of only running over a certain quantity
of ground, and determining the wager by
coming in first at the winning post. The
phrase "wild goose chase" is now employed to
denote a fruitless attempt, or an enterprise
undertaken wi th little probability of success.
? ? a
Well Warmed.?Russian houses are
universally well warmed, so that there is no
damp to be found in them. Theinmar-es may
dress indoors in the lightest of garbs, which
contrast oddly with tfce mass of furs and
wraps which they don when going cut. A
Russian c&q afford to run no risk of exposure
when he leavea his home for a walk or drive.
He exposes only his nose to"the air, and that
h? rnha frpmiont.lv. A Rt.r&ncrer. who is ant
to forget that precaution, would often get
bis nose frozen if it were not for the courtesy
of the Russians, who will always warn him
if they see his nose "whitening," and will,
unbidden, help him to chafe it vigorously
with snow. In Russian cities walking is just
possible for men during winter, but hardly so
for ladies. The women of the lower order
wear kneebooia; those of the shop keeping
classes seldom venture out at all; those %of
the aristocracy go out in sleighs. This mode
of conveyance is not pleasant to nervous people,
for the Kalmuck coachmen drive them
at such a terrible pace that tbey frequently
capsize; but persons not destitute of pluck
find their motion enjoyable. It must be added,
that to be spilled out of a Russian sleigh
is tantamount only to getting a rough tumble
on a soft mattress, for the very thick furs in
which the victim is sure to be wrapped will
be enough to break the fall.
Desperate Fight With Rats.?A German
named Grossman keeps a lager beer saIcon
in Franklin, Pa. Two of his sons were
sent into the cellar a few days ago to get
some Swiss cheese, which was stored in a
vault formerly used by a brewery. An army
of starving rats disputed their passage, and
while the elder of the children fought the animals
with a piece of iron, the other returned
to the saloon and screamed for assistance, saying
that his brother was in the vault surrounded
by rats. Mr. Grossman and two *
neighbors armed themselves with clubs and
hastened to the rescue of the boy. The sight
that met their eyes as they had entered the
vault was one such as they had never before
witnessed. The army of rats seemed to number
thousands. The men joined in the contest,
but so numerous and persistent were the
rats that they were more than an hour in
conquering them. Dead rats lay piled on
every side, and their number was so reduced
that their survivors were driven to their
holes. Eight hundred and nineteen dead rats
wore carried from the vault The carcases
filled a large two-horse wagon box, and were
a large load for a good team to draw away.
t&~ Ole Bull was one of the greatest violinists
the world ever saw, but. he believed in
simple forms of expression, and did not cuff,
kick, mutilate, smother and assassinate a
plain air until its own father would not recognize
it, although it was then called "classical."
A competent critic says "he lived to
contend with a tashion in music which for the
most part wa3 mere affectation. Nobody
with a single musical fibre in his soul could
help enjoy every note that came from his
.violin, and so what was the use of grumbling
afterwards because another performer would
Unt\1o?ta/1 oAmafUtn/v qr/11 tt ontrKn/lu in tflA
UOVD UVLWMHig
bo use could understand."
+
*aT It is amusing to watch a slim man
weigh himself. He steps on the platform as
an elephant steps upon a bridge, with an awful
fear of breaking the thing down, and then
puts the 300 pound weight on the end of the
beam. Of course he takes it off again, but he
does this unostentatiously. Having found
what he weighs, say 110, if you watch him
carefully you will see him slide the weight
along to 175. "By George!" he will exclaim
as he goes out," "I've lost ten pounds since
last week." He doss not say how much he
weighs now; if you wish to know there is the
scale. He knows you will look.
. ?? ?
fciT Thrift is one of the Iowa virt vis. A
Davenport clergyman was called upon to marry
a couple one night last week. They were
nicely dressed, in their twenties, and evidently
well-to-do. After the ceremony had been
performed the groom thrust his hand in his
pocket and fished out three quarters, which
he held in the palm of his hand, saying to the
minister: "There, take your pay from that!"
"Lot us see, mused the minister ; "the publishing
of the marriage notice will cost half a
dollar!" "0, will it," replied the groom :
"well, then, take the whole of it! It. ain't
much matter, anyway!"
A South Carolina Baptist Church contains
in its old records the mention of a woman's
being excluded from the church for
the offense of doing "too much talking in the
neighborhood." This would not work well
in this community, for if carried out there
would in a short time be none left to turn the
other out.?Exchange.
StarTimg a Horse.?Always start! horse
with the voice, never ;itiih the cut of the
whip. In starting, turn A little to one side ;
in stopping, when going up a hill, do the
same.