letter fromHoir. J: K. Paulding;
[The following letter from Hon. J. * jT.
Paulding, former Secretary of the Navy,
is worthy of attention, not only fdr the
sound views it contains, hut also on ac?
count of the latitude ? from which it
comes.]
Hyde Park, Duchess Co., 1ST. Y. V
- September 6, 1851 j
Gentlemen : Your letter directed to me
at New York, conveying an invitation to
address a meeting of the citizens of
Charleston district, to be held in pharles
ton, South Carolma^n the 17th inst, has
just reached me at this place, where I now
reside. * "?*? "
For the compliment thus tendered, and
the language in winch it is conveyed, I
,Deg you to accept my acknowledgments,
accompanied by regrets that I cannot
comply with your wishes. Distance and
space, the burden of years I should hear
with me, and. more than alljhiy incapac?
ity for public speaking, compel me to de
' cline a task- for vrhich I am totally unfit?
ted. "What I have to say-, I-therefore
? hope you will permit me to address to
you, through a medium' to which I am
more accustomed.
As it appears fro n the tenor of your
letter that you are already sufficiently
aware of the opinion I entertain with rc
t gard to what is whimsically called the
Compromise ! will only trouble you with
a brief recapitulation. Mr) .my view." it
was a gross and palpable violation of that
great- fundamental principle of.State
equality, which ; -n udes every 'provision
of the C\ ?, and forihs the basis
of>this Confederation:; a most unjustifia?
ble .attack o;i inc.rights, interests, safety
and happiness of one half the States com?
posing it, accompanied by insult and ob?
loquy ; a pretended concession, wrested
by mere force of numbers from a minori?
ty ; and that, in its consequences, it will
prove more fatal to* the repose, prosperity
and happiness, if not the .very existence,
of the Union, than any measure that may
be resorted to in attempting to obtain re?
dress for the past,-or security for the fu?
ture. ?
Such boing my views of the subject, I
am, and always havo been, of opinion,
that the stand originally taken by South
Carolina, and mostof the Southern States,
in opposition to the principles embodied
in that series of measures, was not only
justifiable, but demanded-by a proper re?
gard for their rights and their.honor f and
that an abandonment of the position thcy
then assumed, and ah acquiescence in
measures they repeatedly declared they
would resist, "at all hazards. *o the
- last extremity," unless accompanied by a
frank . acknowledgment of having. bcccr|
? wrong in the first instance, would, in the
language of the printe^l resolutions ap?
pended to your letter, be^./'what they
could not submit to without dishonor."
If such an abandonment of all previous
pledges and declarations were the result
of a subsequent conviction of having
greatly erred in making them, it would be
honorable and magnanimous. But such
appears not to he the case ; since even
the advocates of acquiescence still contin?
ue to assert the principles on which these
pledges and declarations were based, as
well as the wrongs which first called
them forth.
The Association is, I believe, right in its
second resolution?declaring its belief |
that the co-operation Of any of the South?
ern States with South Carolina, either in
- resistance or secession, is at least improb?
able, so long as the influence and patron?
age of the General Government are ar?
rayed against State rights. Nor do I see
-i rany reason for believjng*.that any proba?
ble change of administration will produce
a change of measures ; since, as you will
perceive, from then1 repeated declarations,
all parties in the North unito in denoun?
cing slavery, and maintaining the .Consti?
tutional right of Congress, as well as its
inflexible duty, to prohibit its extension
to any State that may hereafter be admit?
ted into the Union. From all present ap?
pearances, the principles embodied in tho
Compromise will continue to be the basis
of the future policy of the Government.
It seems is i pro!;uM9, that the States
which havo sttfe^Uted to past, will be
equally quiesccnYunder future -wrongs.
. Having thus briefly stated my views
with regard to your first and second, I
will now revert to your last and most im?
portant resolution, namely, "that failing
in a reasonable timo to obtain the co-ope?
ration of other Southern States, South
Carolina should alone withdraw from the
Union."
It seems rather late in tho day to be,
called on to combat the old exploded doc?
trine of passive obedience, and non-resis?
tance, the assertion of which cost one mon
Iarch his head, and sent another into per?
petual exile. Yet, as that doctrine has
lately been revived by some of tho high?
est names of the Ecpnblic, it calls for a
passing notice in connection with the sub
| ject of this letter. It seems strange, too,
that this long-buried monster, which re?
ceived its death wounds in the two revo?
lutions of England and America, should
have been dug up and resuscitated by dis?
tinguished Democratic Republican states^
men. From all but the darkest regions
vof the civilized world, this portentous
phantom has been banished, as it would
appear, only to find refuge in that which
professes to be the most free and enlight?
ened. There is not a European writer,
or statesman, or theologist, of any estab?
lished reputation, that would now venture
to proclaim the slavish' principle's which
have been asserted by- Republican leaders,
.in the Halls of-Congress of 'Eepi^ican
States.
A thorough discussion of lhi< qjoWine
of passive obedience and. non-rcsis tai ? o
on the part of equal members of a Con?
federation of States, would require more
space than is proper for me to occupy,
and more time than you can spare on this
occasion; nor do I deem it necessary.
The right of resistance by force, as re?
spects States and communities, is only an
extension of the individual right of self
defence, which is a law of nature, antece?
dent and paramount to all laws and all
constitutions, which cannot be alienated
or surrendered by the adoption of any
system of social organization. This doc?
trine is established beyond controversy,
by the unanswered and unanswerable ar?
guments of Sydney and Locke; by the
assent of all the great ancient as well as
modern authorities on the law of nature
and nations; and, if such were not the
case, it has always been, and always will
be, acted upon when the. occasion arises,
in opposition to all authorities. It is time
that none of the writers who assert or
concede the right of. resistance, have at?
tempted to define the precise line where
resistance becomes justifiable, because it is
not susceptible of definition. It is a mat?
ter of feeling, and can neither be an?
alyzed or defined.
An eminent American statesman, high
in office, and a candidate for still higher
honors, whose opinions I wish to treat
with all due respect, has lately attempted
to establish a broad distinction- between
revolution and secession ?> in other words,
the right to resist, and the right of retir
ring out of the reach of the necessity of.
resorting to resistance; His position, if I
rightly comprehend him. is, that though
a people or State may have a right to re?
sist by force in certain contingencies, they
have none to retire peaceably beyond the
reach of injury and oppression. It seems
they have no alternative; they must ei?
ther peaceably submit, or forcibly resist,
for they cannot got out of the way. It
follows that all radical changes in the po?
litical relations of a State with a Confed?
eration of States, must necessarily be
brought about by violence and bloody
contentions. Thoso who cannot live to?
gether in peace, must not part in peace;
they must resort to the right of the
strongest, and fight it out.
Thus the extermination of a portion of
our fellow-creatures, perhaps our coun
t >.\-i i h" ii- >- ?"i_' '"1 >~> UMiCU i .Li i .i-aliiniii an'
to all great political changes; :ind heca?
tombs must be offered up on the altar <?1
liberty, before she can become a legitim.;; ?
goddess. The establishment of this prin?
ciple, conceding the right of revolution,
and denying that of secession, would, in
its application to the case now under con?
sideration, leavo no resource to any mem?
ber of this confederation,.under the most
intolerable oppression, buff civil, Avar, with
all its aggravations. It loaves open no
appeal^-to the great tribunal of reason,
justice and humanity; the right of the
strongest is the right divine; and dissen?
sions among a confederation of Christian
States, can onhy be. adjusted, like those of
the wild beasts of the forest, by a death
struggle. I am aware that this has Wen
the almost invariable practice of man?
kind in every age and country; but nev?
er till now do I recollect seeing it asserted
that it vas the only justifiable modo of
settling controversies among States and
nations; and it is with no little regret I
see this doctrine sanctioned by one whose
opinions are of such high authority among
a large jiortion of the American people.
I have dwelt more emphatically on this
topic, because I consider the right of se?
cession as by far the most important of
all the questions involved in the present
controversy; and the attack on it as one
of the most insidious, as well as dangerous
blows, ever levelled at the "rights of the
State, all of whom are deeply interested
in the issue; since those who are now the
aggressors^ may one day be placed in a
position where it will be their only refuge
from the uncontrolled despotism of a ma?
jority.
"With regard to the < vp? I'cncy of the
State of South Carolina i-.tercieing this
right of secession, either now or at any
future period, it would, I conceive, be
presumptuous in one so iar removed from
the scene of action to offer his opinion,
or intrude his advice. In such a crisis,
South Carolina must act for hersslf, and re?
ly on herself alone. I would only observe,
that in taking a step so decisive as that
of withdrawing from the Union, unanim?
ity among her citizens, or something
nearty approaching it, seems indispensa?
ble. It appears, however, that many dis?
tinguished men among you, whose repu?
tation is national, whose opinions are en?
titled to great weight, and Avho have here
toforo^taken tho lead in opposing the
%mpromise, believe that the time for
secession is not yet come; that the co-op
eration of at least a majority of the
Southern States is absolutely necessary
to the successful issue of such a measure
. that it is best to wait for further in juries
or at least to see whether they will be at
attempted, and if so, whether they will
produce such co-operation. Those whose
views coincide with the resolutions adop
ted by your Association, on the other
hand, believe that immediate secession, or
sec&sSion after "waitingareaspnable time"
for' :'ie co-?peration of other States, is
piadispensable ta-.the safety and honor of
j ftic S!:ito of S3nS Carolina. Which of
(henparties will eventually predominate
i remains to be seen; and until that is de?
cided, I shall content myself with assert?
ing the right of secession, leaving the "expe?
diency of its exercise to be decided by the
result. Should it be found that a very
considerable minority is not only opposed,
but will resist a resort to this remedy for
their grievances, 1 conceive its immediate
adoption would be hazardous in the ex?
treme. But when great interests are at
stake, much should be risked in their
preservation. For myself, I will only
say, that were I a citizen of South Caro?
lina, or any other Southern State, I trust
I should not be found among those, who,
after placing themselves in front of the
battle, and leading their followers into a
position where they could not retreat
without dishonor, retired from the field,
only, it would seem, to see if the enemy
would pursue them.
A few words more, Gentlemen, in order
that I may not be misunderstood or mis?
represented, and I will no longer trespass
on your time or patience.
If I know myself, and the innermost
feelings of my heart, 1 am a better friend
to the Union than many of those who.
while loudly professing their devotion,.are
steadily pursuing a course of policy that
has already alienated a considerable por?
tion of its citizens, and will assuredly
bring about its dissolution. It is under
the influence of this attachment, that I
have lent my feeble aid in opposition to
that policy. Neither force nor coercion
can preserve a Union voluntarily formed
on the basis of perfect equality; nor do I
believe it possible to preserve or perpetu?
ate this Confederation by any attempts
to extend the powers of the General Gov?
ernment beyond the limits prescribed by
the Constitution, strictly consti-ucd, agree?
ably to its letter and spirit. The first at?
tempt to coerce any one of its members
will be the handwriting on the .wall, pre?
dicting the speedy and certain fate of tho
Union. It is not to be presumed that
great States, many of them equal in ex?
tent to powerful kingdoms, and inhabited
by iifcreusing millions of freemen, jealous
of their rights, brave, high-spirited, and
energetic, can be held together except by
a voluntary cohesion. This Confedera?
tion may be likened to the great system
of the universe, and it is, only, by the be?
nign aud gentle influence of attraction,
that the bright stars of our constellation
can be kept in their orbits. Those who
'?"??"?^ -?-*-k?LlL? ^-^pur theuL-jwill. in
the pud. tare like the rash fool who as?
pired to direct the < hariot of the sun.
I am, gditicmcn. your obd't serv't,
J. K. PAULDING.
To F. D. feiehardson, II. 11. Raymond,
W. U. Peronneau?Committee, &c, &e.,
Charleston, South Carolina.
Letter from Hon. Herschel V.
Johnson.
[This ndmjrablc letter was written by
Gov. Johnson, upon the occasion^ of the
wrong which was done to the South, up?
on the admission of California into the
Union, under so many circumstances of
irregularity, and bf disregard to the inter?
ests of the South; a wrong, which is
dwarfed into absolute insignificance, when
compared$with thoso fearful calamities,
which arc rapidly approaching in the elec?
tion of a Black Republican administra?
tion, and which will overwhelm the South,
when that hostile party shall take posses?
sion of the government, and consummate
their openly avowed purpose of emanci?
pating tho slaves.
The letter, throughout, breathes the
true spirit of a manly Southern heart,
sensitive to the wrongs of his country,
and determined not to submit to them. If
sentiments like these, were resolutely car?
ried out into manly action', the South
would no longer be aggressed upon; nor
would hcr^iast remaing refuge, against
oppression and insult, do denied her?of
icithdrawing herself from tho control of
her avowed enemies and oppressors. She
has been, heretoforo, insulted and tram?
pled upon, and she is now doomed
by tho Black Eepublican party, to degra?
dation and ruin, simply because she is
^considered too slothful and cowardly to
defend her rights, or adopt any efficient
measures, to beat back tho aggressor, and
establish her safety, upon the sure foun?
dation of a friendly government of her
own.]
"Milledgeville, Ga., Aug. 30,1851.
Gentlemen: I thank you for your kind
and pressing invitation to a barbecue, to
bo given to Col. Robert McMillen, the
Southern Rights candidate for Congress
in the 8th district, on the first Tuesday in
September next; but official engagements
forbid me the pleasure of its acceptance.
Morgan court will be in session, at the
same time.
My personal acquaintance with Col.
McMillen is limited, but I know him by
reputation as a gentleman of high moral
worth, brilliant talents, and sound repub?
lican principles. Such men I am pleased
to honor, and sincerely trust the great
cause .whose banner he bears by the uni?
ted voice of the Southern Rights party of
his district, may be triumphant.
The contest in which the people of
Georgia, in common with her sister slave
/
holding Statc?, are engaged, is one of vi?
tal importance. It involves the destiny
of the South, aad the federative character
?of our system of government. It is
waged upon tho right of a State peaceably
to secede from (lie "Union. The Guberna?
torial candidate of the Southern States
Eights parly maintains the affirmative,
and the candidate of the submission party
the negative of this great question?the
one, that the light necessary results from
the reserved sovereignty of the State and
the nature of the Confederacy; and the
other, that it exists only as 8 right of rev?
olution. ^
The former insists that the General
Government has no right to coerce a se?
ceding State; and the latter that such a
seceding Stato must depend for the main?
tenance of its position, "upon tho stout
hearts and strong arms of a free people."
The one unhesitatingly and boldly avows
that if a Southern State were to secede,
he would not obey a requisition by the
federal government made upon him as the
Executive of Georgia for troops to force
her back into tho Union; and the other
declares he " would convene the Legisla?
ture ot the State, and command them to
call a convention of the people," to in?
struct him in an emergency in which the
impulses of a true-Southern heart should
be a sufficient guide.
The great issue, then, I repeat, is the
right of a State to secede from the Union,
and the correlative absence of any right
on the part of the federal government to
force such a State back into the Union.
It cannot be evaded b}- the senseless
clamor of Union ! this glorious Union !
The integrity of the Union is not assailed
by the Southern Eights party in Georgia.
Its true friends arc those who insist up?
on maintaining the rights resulting from
the sovereignty of the States. Its real
enemies arc those who, from behind it, as
a "masked battery," level their destruc?
tive artillery against its strongest out?
posts, by counselling submission to ag?
gression, injustice and robbery, because,
like "a wolf in sheep's clothing," they
come under the hypocritical guise of com?
promise. Thon let a vigilant people look
well to the true and only issue involved
in*the pending campaign?the right of a
State peaceably to secede from the Union.
I would not, if time and space justified,
enter into an argument in favor of the
affirmative of this issue. I believe it is
understood by the people. It has been a
cardinal tenet of the Republican creed
from 1708 down to the present day, main?
tained by Jefferson, and Madison, and
Macon. Lowndcs and Troup, and all the
distinguished statesmen of that school,
who properly understood the theory of our
government, and whose hearts beat rc
sponsivcly to the great American senti?
ment which is at once the parent and the
soul of constitutional liberty. Argument
is not necdeil to elucidate and enforce it.
If the pci >ple. .-'miking off tho trammels of
party. .... | spurni?g tho timid counsels of
tcmpoy; ng SulTmisisiooists and selfish
tradesmen in the gr< : t mart of political
bartering, will obey the honest impulses
of true Southern sentiment, they will re?
quire no argument to array them on the
side of truth, their hearth-stones, and the
Constitution.
To detract from the importance of the
issue in public estimation, it is insisted,
that it is a mere abstraction?that it will
be time enough for Georgia to determine
it when she shall be called upon to exer?
cise tho right of secession. This is but
one of tho hundred subterfuges of those
who man the "masked battery." The is?
sue is vital. It has not been made by the
State of Georgia, nor by the Southern
States. It has been forced upon us by
federal eggressions. It has been been
distinctly tendered by high authority.
It was tendered by Henry Clay in his
great speech upon "the compromise bills."
He said "if rsislancc is attempted by
any State, or by the people of any State,
he will lift his voice, his heart and his arm
in the support of the common authority
of this government." Through Mr. "Web?
ster, the Secretary of State, it has been
tendered by the rotten dynasty of the
Fillmoro Administration; for he has dis?
tinctly proclaimed tho policy of the Cabi?
net to bd coercion, if any State should at
j tempt secession. The issue, then, is upon
us. Shall we meet it ? Shall we inglori
ously shrink from its decision ? It is
true, that to past aggressions Georgia has
determined to offer no resistance. But
tho right to resist, and to resist peaceably,
without the terror of federal bayonets,
she cannot yield ; and now she is called
upon to make tho decision. Let her meet
it with firmness and unanimity.
"Whosoever observes the signs of the
times cannot fail to see that the right of
secession will probably, at no distant day,
assume the form and magnitude of prac?
tical importance. The South is in a per?
manent minority in our Federal Legisla?
ture. The tune of Northern fanaticism
abates not in its frenzy and insolence. It
presses on rapidly to the consummation
of its diabolical designs.
And what check has the South upon its
progrc3S ? Have we any under the es?
tablished rules of parliamentary law ? Can
we expect any justice at tho hands of the
present freesoil Executive and his Cabinet?
Can we effect anything by .'argument, and
appeals to the reason of our Northern op?
pressors 1 Can we obtain shelter under
the broad shield of the Constitution ? No !
All thsse are impotent as pack-thread to
\ I
restrain an irresponsible and fanatical ma?
jority. iJwKat, "then, are we to do ? I say.
letais bear to the last point of endurance,
.but let us- never proclaim, through the bal?
lot box. that we have no right to secede,
and that if v\-c do secede we are to be re-?
gafded as insurgents and revolutionists.
It never, never can be true, that our fore?
fathers, in* the straggle of'76, fought only
to achicvo that which is the right of serfs,
the right of revolution. They had that
under the British crown. But. they strug?
gled for more?for colonial sovereignty?
and they won it.
Did they turn around immediately and
surrender all they had battled for into
the pow^r of an elective consolidation?
Never, never. Those who maintain such
positions, falsity all the history of our rev?
olution, and bring dishonor upon the mas?
ter spirits of its thrilling and eventful
scenes. The right of secession must be
maintained. It is the last, the only hope
of the South. Let us maintain it with
unanimity,'and we can hold in check the
spirit of abolition and consolidation. But
if we yield it, the whole theory of our
federative system is changed, and we arc
in the power of those whose mercy is like
that of'die wolf to the lamb. If we yield
it, we not only proclaim in advance, that
we still submit to usurpation and. aggres?
sion, but we do worse, we admit that we
have no right to resist. And that is po?
litical vassalage.
With sentiments of high regard,
I am, gentlemen, your ob't serv't,
fiERSeHEfj V. JOHNSON.
To Messrs. liobt, A. White. Turner
Clantoi, T. W. Fleming. Committee.
-?-?
The Sea.?The mean depth of the sea
\s. according to La Place, from three to
five miles. If the existing waters were
increased by one-fourth, it would drown
the earth, with the exception of some high
mountains. If the volume of the ocean
were augmented by only one eighth, con
siderable portions of the contimonts would
be changed all over the globe. Evapora?
tion would be so much extended, that
rains would continually destroy the har?
vest, and fruits and flowers, and sub?
vert the whole economy of nature. There
is. perhaps." nothiwg more beautiful in our
whole system than the process by which
our fields are irrigated from the skies, the
rivers fed from the mountains, and the
ocean restrained within bounds, which it
never can exceed so long as that process
continues*on the present scale. The va?
por raised by tho sun from the sea floats
wherever it is lighter, than the atmosphere;
condensed, it fallsupon tho earth in water;
Or attracted to tho mountains, dissolves,
and replenishes the conduits with which,
externally or internally, they aro all fur?
nished. By these conduits the fluid is
conveyed to the rivers which flow on tliat
surface of the earth, and to tho springs
which lie deep in its bosom, destindd to
be considerable dimini.>hcd. the Amazon
and the Mississippi, those inland seas of
the western world, would become ineon
sidcrable brooks ; tho brooks would whol?
ly disappear; the atmosphere would be de?
prived of its due -proportion of humidity;
all nature would ass'rtne the garb of des?
olation; the birds would drop on tho
wing, the lower animals would perish on
the barren soil, and man himself would
wither away like the sickly grass at Iiis
Golden Rules for Wives.?Resolve
every morning to he cheerful that day;
and should anything occur to break your
resolution, sutler it not to put you out of
temper with your husband. Dispute not
with him, bo the subject what it may 1
but rather deny yourself the satisfaction
of having your own will, or gaining the
better of .argument, than risk a quarrel or
create a heart burning which it is'impos?
sible to see the end of. Implicit submis?
sion of a man to his wife is ever disgrace?
ful to both, but implicit submission in a
wife to the just wiil of her husband, is
what she promises at the altar, what the
good will revere her for, and what is, in
fact, the greatest honor she can receive.
Be assured, a woman's power, as well as
ho:.* happiness, has no other foundation
than her husband's esteem and love, which
it iis her interest, by all possible means, to
preserve and increase; share and soothe
his cares, and with tho utmost assiduitv.
conceal his errors.
-.??
FAsnioximLE Call.?Enter Miss Lucy
nearly out of breath, with the exertion of
walking from her papa's carriago in the
street, to the door of her friend.
Lucy.?"Oh, Marie.' how dp you do ?
Hdw delighted I am to sec you ! How
have you been since you were at the ball,
last Thursday evening? Oh, wasn't the
appearance of that tall girl in pink, per?
fectly frightful ? Is this your shawl on
the piano ? Beautiful shawl! Father says
he is going to send lo Paris to get me a
shawl, in the spring. I can't bear h?rne?
rn ade shawls! How do you like Mon?kiur
Esprey? Beautiful man, ain't he ? Kojal
don't laugh, Marie, for Pi <u^r^Tdon't
care anything abor>-nim ! Oh, my I I
must be going! It's a beautiful day. isn't
it ? Marie, when are you coming tip to
seo me ? Oh, dear what a beautiful pin !
That pin was given to you; now 1 know
it was, Marie; don't deny it. Harry- is
coming up to sec me this evening, but I
hate him?I do, realy; but he has a beau
tiful moustache, hasn't he, Marie ? Oh,
dear, it's vciy wann. Good morning,
Mario! Don't speak of Harry in connec?
tion with my name, to any one; for I am
sure it will never amount to anything, but
I hato him awfully?I am sure I do. Adieu."
Curious Wills.?One of our corres?
pondents, who lias a taste for such mat?
ters, has collected and sent us for publica?
tion in the Ledger, the following curious
extracts from still more curious wills The
first is from the will of Georgo Applebee,
Ecctor of St. Bride's, London, proved Au?
gust 7,1783.
"My body, after being dressed in aflanr
nel waistcot, instead of a shirt, an p :
tout coat, and breeches without Eb '
pockets; an old pair of stock!'.
shall want none (having done wa^ki. :
and a worsted wig. if one can be goi, I
desire may be decently interred."
The second is from the will of Stephen
Swaine, of St. Olive's, Southwark, gro.vcd
February 5,1770.
"I give and bequeath unto John A'
and Mary, his wife, the sum of ^
apiece, to buy each of them a hah -
the Sheriffs should not be provi>\
The third is from the will of "iiliani
Shackeil, Esq.. Covernor of Plymouth,
proved October 12,1782.
"I desire that my body may be kept
as long as it may not be offensive, and
that one of my toes or fingers may he cut
off to secure a certainty of my being dead.
I also make this further request to my
dear wife, that as she has been troubled:
with one old tool, she will not think of
marrying another."
The following is from the' will of Philip
Thicknesse, Esq., of London, but subse?
quently of Boulogne, in France, deceased,
proved January 24,1703.
"I leave my right hand, to be cut off
after my death, to my son, Lord Audley,
and I desire it may be sent to him, in'
hopes that sue!i a sight'may rx impel him
of his duty to God, after havin .: so long
abandoned the duty he owed to a father
who once affectionately loved him/'
PROSPECTUS OF
The CHARLESTON MERCURY
A Political, Commercial and Literary Journal,
PUBLISHED DAILY AND TRI-WEEKLY.
THIIIE '?'Mercury" represents the State rights' rcsis- .
I t:mco clement of the South. Its political creed
consists in the principles of the Democratic Party as
laid down in the Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions
of 170S and 1709?the Sovereignty of the States find
Strict Construction of the Federal Constitution l>y the
General Government, the Agent of the States; Free
Trade, and an Economical Administration of the Gen?
eral Government. Its policy is the union of th-jS-mth
crn States in maintaining their rights and establishing
their security. ... ' ' \
The '^Mercery ' give- daily reports of Markets and
Marino Intelligence ?f Charlestop Commerz? in"the
leading ?eaports of the world. -The Weakly Price Gur
rcnt is made up with wach care, and iiviathe most
reliable sources. A connection with the " Associated
Press" insures tiio latest intelligence by telegraph and
the. earliest news by steamers from Europe. It has an
able and accomplished correspondent in London (a,
gentleman connected with the editorial staff of tho
London Time,) and regnlar correspondents in New
York, Washington; New Orleans, Kev West and Ha?
vana. The monthly New York Fashion Letten nn
additional attraction in favor of lady loaders. Ily.lit?
erary notices, from the pen of a gentleman who occu?
pies perhaps the highest position amon^ the literary
incu of the South, arc discriminating and rwrapnihcn
sive. Attention is paid to all matters o*f general con?
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Planting and Agricultural interests, and to the current
news of tho 'day'. Great c- ' is taken that nothing
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The name of .10 person out of Chariest'':! wu
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No. 4 Broad Street, Charleston. S. C.
-.-1
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, the foliorring British Periodicals, viz :
TTIE LONDONS* QUARTERLY, Conservative.
'."'?w?r'?
THE EDINBURGH REVIEW, Whig.
3. ? ' ..
THE NORTH BRITISH REVIEW, Free Church.
?
THE WESTMINSTER REVIEW, Liberal.
? 5.
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These Periodicals ably represent the fbrco great po?
litical parties of Groat Britain?Whig, Tory and Radi?
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For all'four of the Reviews,. S.OO
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For Blackwood and one Review,. . 5.00
For Blackwood and two Reviews,. 7.90
For Blackwood and tlirco Reviews,.
For Blackwood and tho four Reviews,. ,10.60
Money current in tho State whore issued wiil bo ro*
ceived at par.
CLUBBING.
A disconnt of twenty-five per cent from the above
prices will be allowed to Clubs ordering direct from L.
.Scott <fc Co. four or more copies of any one or more of
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and so on.
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new LAwrmji.
k e i tiT&~ wYl kie;s ,
Attorneys at Law.
nn HE undersigned having formed a cepartnerihip
JL under tho name and stylo of Keith and W?kcs
and will aft end promptly to all business entrusted'
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Mr. Keith will practice in the Equity Courts in
those Districts.
Their office is at No. 8, Brick-Hange, Anderson
C. H., S. 0. m
E. M. KEITH.WARREN D. W1XKES.
Aug 14 1 lf