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The Weekly Oskaloosa ‘* erald is by far tl»' Best Adver^'"^ Med ;“ m , « . . , ing a weekly circulation of n Oskaloosa# v £,OOO COPIES -t of which are to persons in Mahaska county. Our facilities for Book and Job Work Areasifrood as the demands of the place will admit, and work done on as reasona ble rates as any office. A l' rOBN KYS-AT-LAW. IiriLUAM P. HKLLiNGs, >V ATTORNEY-AT-LAW. Oskaloosa, lowa. 48 WII.UUK V. MAHS. CHAS. V. KNOWLTON. yf AUK Sc KNOWLTON. LAWYERS, NOTARIES, nd Oollecti«K Agents. Office Exchange Block, ver W. H Stiaw A Co’s store, Oskaloasa, lowa. \\T J. CONE, - >V . ATTORNEY AT LAW. Oska'*osa, lowa. Particular attention given to collection of all kinds of claims, tiffice with W. S. iCknwokthy. filßui3pd : UA W. ANORUSON, 1 ATTORNEY AND COUNSELOR aT LAW. Office up stairs in irlass front, south side. UT R. LACEY, ' . ATTORNEY AT LAW. Office with John F. Lacey, alnive Itoyer & Barui.-i’ store, Oskaloosa, lowa. All kinds of egal busiue as promptly (lone. Collections made iu-l convoyu;teeing done. f H. COPENIIEFFEU. I . ATTORNEY AT LAW AND NOTARY PUBLIC. Office with .Judge Bhinchurt a. E. corner •inure. n45-tf iYKON V. SKEVKIiS. JOHN O. MALCOLM. SEVERS & MALCOLM. ATTORNEYS AT LAW, Oskaloosa, lowa. Office over Mitch Wilson’s new store, north-west corner of square. 33 { nils A. HOFFMAN, fl ATTORNEY - AT - LAW, and Notary Public, over Levi's store, south-west corner public square, Oskaloosa, lowa. 43 L. 11. HOLE, It. HILLIB. Oskaloosa, lowa. New Sharon, lowa, i f OLE & lIILLIS, 1 l ATTORNEYS AT LAW, Oskal.Hisa auJ New Sharon, lowa. Prompt at tention given to collections. Probate business and conveyancing carefully atten led to. Office, up-stairs. Union block, north side square, Os kaloosa; and with I)r. Page, New Sharon. 39 I >OLTON & McOOY, I > ATTORNEYS AT LAW, Oskaloosa, lowa. Office in Exchaitgc block, over Vernon’s store. Business attended to in all the courts of the State. Conveyancing and collect ing promptly attended to. 29 n W. RICE, -111. ATTORNEY AT LAW, And solicitor of American and European pat ents. Office No. 1420 F. street, near treasury building, Washington, D. C. Practice in the Su premo court of the United States, Court of Cl liius. Courts of the District of Columbia. Business before any of the Executive Depart ments of the Government promptly attended to. Patents obtained in Washington, London, Paris, Brussels, Vienna, and St. Petcreburgh. 33 rOHN F. LACEY, ) ATTORNEY AT LAW, n l Government Claim Agent. Office in Boyer ; Barnes’ block, Oskaloosa, lowa. Prompt attention given to collections. Probate business rill receive careful attention. Business attend d to iu the U. S. and State courts. 19 r\ C. O. PHILLIPS, v /. ATTORNEY AT LAW, Collecting, Insurance, and Real Estate Agent, Oskaloosa, lowa. Office over Phelps A Gould’s hoot and shoe store, south side square. lit ] >t )BKRT KISSICK, ll ATTORNEY AT LAW, and Notary Public, Oskaloosa, lowa. Office No. «, Union Block, north side public square, up-stairs. Will give special attention to collections, probate business, and conveyancing. Practice in all the courts of the State. 22 M. T. WILLIAMS. LISTON M'MILLEN. nriLLIAMS & McMILLEN, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, and Notaries Public. Office on west side of pub ic square, in Williams' old office. Street’s block, Oskaloosa, lowa. 21 [RAJ. ALDER, I ATTORNEY AT LAW, lowa City, lowa. Successor to Judge W. E. Miller. lit OEO. W. I.AKKERTV. J. KEI.I.Y JOHNSON r AFFERTY * JOHNSON. 1 J ATTORNEYS AT LAW. Oskaloosa, lowa. Office over Mitch Wilson’s Store, north-west corner of square. 47 M' e. Quit’s, . ATTORNEY AT LAW. Office in Union Block, up-stairs, north side pub ic square. 21 J. A. L.CCKOOKHAM. H. W. GLEASON. / TBOOKHAM & GLEASON, Uj ATTOR NETS ATLAW, Office over National State bunk, Oskaloosa 35 T’l IY SI CIA NSandKURGEONS. MJOBIE TENNEY, M. 1). • Office North Lafayette Street, at the residence of J. C. Becchler. where she will be found unless previously called away, n53-m3pd DR. J. F. EDGAR. lIOMCEOP ATH IST, otters his services to the citizens of Beacon and the country adjoining Office nearly opposite the lowa Coal Co’s Store. EMUS LEWIS, M. I>. J. A. LUCY, M. I>. T UCV & LEWIS, HOMEOPATHIC PHYSICIANS & SURGEONS, Office two doors south of south-east corner of square, Oskaloosa, lowa. Office hours Su. iu. to Bp. iu. Dr. Lewis, fore noons; Dr. Lucy, afternoous. 31 1 I SCOTT?, M. D. Jf. Office in lloye' - Barnes’ iilock, where he may be found a V oboth day and night when not pr. \ tiij engaged. Diseases Of WOMEN AND CHILDUKN MADE A SPECIALTY. TY’I. E. STAFFORD Will devote his entire attention to the prac tice of medicine. May be found at his residence tirst door north of Methodist church, north of public square,or at Gilford’s drug store, west High street. 35 I i A. HURST, If. PHYSICIAN AND SURGEON. Office on south side of square, over Dixon & Wilson’s store, Oskaloosa, lowa. 20 nA. HOFFMAN, . PHYSICIAN AND SURGEON, Office in Rhinehart's new building, south-west 3'»rner public square, Oskaloosa, lowa. Resi dence on Main street, three blocks east of pub ic square. 21 A\T L. CHAMBERLIN, > V . PHYSICIAN AND SURGEON. Office in National State Rank building, first tairs west of County Recorder's office, Oska oosa, lowa. 25 nit. V. PARDUN, MAGNETIC HEALER, having romoved his office to his residence m mediatelr north of public school building n south part of town, is prepared to treat allk.nds diseases except deafness, with general satisfac tion. Terras, ¥5 per month. He willalways be found at homo. 3 Dll. A. L. MCCARTY, SURGEON DENTIST. Office south side of the public square, over H. Hnydor'B grocery store. Nitrous Oxide gas used for the painless extraction of teeth, when de sired. 23 Dlt. M. L. JACKSON. SURGEON DENTIST, ifth Office in Exchange Block, on High street, Oskaloosa. lowa, over 1 fiord’s drug store.— V*" *s* .. Nitrous oxide gas ud ist *' r . ' SBQr ministered in the ex traction of teeth. 10 DR. ROUNDS SURGEON DENTIST. Will perform all £> . u4i'J / dental operations v V ’■*' f, z/;\> 148 reasonable as AJf/j any other ttrst- C : ■Mfcl .*7 , Oskaloosa. and '-X~' % jE23SSSS&? ' warrant sati-1 m- V " " tlon. Vitalized CnJjgr&mL ■ airgiven und teeth J ' ex tracted without * pain. Office over Bacon A Bros., on outh side public square. Oskaloosa. lowa. 1 INSURANCE. J. M. LOUGHRIDGK. WX. S. EASTON. I OCGHRIDGB & EASTON. J J GENERAL INSURANCE AGENTS, represent the* following first-class companies: Royal, of Liverpool, Eng.; Ins. Co. of North America, of Pbila.; Phrenix, of Hartford; Hart ford, of Hartford; Niagara, of N. Y.; German American, of N, Y. 47-tf abstractsT JOHN HALL. JK. H. K. KKNDIG KENDIG to HALL, ABSTRACTORS. Loan and Real Estate Agents. Office up-stairs Rinker’s brick, east of Exchange block. ylpd Claiip I Abstract Firm. Having purchased ot Thos. O. Teller ACo., the complete set of abstracts formerly owned by Wm. Burnside, and retaining the services of G. W. Weeks, who has been so long identified with the business. lam prepared to furnish abstracts of title to lands and town lots on short notice and reasonable terms, and to loan money in sums of SSOO and upwards. atS per cent, in terest. for the termof five years. Special attention given to the perfection of titles, collection of claims, probate matters and xraveyanoing. Heal Estate bought and sold. Office iu National Bank building, first door est of Recorder's office. « 31 C. P. Searle. ~ KKAL ESTATE AGENCY. John F. Lacey's LAND AGENCY. sx3t t &~jsrjz , s. £ and acres of wild land. If y uu to sell or wish to boy, give me a aa|i i taxes in pny part of the state. Uofiv»yjUUWg done. Office m Buyer ft lJamus bhxilt.Oskiiloo se, lowa. «a 109 nice building lots in Lacey's addition to Oskaloosa. W« Burnside, Land “ Loan Agent, OflbdooM* low*. f The Weekly Oskaloosa Herald. VOL. 27. NUMBER 3. BANKING. E. Clakk. Pres. W, A. Lindly, Cash. M E. Cutts, Vico Pres. P. E. Clakk, Asst. Cash. Mahaska Go. Samp Bank. General Banking business transacted. Savings Deposits Received on the following terms: t . Each depositor will be furnished with a book. Deposits may be made in sums of one dollar and upwards. Interest will be allowed at 6 per cent, per annum on the first of January and July, on all sums not previously withdrawn. Deposits made on the first of the month will begin to draw interest from the time the deposit is made. _ , ’ ... Deposits made after the first day of the month will not commence to draw interest till the first of the next month. E 11. OIBUB. ISRAEL M. GIBUS. Banking: Honse of GIBBS BROS., Oskaloosa, lowa. Yij> Capital #IOO,OOO. Correspondents. Springfield, Mass., Chapin Banking and Trust Co. “ “ Agawan National Bank. New York, G ilman. Son & Co. “ Corbin Banking Co. *» Tenth National Bank. Chicago, Preston, Kean & Co. St. Louis, Valley National Bank. Keokuk, Commercial Bank. Chicago, First National Bank. ll Interest allowed on time deposits. Banking House Of— Frankel, Bach. & Co# Will receive deposits and transact a general hanking, exchange and collection business, the same as an incorporated bank. Seven per cent interest allowed on time de posits. Exchange on all parts of Europe bought and sold in sum.<to suit purchasers. Passage Tickets to and from all points in Eu rope for sale at t Im lowest rates. Collections will receive prompt attention. Correspondents. German National Bank. Chicago; Interna tional Rank, Chicago; Kuhn, Loeb &Co., N, Y. State National Bank, Keokuk, We do a strictly legitimate banking business, and give the wants of customers special atten tion. Res|>ectfull.v, FRANKEL, BACH & CO. Oskaloosa. Nov. 13 1873. FOUNDRY. _ J. C. Harrington’s Foundry ami Stove Shop. Main Street, west of Central depot. 1 am prepared to do all kinds of brass an von castimr on short notice and in best style. W. C. Johnson. Geo. E. Collins. Johnson & Collins, PROPRIETORS OF NOVELTY IEOH VOBKS Light Casting a Specialty. All Work Finished or Japanned and made to give as good Satisfaction as Work Manufactured East. OSKALOOSA, IOWA. n 40 SPRING BEDS. Perdue & Lemmon, wholesale manufacturers of Gaylord’s Wire Cable Spring Bed, Comer High and MarioL streets, Oskaloo sa lowa 15 MILU NERY. Mrs. J. L. Moore, Dealer in Millinery and Fancy Goods Everything pertaining to and connected with the millinery business constantly on hand. DRESSMAKING in all its departments promptly and neatly done in the building. Hair Switches for sale and hair work done to order. Butterick’s celebrated Patterns Remember the place; Northeast corner of the square, next to Cary Cooper’s hardware store?. TINWARE. GEO. A. WELLS & BR0„ on north side, adjoining City Hall, is turning out TINWARE, TIN ROOFING, and jobbing of all kinds, with the best of workmen. All Work Warranted. Call and see me when you need work. « Geo. A Wells. WOOL. THE HIGHEST Market Price IN CAS EE I PAID FOR WOOL AT SIEBEL& CO’s MILL. n4iuS OIGAKS. Fred. Beckman, Cigar Manufacturer. I desire to say to lovers of Good Cigars, That 1 keep constantly on hand, of my own MANUFACTURE a full supply of Ail the Grades in the market, and at as fair prices as can be afforded In the city. I buy my tobacco in Eastern murkets and am ready at all times to vouch for its quality. Dealers supplied at wholesale rates. I have an ippena * stock of Cigar Holders and Pipes of every description; also Tobacco Pouches, Boxes, etc., Oak and examine my stock, east side public square, M door south of Madison housed Oska looaa lowa. 30 PRODUCE DEALERS. £• £• Tucker, dealer in Grain, Live Stock and Hides. Oskaloosa und New Sharon. PLUMBING. Plnmbii. Gas and Steam FITTING. Having added a new branch to our business we are now prepared to do all kinds of fitting for WATER, CAS or STEAM. Parties in want of work or material in this line, as bath tubs, gas and water pipe, gas or oil fixtures, steam fittings, pumps, sinks, cess pools, slop sinks. Stench traps, hot water boilers, elosets, marbled wash basins, steam coils for heating buildings, brass goods, engine trim mings, or anything in this line from a brass bolt to a steam engine, will do well to give us a call, see our work and prices. We are also prepared to put In the latest im proved gas works or gas machines for private dwellings, hotels, mills, &e., does not effect in surance. Contracts made for water works, gas works or heating buildings with steam. Office and shop, west main street, near Cen tral depot, Oskaloosa Steam EngineJWorks. M. IBERMAN, fitter. LUMBER YARDS. LUMBER. LUMBER. A. J. Baughman & Son, LUMBER C 'E M ' O m RE ' GOTO THE OLD ESTABLISHED YARDS OF _. . . ...... -a—• 11 w I.KALBACH to SON, pine lumber, —leighton & moore J Doors, and Flooring, Fencing, 1 J„, WRAY to PERDUE, 0 ““ 8a d -s d iu ol ’ al)anm - NOW TS THE TIME TO BUILD Sheathing, Paling, Joists, Barn Boards, Scantling, Building Material ke Gi"iA?Kt“ Lower prices than ever before. Satisfaction guaranteed in prie< 3 * and Frame Timbers, etc., etc., Shingles, Lath, Plain and fancy Doors, Glazed IWIiNNSiAPOLIS LU SVI 3E!R 9 quality. Estimatescheerfully made. Over 1,400,000 feet of . „ ... ~ , „ ~, c a 1 i* r> *ij* r» lumber to select from. Also, we have lumber from Chicago, Minneapolis, and Muscatine. We OUSII, MOUldingS, LJUlldinf!: I a]Jei', etc. ci • i 1 r it. nu* ta j a u i _ eaii especial attention to line of r<i i ao T- ...» J ... Shingles and Lath; Chicago Doors and bash ShmgHLatk, Doors Glazed bash, Etc. CHICAGO 35RYLUMBER ' Very Respectfully, SS ' | ‘ Building Paper and Cedar Posts Respectfully which is a superiour quality. Otttcc and yard just east of C. Wray& Perdue. Wl,! se I as low as the lowest. Office anti yards near Cen’l 11. R., New shar- T UolhQnVi Qnn R ’ L & P ‘ R ‘ R< depot> o,Hce and ynr ' , on Wost High Strwf - one «™reMt St. James Hotel office and yard at LeSuer’s old stand, corner Liberty and on, and lbloek westof J’.o.,oskaloosu, la. I. XkalUaLil Oo cUII. Call aild Examine OUT Stock. 26ylpd sOkaloosa lowa, und near depot, Leighton, lowa. Perry Streets, Oskaloosa, and near depot, Ornbaum, 19 LEGAL NOTICES. J)ROBATE NOTICE. In matters of the estate of James Skipworth deceased. Notice is hereby given that on the 4th day of October, 1876, tliere will be on tile in the office of the clerk of the circuit court of muhaska connty, lowa, the final settlement and petition for discharge of L. A. Scott, administrator of the estate of James Skipworth deceased, and the same is set for hearing on the Ist day cf the next term of the circuit court, to be begun and held in Oskaloosa, on the 16th day of October, 1876, at which time objections can be made to the approving of said settlement and granting the prayer of said petitioner. nl-w3 I>. R. MOORE, Clerk. JJROBATE NOTICE. In matters of the Estate of Jonathan Allen deceased. Notice is hereby given that on or before the sth day of October, 1876, there will be on file iu the office of the clerk of the circuit court of Mahaska county, lowa, the final settlement and petition for discharge of A. P. Kitching administrator of the estate of Jonathan Allen deceased, and the same is set for hearing on the Ist day of the next term of circuit court, to be begun and held in Oskuioosa, on the 16th day of October, 1876. at which time objections can be made to the approving of said settlement and granting the prayer of said petitioner. WILLIAMS & McMILLEN, nl Atty’s for A. P. Hitching, Admr. QIUGINAL NOTICE. To Melis aFunston, Margaret E. Young, David Young. Lueretia M. lloddy, James Roddy, Krastus A. Harris, Hannah Cooper, Mary K. El wood, Wm. J. Harris, Alfred a. Harris, Albert Lout/,, Eugene E. A. Wilkie, Jesse 8. R.Wilkie—Cooper husbandof HannahCoopcr. Elwood husbund of Mary E.EI wood. Marion C. Harris, Sarah J. Harris. You are hereby notified, that on or before the 23d day of Aug., A. D., 1876, there will lie on file in the office of the clerk of the district court, in and for Mahaska county, lowa, a petition of John Punstonet. al. vs. Melissa Funstoii et. al., claiming of you the partition of eertain real estate described in said petition. And that unless you appear and answer and defend thereto, before main of the second day of the Oct. term of said court, to be commenced ' on the 3d Monday of Oct., A. D., 1876, your de fault will be entered against you and judgmeftt and decree rendered thereon as prayed for in said petition. JOHN F. LACEY. * Att’y for Plaintiff. ORIGINAL NOTICE. Nancy 0. Perkins 1 In circuit oourt of the vs State of lowa, Auguatu Perkins, Mahuska county. Oct,Term, A. D. 1876. To Augusta Perkins: You are each hereby notified that on or be fore the ,sth day of Oct. J 876, there will be on file in the office of the clerk of the circuit oourt of said Mahaska 00, cluimlng of you the partition of out lot No. three and the south two-thirds of lot No. two In block No. thirteen, and the mid dle one-third of lot No. eight in blook No. thirteen in the original plat of Oskaloosa, And that unless you appear thereto and de fend before noon of the second day of the Octo ber term, A. D., 1876, of said court, which will commence on the third Monday of October 1876, default will be entered against you and judgment of partition rendered thereon as pray ed for in said petition. Nancy O. Pekkins, By Williams A McMilljcn, nl Attorney for Plaintiff. OSKALOOSA, iOWA, THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 21, 1876. Can The Democratic Party be Safely intrust ed with the Adminis tration of The Government. SPEECH OF 11. JAMBS A. GARFIELD or onio, In the House of Representatives, Friday, August 4th, 1876. The llohsc being in Committee of the Whole on the bill (H. R. No. 2,592) to transfer the conduct of Indian affairs from the Interior Department to the War De partment — Mr. Garfieu) said: Mr. Chairman: I regret that the speech of the gentleman from Mississippi (Mr. Lamar) has not yet appeared in the Record, so that I might have had its full and authentic text before offering my own remarks in reply. But his propositions were so clearly and so very ably stated, the doctrines that run through it were so logically connected, it will be my own fault if I fail to understand and appre ciate the general scope and purpose of his speech. In the outset, I desire for myself and for a majority, at least, of those for whom I speak, to express my gratitude to the gentleman for all that portion of his speech which had for its object the re moval of the prejudices and unkindly feel ings that have citizens of the Republic, in consequence of the late war. Whatever faults the speech may have, its author expresses an earnest de sire to make progress in the direction of a better understanding between the North and South; and in that it meets my most hearty concurrence and approval. I will attempt to state briefly what I understand to be the logic of the gentle man’s speech. He sets out with deplor ing the evils of part}’, and expressing the belief that the great mass of the Ameri can people are tired of much that be longs to party; and looking beyond and above mere party prejudices and passions, they greatly desire to remove public cor ruption's, and reform the manifold errors and evils of administration and legislation: that those errors and evils consist mainly of two things; First, of a generally cor rupt state of public administration; and second, of a deplorable state of civil ser vioe; that this state of affairs is buttress ed and maintained by an enormous army of 100,000 civil office-holders and 100,000 more expectants for office; and that be cause of this vast force the people have hitherto been unable to make the reforms they desire. This is his major premise. The next point, his minor premise, is that the Republican party is incapable of effecting the great reforms which the peo ple desire; and his conclusion from these premises is that the Democratic party ought to be brought into power in the coming election. This was the summary, and I may say, abrupt conclusion of his reasoning. The gentleman seemed to be aware that there might he some apprehensions in the minds of the people that it would not, quite yet, he safe to recall the Democratic pary to power; and he endeavored to to quiet these apprehensions by stating in the first place that there need be no fear that the South lately in rebellion, would again control the Government; that they were prostrated; that their institutions had been over thrown ; that their industries had been broken up; that in their weak and bro ken condition there need be no fear that they would again be placed at the head of public appairs; and finally, that the South has united with the Democratic party not from choice, but forced to it by inexorable necessity as their only means of protection. In the second place, there was appre hensions he said, that the Democracy, if they came]into power, would not preserve the beneficent results of the war. But he assures us that this fear is groundless; that the people of the South have no as pirations which are not bounded by the horizon of the Union; that they as well as the Democracy of the North accept, honestly and sincerely, the great results of the war; and that they can be trusted to preserve all the good that has been gain ed. Again he says it is feared, on the part of many, that the colored race, lately en slaved, will not be safe in the full en joyment of all the rights resulting from the war and guaranteed by the amend ments of the constitution. This he also assures us is a groundless fear, because the people of the South understand the colored race, appreciate their qualities, and are on such a footing of friendship and regard that they are in fact better fitted to meet the wants of that people and help them along in the way of civili zation, enlightenment, and peace, than those who are further removed from such knowledge. He emphasizes the statement that the South cheerfully accepts the results of the war; aud admits that much good has been achieved by the Republican party which ought to be preserved. I was gratified to hear the gentleman speak of Liucoln as “the illustrous author of the great act of emancipation.” That admis sion will be welcomed everywhere by those who believe in the justice and wis dom of that great act. While speaking of the condition of the South and its wants he deplores two evils which afflict that portion of our country: First, Fed eral supervision; and second,negro asceu deuey iu its political uffuirs. In that connection, it will be remembered, he quoted from John Stuart Mill and Gib bon ; the one to show that the most de plorable form of government is where the slave governs; and from the other to show thejevils of a government which is in alien hands. The gentlemau represented the South as suffering the composite evils depicted by both these great writers. That I may be sure do to him justice I quote a paragraph from the Associated Press report of his speech: “The inevitable effect of that reconstruc tion policy had been to draw one race to its support and drive the other race its op position.” lie quoted Gibbon, the histo rian, as saying that the most absurd and oppressive system of government which could be conceived of is that which sub jects the native of a country to the do minion of his slave. He also quoted from Joliu Stuart Mill to the effect that when a government is administered by rulers not responsible to the people governed, but to some other community, it is one of the worst of conceivable governments, und lie said that the hideous system established in the South is a composite of those two vicious systems. The people are subject ed to the dominion of their former sluves, and are ruled over by people whose con stituents were not the people fo r whom they should act, but the Federal Govern ment. Now I have stated—of course very briefly but 1 hope with entire fuirness— the scope of the very able speech to which we listened. In a word it is this: the Republican party is oppressing the South; negro suffrage is a grievous evil; there are serious corruptions in public affairs in the national legislation and ad ministration ; the civil service of the coun try especially needs great and radical re form ; and therefore the Democratic par- ty ought to be placed in control of the Government at this time, by the election of Tilden and Hendricks. It has not been my habit, and it is not my desire to discuss mere party politics in this great legislative forum. And I shall do so now only in so far as a fair review of the gentleman’s speech requires. My remarks shall be responsive to his; and 1 shall discuss party history and party pol icy only as the logic of his speech leads into that domain. From most of the premises of the gen tleman, as matters of fact and history, I dissent; some of them are undoubtedly correct. But, for the sake of argument only, admitting that all his premises are correct, I deny that his conclusion is war ranted by his premises; and before I dose I shall attempt to show that the good he seeks cannot be secured by the the ascendency of the Democratic party at this time. Before entering upon that field, howev er, I must notice this remarkable omission in the logic of his speech. Although he did state that the country might consid er itself free from some of the dangers which are apprehended as the result of Democratic .vscendency, he did not, as I remember, by any word attempt to prove the fitness of the Democracy as a politi cal organization to accomplish the reforms which he so much desires; and without that affirmative proof of fitness his argu ment is necessarily au absolute failure. It is precisely that fear which has not only made it competent to render that sendee so necessary to good government —the service of maintaining the position of a wise and honorable opposition to the dominant party. Often the blunders and faults of the Republican party have been condoned by the people because of the violent, reactionary, and disloyal spirit of the Democracy. He tells us that is one of the well known lessons of political history and philosophy; that the opposition party comes in to preserve and crystallize the measures which their antagonists inaugu rated ; and that a conservative opposition party is better fitted to accomplish such a work than an aggressive radical party who roughly pioneered the way and brought in the changes. And to apply this max im to our own situation, he tells us that the difference between the Republican and Democratic parties upon the issues which led to the war and those which grew out of it, were rather differences of time than substance; that the Democracy followed more slowly iu the Republican path, but have at last arrived, by pru dent and constitutional methods, at the same results; and hence they will be sure to guard securely and cherish faithfully what the Republicans gained by reckless and turbulent methods. There is some truth in these “glittering generalities,” but, as applied to our present situation, they are entitled only to the consideration which we give to the bright but fantastic pictures of a Utopian dream. I share all that gentlemen’s aspirations for peace, for good government at the South, and I believe I can safely assure him that the great majority of the nation shares the same aspirations. But he will allow me to say that he has not fully stated the great problem to bo solved by the statesmanship of to-day. The actu al field is much broader than the view he has taken. And before we can agree that the remedy he proposes is an adequate one, we must Like the whole field, com preprehend all the conditions of the prob lem, and then see if his remedy is suffi cient. The change he proposes is not like the ordinary change of a ministry in England when the government is defeat ed on a tax bill or some routine measure of legislation. He proposes to turn over the custody and management of the Govern ment to a party which has persistently and with the greatest bitterness resisted all the great changes of the last fifteen years, changes which were the necessary results of a vast revolution—a revolution in national policy, in social and political ideas—a revolution whose causes were not the work of a day nor a year but of generations and centuries. The scope and character of that mighty revolution must form the basis of our judgment when we inquire whether such a change as he proposes is safe and wise. In discussing his projiosition we must not forget that as the result of this reso lution the South, after the great devasta tions of war, the great loss of life and treasure, the overthrow of its social and industrial system, was called upon to con front the new and difficult problem of two races; one just relieved from cen turies of slavery, and the other a cultivat ed, brave, proud, imperious race, to be brought together on terms of equality be fore the law. New, difficult, delicate and dangerous questions bristle out from every point of that problem. But that is not all of the situation. On the other hand, we see the North, after leaving its 350,000 dead upon the field of battle and bringing home its 500,000 maimed and wounded to be cared for, crippled in its industries, staggering un der the tremendous burden of public and private debt, and both North and South weighed with unparalleled burdens and losses—the whole nation suffering from that loosening of the bonds of social or der which always follows a great war and from the resulting corruption both in the public and private life of the people. These, Mr. Chairman, constitute the vast field which we must survey in order to find the path which will soonest lead our beloved country to the highway of peace, of liberty, and prosperity. Peace from the shock of battle; the higher peace of our streets, of our homes, of our equal rights we must make secure by making the conquering ideas of the war everywhere dominant and perman ent. With all my heart I join with the gen tleman in rejoicing that— The war-drums throb no longer and the bat tle ilags are furled, and 1 look forward with joy and hope to the day when our brave people, one in heart, one in their aspirations for free dom and peace, shall see that the dark ness through which we have traveled was a part of that stern but beneficent discip line by which the Great Disposer of events has been leading us on to a higher and nobler national life. But such a result can be reached only by comprehending the whole meaning of the revolution through which we have passed aud are still passing. I say still passing; fori remember that after the battle of arms comes the battle of history. The cause that triumphs in the field does not always triumph in history. And those who carried the war for union aud equal and universal freedom to a victorious issue can never safely relax their vigilance until the ideas for which they fought have become embodied in the enduring forms of individual and national life. Hasthis been done? Not yet. I ask the gentleman in till plainness of speech and yet in all kindness, is he cor rect in his statement that the conquered party accept the results of the war? Even if they do I remind the gentleman that accept is not a very strong word. 1 go further. I ask him if the democratic party have adopted the results of the ,var? Is it not asking too much of humau na ture to expect such unparalleled changes to be uotonly accepted, but, in so short a time, adopted by men of strong and in dependent opinions? The antagonisms which gave rise to the war and grew out of it, were not born in a day, nor can they vanish in a night. Mr. Chairman, great ideas travel slowly, and for a time, noiselessly as the gods, whose fee£ were shod with wool. Our war of independence was a war of ideas, of ideas evolved out of two hundred years of slow and silent growth. When, one hundred years ago, our fathers announced as self-evident truths the declaration that all men are created equal, and the only just power of governments is derived from the consent of the governed, they uttered a doctrine that no nation had ever adopted, that not one kingdom on the earth then believed. Yet to our fathers it was so plain, that they would not debate it. They announced it as a truth “self-evident.” Whence came the immortal truths of the Declaration? To me, this was, for years, the riddle of our history. I have searched long aud patiently through the hooks of the doctrinaires to find the gems from which the Declaration of Inde pendence sprang. I found hints in Locke, in Hobbes, in Rousseau, and Fenelon; but they were only the hints of dreamers and philosophers, The great doctrines of the Declaration germinated in the hearts of our fathers, and were developed under the new influences of this wilder ness world, by the same subtle mystery which brings forth the rose from the germ of the rose-tree. Unconsciously to themselves, the great truths were grow ing under the new conditions until, like the ceutury-plaut, they blossomed into the matchless beauty of the Declaration of Independence, whose fruitage, increased and increasing, we enjoy to-day. It will not do, Mr Chairman, to speak of the gigantic revolution through which we have lately passed as a thing to be ad j usted and settled by a change of ad ministration. It was cyclical, epochal, century-wide, and to be studied iu its broad aud grand perspective—a revolu tion of even wider scope, so far as time is concerned, than the Revolution of 1776. We have been dealing with elemeuts and forces which have been at work on this continent more than two hundred and fifty years. I trust 1 shall he excused if 1 take a few moments to trace some of the leading phases of the great struggle. Aud in doing so, I beg gentlemen to see that the subject itself lifts us into a region where the individual sinks out of sight and is absorbed in the mighty cur rent of great events. It is not the occa sion to award praise or pronounce con demnation. In such a revolution men are like insects, that Iret and toss in the storm, but are swept onward by the resistless movement of elomeuta beyond their control. I speak of this revolution not to praise the men who aided it, or to ! censure the men who resisted it, but as a force to be studied, as a mandate to be obeyed. In the year 1620 there were planted, upon this continent, two ideas irreconcila bly hostile to each other. Ideas are the great warriors of the world; and a war that has no ideas behind it is simply bru tality. The two ideas were landed, one at Plymouth Rock from the Mayflower, aud the other from a Dutch brig at Jamestown, Virginia. One was the old doctrine of Luther, that private judgment, in politics as well as religion, is the and duty of every man; and the other that capital should own labor, that the negro had no rights of manhood, and the white man might justly buy, own, and sell him and his offspring forever. Thus freedom and equality on the one hand, aud on the other the slavery of one race and the domination of another, were the two germs planted on this continent. In our vast expeuse of wilderness, for a long time, there was room for both; and their advocates began the race across the con tinent, each developing the social and political institutions of their choice. Both had vast interests in common; and for a long time, neither was conscious of the fatal antagonisms that were developing. For nearly two cen'uries there was uo serious collision; but wheu the continent began to till up, and the people began to jostle against each other; when the Roundhead and the Cavalier came mnir enough to measure opinions, the irrecon cilable character of the two .ioctriues be gan to appear. Mauy conscientious men studied the subject, and came to the be lief that slavery was a crime, a sin, or s Wesley said, “the sum of all villainies.” This belief dwelt in small minorities for a long time. It lived in the churches and vestries, but later found its way into the civil and political organizations of the country, and finally found its way into this Chamber. A few brave, clear sighted, far seeing men announced it here, a little more than a generation ago. A predecessor of mine, Joshua R. Bid dings, following the lead of John Quincy Adams, of Massachusetts, almost alone, held up the banner on this floor, and from year to year, comrades came to his side.— Through evil and through good report he pressed the question upon the conscience of the nation, and bravely stood in his place in this House, until his white locks, like the plume of Henry of Navarre, showed where the battle for freedom was raging most fiercely. And so the contest continued; the supporters of slavery believing honestly and sincerely that slavery was a divine institution; that it found its high sanc tions iu the living oracles of God and in a wise political philosophy; that it was justified by the necessities of their situa tion ; and that slaveholders were mission aries to the dark sons of Africa, to elevate and bless them. We are so far past the passions of that early time that we can now study the progress of the struggle as a great aud inevitable development, with out sharing in the crimination and recrim ination that attended it. If both sides could have seen that it was a contest be yond their control; if both parties could have realized the truth that “unsettled questions have no pity for the rejiose of nations,” much less for the fate of politi cal parties, the bi teruess, the sorrow, the tears, and the blood might have been avoided. But we walked in the darkness, our paths obscured by the smoke of the conflict, each following his own convictions through ever increasing fierceness, until the debate culminated at "the last argu ment to which kings resort.” This conflict ot opinion was not. nn rely one of sentimental feeling; it involved our whole political system; it gave rise t-» two radically different theories of t'uo na ture of our Government; the North believing and bolding that we were a na tion, the South insisting tint we were only a eon federation of sovereign States, and insisting that each State had the right, at its own discretion, to break the Uniou, aud constantly threatening seces sion where the full rights of slavery were not acknowledged. Thus the defense aud aggrandizement of slavery and the hatred of abolitionism, became not only the central idea of the Democratic party, but its master passion; a passion intensified and inflamed,by twen ty-five years of tierce political contest, which had not only driven from its ranks all those who preferred freedom to sla very, but had absorbed all the extreme pro-slavery elements of the fallen whig party. Over against this was arrayed the Republican party, asserting the broad doc trines of nationality aud loyalty, insisting that no State had a right to secede, that secession was treason, and demanding that tlte institution of slavery should he restrict ed to the limits of the States where it al ready existed. But here and there, many bolder und more radical thiukers declared, with Wendell Phillips, that there never oould be union und peace, freedom and prosperity, uutil we were williug to see Johu Hancock under a black skin. That we may see more clearly the opin ions which were to be settled by war, I will read two passages from the Congrtt stonal Globe , not for the purpose of mak- I ing a personal point against any man, but j simply to show where honest men stood when that contest was approaching its crisis. I read from a speech made on the 19th day of December, 1859, by the dis tinguished gentleman from Mississippi, [Mr. Singleton,] tlieu and now a member of this House: The South will never submit to that state of things. It matters uot what evils come upon us; it matters not how Jeep wc may have to wade through blood; we arc bound to keep our slaves in their present position. And let me ask you, what good would you bring to the slaves by this pro cess of abolition? You may possibly have the object in view of benefitting the slaves, or benefitting the white race, or both; but. suppose you could carry out your plans and confine us to our present area and suppose that the institution of slavery should abolish itself, what would you have done? You know it is impossible for us to liye on terms of equality with them. It is not to be supposed for "a moment that we can do so. The result would be a war between the races, which would perhaps involve the utter annihilation of one or the other; and thus you sec that in stead of benefitting either you would have brought disaster upon both. But I tell you here to-day, that the insti tution of slavery must be sustained. The South has made up its mind to keep the black race in bondage. If we are not per mitted to do this inside of the Union, I tell you that it will be done outside of it. Yes, sir, aud we will expand this institution; we do uot intend to be confined within our present limits; and there are not men enough in all your borders to coerce three million armed men iu the South, and pre vent their going into the surrounding Ter ritories. In the course of that debate, the same gentleman said: I am one of those who have said, and here repeat it, if the black Republican par ty elect a President I am for dissolving the Union. I have no doubt the gentleman fairly and faithfully represented the opinion of his State. Not long before the date of this speech it will bo remembered that two distinguished members of the Republican party had uttered their opinions on this subject. Mr. Lincoln had said that it was impossible for u country to remain partly slave and partly free. And Mr. Seward had said, that there was an irre pressible conflict between the systems of free and slave labor, which could never cease until one or the other was wholly overthrown. The Republican party, how ever, disclaimed all right or purpose to in terfere with slavery in the State; yet they expressed the hope that the time would come when there should be no slave under our flag. In response to that particular opinion, the distinguished gen tleman from Mississippi, [Mr. Lamar,] then a member of this House, <>n the23d day of December, 1559, said this: I was upon the floor of the Senate when your great leader, William 11. Seward, an nounced that startling programme of anti slavery sentiment and action. * * * Aud, sir, in his exultation he exclaimed — for 1 heard him myself—that he hoped to see the day when there would not be the footprint of a single slave upon this conti nent. And when lie uttered this atrocious sentiment, his form seemed to dilate, his pale, thin face, furrowed by the lines of thought and evil passions, kindled with malignant triumph, and his eye glowed upon Southern Senators as though the fires of licll were burning in his heart. 1 have read this passage to mark the height to which the antagonism had risen in 1859. And this passage enables us to measure the progress he has since made. I uii.rk it here as one of the notable s : gus of the time, that the gulf which in tervenes between the position then occu pied by the gentleman from Mississippi and the position he occupies to day, is so deep, so vast, that it indicates a progress worthy of all praise. I congratulate him and the country that, in so short a time so great a change has been possible. Now I ask the gentleman if he is quite sure «is ;i mutter of fact, that the democratic party, its southern us well us its northern wing, have fol lowed his own illustrious und worthy example in the vast progress he Ims made since 1859? He assures us that the transformation has been so com plete, that the nation can safely ti list jf.li Che most precious fruits of the war in the hands of that party who stood with him in 1859. if that be true, I rejoice at it with my heart; but the gentleman must pardon me if l aslc him to assist my wavering faith by some evidence, some consol ing proofs. When did the great transformation take place? Certainly not within two years after the de livery of tho speech I have quoted; for two years from that time, the contest had risen much higher; it had risen to the point of open, terri ble and determined war. Did the change come during the war? Oh, no; for in the foil terrible years ending in 1805, every resource of courago and power that tho Southern States could muster was employed not only to save slavery but to distroy the Union. So tho transformation had not occurred in D 65. When did it occur?-Aid our anxious inquiry, for the nation ought to be sure that the great change has occurred before it can safely trust its destinies to tho democratic party. Did it occur in the tirst epoch of reconstruciion-the two years immediately following tho war? During that period the attempt was made to restore the governments in the South on the basis of the white vote. Military control was held gen erally; but tho white population of tho Southern States were invited 10 elect, their own legislatures and es tablish provisional governmon s. In tho laws, covering a period of two and a half years, 1865, and u portion of 1867, enacted by those Legislatures, we ought to find proof of the transformation if it had then occurred. Wi*a« uo we iimi? What we should naturally expee ; that a people, accustomed to thedomination of slavery, re enacted in niinost all of the Southern States, ami notably in tlio Slate of Mississippi und Louis iana, laws limiting and restricting ho liberty of the colored man; va grant iaws and peonage laws, where by negroes wore sold at auction for the p.; \ meat of a paltry tax or tine, aud held in a slavery as real as the slavery of other days. 1 believe that this was true of nearly all of the Southern Slates; so that the experi ment of allowing the wliito popula tion of the south to adjust lhal voiy question proved a frightful failure; and then it was that the national Congress intervened. They proposed an act of reconstruction, an act which became a law on the 2nd of March, 1867 Aml wlmt was ttint act? Gentlemen of the South, you are too deeply schooled in philosophy to take any umbrage at what 1 shall now say, for 1 am dealing only with history. You must know, and certainly do know, that the great body of the nation which had carried the war to triumph and success, know that the eleven States that had opposed the Union, had plunged their people into crime; a crime sot down in the law'—a law signed by President Washington—at the very top of the catalogue of crimes; the crime of treason and all that follows it. You certainly know that, under that law, every man who voluntarily took up arms against the Union could have boon tried, con victed and hanged, as a traitor to his country. But I call your attention to the fact that the conquering nation said, in this great work of recon struction, “VVe will do nothing for revenge, everything for permanent peacef 1 1 and you know there never ESTABLISHED 1850. wm :i trial for treason in this coun try during the whole of the struggle nor after it; no man was executed for treason; no man was tried.- There was no expatriation, no exile, no confiscation after the war. The only revenge which the conquering nation gratified was this: In saving to the South “You may come hack to your full place in the Union when you do these things; join with the other States in putting into the Con stitution a provision that the nation al debt shall never he repudiated; that your rebel war debt ahull never be paid; and that all men, without regard to race or color, shall stand equal before the law; not in suffrage, but in civil rights; that these great guarantees of liberty and public faith shall be lifted above the reach of political parties, above the legisla tion of States, above the legislation of Congress, and shall be sot in the soreno firmament of tho Constitution, to shine as lights forever. And un der that equal sky, under tho light of that equal sun, all men, of what ever race or color, shall stand equal before the law.” That was the plan of reconstruc tion offered to those who had been in -rebellion, offered by a generous and brave nation; and I challenge the world to show an act of equal gener osity to a conquered people. What answer did he meet? By the advice of Andrew Johnson, a bad adviser, backed by the advice of the northern democracy, a still worse adviser, ten of the eleven States lately in rebel lion contemptuously rejected the plan of reconstruction embraced in the fourteenth amendment of tho Constitution. They would have none ot it; they had been invited by their northern allies to stand out, and were told that when the democracy came into power they should be per mitted to come back to their places without guarantees or conditions. This brings us to 1868. Had tho transformation occurred then? For remember, gentlemen, I am search ing for the date of the great trans formation similar to that which has taken place in the gentleman from Mississippi. Wo do not find it in 1868. On the contrary, in that year, we find Frank P. Blair, of Missouri, writing these words, which, a few days after the}’ were written, gave him the nomination for the Yiec- Presidency on the democratic ticket: There is but one way to restore govern ments and the Constitution : and that is for the President elect to declare all these acts. And the constitutional amendment with them— to declare all these acts null and void, compel the Army to undo its usurpations at the South, and disperse the carpet-bag State governments and allow the white people to re-organize their own govern ments and elect Senators and Represen tatives. Because he wrote that letter he was nominated for Vice President for the Democratic pai ty. Therefore, as late as July, 18G8, the transformation had not occurred. Had it occurred in 1872? In 1871 and 1872 all the amendments of the Con stitution had been adopted, against the stubborn resistance of the northern and southern Democracy. I call you to wit ness that, with the exception of three or four Democratic Representatives who voted for the abolition of slavery, the th rec great amendments, the thirteenth, the fourteenth and the fifteenth, met the determined and united opposition of the Democracy of this country. Each of the amendments now so praised by the gen tleman, was adopted against the whole weight of your resistance. And two years after the adoption of this last amendment in many of your State platforms, they were declared to be null and void. In 1871 and 1872 occurred through out the South these dreadful sceues en acted by the ku-klux organization, of which I will say only this, that a man facileprin ceps among the Democrats of the slave holding States, Rever <y Johnson, who was sent down to defend those who were indicted l or their crimes, held up his hands in horror at the shocking barbarities that had been perpetrated by his clients upon negro citizens. I refer to the evidence of that eminent man, as a sufficient proof of the character of that great conspiracy against the freedom of the colored race. So the transformation had not come in the days of ku-kluk of 1871 and 1872. Had it come in 1873 and the beginning of 1874? Had it come in the State of Mississippi? Had it come in one quarter of the States lately in rebellion? Here is a report from an honorable committee of this House, signed by two gentlemen who are still members, Mr. Conger and and Murlbut—a report made .as late as December, 1874, in which there is disclos ed, by innumerable witnesses, the proof that the white line organization, au armed military organization formed within the Democratic party, had leagued themselves together to prevent the enjoyment of suffrage and equal rights by the colored men of the South. Without detaining the House to read them now, I will quote two or three paragraphs from that report dated December 14, 1874, and printed House document No. 205. THE “WHITE LINE This interior organization lias not yet assumed definitely in the State of Missis sippi such precise form ami so distinct an existence as in the State of Louisiana, but is uaquestional ly an extension into Mis sissippi of the “White League” organiza tion, whose headquarters are in New Or leans. In Warren county it is culled the “White Line,” and by that name is famil iarly spoken of by the leading papers of Vicksburg, as well as by some of the prominent witnesses before this commit tee. It is also known as “People’s Club;” bu r in all instances the reformation of the clubs or civil organization is accompanied by establishing within the clubs them selves a military organization, officered, equipped and armed. Thus the clubs and the taxpayers’ league are open association*, apparently directed toward objects in which all citizens might lawfully unite, hut controlled from within by the military and purtizan organizations whose purposes are special and unlawful. The purpose of these clubs or white line companies arc these, as they arc openly avowed or secretly cherished: 1. They ar c first to make a census and enrollment of all the white men iu the State. 2. To incorporate into the interior mil itary organizations all the whites who will join with them. 3. To set aside, by whatever means may be necessary, the election of colored men to olHee, and to nullify in practice the enabling and enforcement arts of ('on gress, granting and enforcing the right of all citizens, without distinction of color, to hold ofllees, if properly elected to them. 4. To allow none hut white men to bo elected to office or to hold olllce. And how was it about the same time and even later in other States? Here is a report upon Louisiana, the report from which the gentleman quoted, a report that exhibits the same condition of affairs, signed by the gentleman who sits iu front of me, (Mr. Hoar.) Although by a min ority of the committee, it is a report of great power and of ’udubitable truth. I quote from page 18: The White-League is an organization which exists in New Orleans, and contains at least from twenty-live hundred to three thousand members, armed, drilled and of ficered ns a military organization. Organi zations bearing the uamc extend through out many parts of the State. *»***••• On the 14th of September, 18T4, it arose uj>on and attacked the police of the city, the pretext of the attack being the seizure of arms which it had imported from the North; and having defeated them with considerable slaughter, it took possession of the State house, overthrew the State Sovernment, and installed a new governor \ office, and kept him in power until the The Weekly Oskaloosa Herald Publishedevery Thursday by LEIGHTON & NEEDHAM, H. C.LEIGHTON. W. H. NEEDHAM. Steam Printers OUlcc in “Herald Block" over Poet Office Ferms—-$2.00 a Year in Advance L idled States interfered. This rising was planned beforehand. ******* * The White-League of New Orleans it self was aud is a constant menace to the Republicans of Hie whole State. ******** We-canuot doubt that the effects of all these was to prevent a full, flee and fair election, and to intimidate the colored voters and the white Republicans So the trasforiuution had not occurred in August, 1874. I come down now In 1875, to the late autumn of that year, ami ask if the transformation had th u occurred [ will not detain the House by reading die testimony of the cloud of wit nesses wha.h gathers around me, but will print a lew specimens of the proof, most ol them relating to the recent State elec tion in .Mississippi. While I say, to the honor of the gentleman from Mississippi, that in his own State he spoke against the organization of the White Line, it is unquestionably true that he was not sup ported by a like actiou on the part of the great mass of his political associates. With the permission of the House I will quote from a number of papers in his State, which say with the utmost bold ness that though Colonel Lamar spoke against the White- Line, and though the State convention ignored it, yet back of the convention, and back of the gentle man himself, the White Line was formed and carried the election, and intends in the same way to carry the next. The following quotation need no com ment: I From the Columbus (Miss.) Index, Aujf., 1875 J, Already do we see signs in our State of the good effects of the color line. Prior to its organization there was no harmony or unity of action among the whites. The negroes had perfected their race in organ izations aud were able to control the poli tics of the State. The whites, after hav ing attempted every scheme to secure an intelligent government and co-operation of the negroes in this behalf, wisely gave it up and determined to organize them selves as a race and meet the issue that had presented itself for ten years. Now we recognize the fact that tho State is most thoroughly aroused, more harmonious in its actions, and more deter mined to succeed in the coming election than it has been since the days of seces sion. ****** * So the grand result of the color line has been accomplished in organizing the white people of the State and placing them in a position to control the coming election. No other policy could have affected the re rult. [From the Shubuta Times.] Call it what you please. Some call it the color line. It looks to us like the white line. It shall be seen who in this emergency can choose to stand with the negroes as against the whites. Mark them. [From the Handsboroug-h Democrat]. We are in favor of the color line as a principle, a necessity, and a policy. [From the Meridian Mercury]. Rally on the color line, boys, beyond the the platform, every man to his color and colors, and make these negro pretenders to govern this great country to come down, else put ’em down. What do the young men say to the old men’s battle cry in this political campaign, “Step across the plat form, boys, and go for ’em!” [From the Forest Register]. Tin; body of the Democratic party will carry the colors of the White Line over the State. Some of the auxiliaries in a scout or bushwhacking maneuver may use a mild conservative face over the flag; but still it will rest on a white journal. To the radicals we say just superintend your structure; we will raise our own flag and colors. The Vicksburg Herald, speaking of the State Democratic Convention of August 9, 1875,says: The color liue was by common consent ignored. It was only mentioned inciden tally, and it was not “killed off ” by the speech of Colonel Lamar or by a vote of the convention. The convention left each county to manage its own affair in its own wav. Speaking of the State Democratic plat for of August 9, 1875, the Columbus In dex says: We stand on the color line, because it is tacitly indorsed by the platform, and tie cause we believe it to be the only means of redeeming this and other countries from negro rule. Again, from the same paper: The necessities of the State of Missis sippi recall tins iujuution and give empha sis to the parallel—put none but Demo crats in office. We have gained a great victory—Hull Run or Chickamauga. Let us follow it up to the securing of results. The white people must be welded into one compact organization: All differences of opinion, all personal aspirations, must be settled within aur own organization, and from its decision their must be no ap peal. Otherwise each recurrring election brings its disorders. [From the Meridian Mercury-] Our correspondent at Running Water Mills makes his points well. His positons cannot well be contradicted. The miser able bunglers who liaye put the negro in the Constitution have certainly written themselves down asses all. When we ac cept “results of the war" we do not accept the notion of statesmen, but the blunders of unreasoning malice and stupidity, and of course we continue to accept it only so long as we are compelled to. ]From the Jackson Clarion]. Appeal after appeal has been made in vain to the colored people. No more ap peals will be made to them. [From tho Alabama Examiner], The present contest is rather a revolu tion than a political campaign; it is the re bellion, if you see fit to apply that term. [From the Forest Register]. In this connection we will state that the white men who ally themselves with ne groes in this conflict need not expect any better fate than they; fact is, they will be the first to suffer, if the Caucasian can find them at all when trouble comes. In July, 1875, tho Raymond Gaz ette, whoso editor is now a member of tho Legislature, and which is pub lished only eight miles from Clinton, where the bloody riot of last Sept, occurred, made this start loi<g demand : ‘•There are those who thins that the leaders of the radical party have carried this system of fraud and falsehood for enough in Hinds coun y, and that the time has come whed it should he stopped peaceably if possible, forcibly if necessary. And to this end it is proposed that when ever a radical pow wow is to bo held, the nearest anti radical club appoint a com mittee of ten discreet, intelligent and reputable citizens, fully identified with the interests of the neighborhood and well known as men of veracity, to attend as representatives of tho tax payers of the neighborhood and the county, and true friends of the negroes assembled, aud thut whenever the radical speakers pro ceed to mislead the negroes and open with falsehoods and deceptions aud mis representations, the committee stop them right then and there, aud compel them to tell truth or quit the stand. Tho Clinton riot was the direct outgrowth of this demand. What follows? Tho same paper, of dale July 26, 1876, shows that this vicious policy has been renewed in Hinds county, as follows: DEMOCRATIC CKNSOKS. The county executive committee of the democrats and conservatives of Hinds county held a meeting at Raymond the other day, at which, on motion, it was ordered that each club in the county ap point a special committee whose business it shall be to attend any and every radical meeting held in its vicinity, and that each of said committee shall report to its own club and to this executive committee the action, attendance, and general tone and temper of said meeting. A BYSTKM OF COERCION. A very general system of coercion was adopted throughout the South by demo cratic clubs and associations agreeing not to employ negroes who voted the republi can ticket, not to lease them lands, nor to furnish them with or allow them to obtaiu for themselves any means of sub sistence. The proofs of this are overwhelm ing. 1 read from the Chicksaw Messenger a communication from Buena Vista, Mississippi. Buena Vista, Mississippi, Jan. 1, 187 f. Ed. Messenger: The following Hat [CONCLUDED ON FOURTH PAGE.]