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Des Arc weekly citizen. [volume] (Des Arc, Ark.) 1867-187?, August 10, 1867, Image 1

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POE & MATHEWS, Proprietors. [established sm-t&hulk, ismj ®z ou ri.it. annum—in Aavance.
§)es (Hitmen J
Our Job Printing Department.
We have supplied ourselves with a good
assortment of Printing Material and are
ready to execute all kiuds of Xob Printing, j
on reasonable terms.
We are prepared to print Pamphlets, Cata- j
logues, Posters, targe or small, Cards, Ball !
Tickets, Bill Reads, Blanks of every descrip
tion, for Clerks. Sheriffs, Justices of the
Peace, Constables. Ac.
One square (10 linen of this Kite type) fur
one Insertion, $1: each additional insertion,
7ft cents.
j 1 m. ( 2 m | 8 m. | 6 m. |1 year.
1 Square, i'a 00 $6 00 $9 00 .12 00 $20 00
2 Square,. 6 00 9 00 11 00 14 00 2600
3 Square,. 9 00 11 00 1* 00 17 00 30 00
! Column. 11 00 13 0# 16 00, 20 00 <0 00
Column, 16 00 19 00 22 00 86 00 60 00
Column, 20 00 24 00 28 00 46 00 76 00
Column. 26 00 28 00 33 00 65 00 90 00
Advertiser, by the year will be restricted
to their legitimate business.
Personal communications charged double.
Legal advertisements will be charge^, for
one square or less, first insertion $1. and 75
cents per square for each additional insertion.
Advertisements not ordered for a specified
time, will be inserted till forbidden, and
charged for accordingly.
All advertising due after second insertion.
Jacksonport, Ark. Au</tula, Ark.
Andonon ft Thompson,
Jacksonport and Augusta, Ark.
Will attend tbe Courts of Jackson, \Vood
ruff, and adjoining Counties, and to special
cases in any section of tbe Stale. Address
"either office. mayl8-ly
Pickett a- hamsauk,
Will practice in the counties of Woodruff.
Jackson, White and Craighead. Special at
tention given to collections of all claim# en
trusted to theft care aprG-ly
J. C. JONSON. Office—West Point. Arkansas.
JNO. M. MOORE, Office—Searcy, Arkansas.
Attorneys at haw,
Weserhl Land and Collecting Agents,
Witt give prompt attention to any "business
in the counties of Independence, Jackson,
Wootftnff, Nonroe, Prairie, White, Conway
and Van Bnren.- maril
~ J. R. 1». aldriihje,
Cotton Plant, Arkansas.
Will practice in the Circuit Courts of
Woodruff county, ami the Circuit Court# of
the seventh Judicial District, and give prompt
attention to all business entrusted to his

t*eo. W . jy±aDerry>
AiEWERlE lt\l> A (RENT,
Wtl.I, attend the Circuit and Probate
Conns fur the counties of Monrno. St.
Francis and WoodTttlf. mailM
Dcs Arc. Ark. J \ Brownsville, Ark.
A«t©aanrs® At saw
Dcs Arc nml Brownsville,
iPRmn corsTV, Arkansas.
decl-tf ___
GANTT & BROXAUQH, Brownsville, Ark.
II. P. VAUGHAN, Des Arc, Arkansas.
\ Gantt* Brwtaugh A Vaughan,
Will practice in the counties of Prairie,
White, Woodruff. Monroe, Arkansas and Pu
laski. Prompt aitlention tfiven to the collec
tion of claims Tuxes will be paid and lilies
investi(fated for non-residents. aprl4-8m
WILL practice in all of the courts of
Prairie county, and the circuit courts
of the surroundiug counties. n»ar24-t>m
Atmivn At raw,
tlJILL practice in the ©©untie# of Pulaski,
W Prairie, Monroe, Woodruff, Jackson and
White Prompt attention given to the collec
tion of claims. aprl4-ly
VTM. k. coohy. i>- w iai.
000DY & McRAE,
Aimvitl AT RAW
Will practice in all the courts of Arkansas.
Attorneys at Law,
WILL praotiecin all the Courts, prosecute
Claim. ofyPI kinds, collect debts, sud
act as Real Etluj/Tand Gtneral Agtmit.
OrrtcK—Markham Street, near State House.
april28-tf _
W. HICKS, Formerly of the firm of Cypert A
II, R. FIELDING, Formerly of Athens, Ala.
Naarcjr, Whit* Co.. Arkansas.
WILL practice in this and the adjacent
counties, in the District Court#, aud Su
preme Court of the Slate.
-We have in connection with our Law
AGENCY. Claims entrusted to us will ho
promptly attended to, and if Rot immediately
collected will be at once secured if possible.
Claim against the Government for property
taken by the U. 8 force# (whether rswptcd
for or not)—Bountis# Pensions, Arrears of
r\Y &c. promptly attended to.
Drs. Barney, Tre*ev»nt A Allen,
HAVINO associated themselves in the
will coutinue to Wait npon the eitiiene of
As heretofore, a portion of their time, will
■he devoted to treatment of Obkokio Diseases
of every description. .
ggrOfflce—One door eaet of J. M. Purtio>’«
Drug Store. jolH
R. J. A. ROtSE'LAlJXB office, la
now at Johnson ft Davis’ Drug Store;
can be be consulted at hla room at the Harvey
House. He will give hie undivided attention
to Chronic Dlseaici of every deecrip
tion. . «
The best of references can be furnished, by
applying to pg_ J. A> ROP8ELAUX,
junl-tf Deo Arc, Arkansas.
attorney at law,
'torill give special attention to collection of
claims of every character. jun29-ly
attorney and counsellor
A.t Law,
gi^-Parteular attention given to the
collection of all kinchi of claims against
the Government.
Offick—On Buena Vista street next
door to J. M. Burney's drug store,
may25- • i
*««•»«»* A* SAW,
Will practice in the State and Federal
Courts of Arkansas. may 11*
J M c-o «• i AiiE-nou.i, v.
Auyutla, Ark. Jackronporl, Ark.
SIDNEY 9. «AC9*.
Patterson, danse k Bro.
Jarksoeport ud Aifeste, Arkansas.
Wiu. practice in the Counties of Woodruff,
Jackson, Independence, Whit*, Lawrence,
j Randolph, Green. Craighead and Cross, and
"ttcud to special cases in any pert of the
! Stale. Address cither office. myl8-ly
[ !. N. HKDUriTII. S. ». JACKSON.
Dcs A.re, Arlmnsns.
Win, enter Lands under the proviaiotfs of
the Act of Congress, May 21, 1862, entitled
j “An act to secure Homesteads to actual act
; tiers on the public domain.” ap27
Watchmaker and Jeweler,
kinds of work in my Hue. Mend
ing, Cleaning. &c.
-Thankful for past favors. I solicit a
continuance of the patronage heretofore be
stowed on me. feb28-tf
Nurs ery.
FOR SALE IN 1867-8,
HA VINO been engaged in Ibis busfhesr for
the last seventeen years, in Mississippi
and Arkansas: and having studied it closely.
<re claim to have acquired a knowledge of the
Fscits adapted »« eur climate. We refer the
public to specimens in our Orchards, and Or
chards sold by us, in this and adjoining
counties. Address
John D. Morrow it Bon,
jun J'd-iim Des Arc, Arkansss.
I4&VIN 84t»ft»
Aid General Repairer.
Will repair Old Itarnsas, or make new once,
i Also, repair Saddles. Shop—opposite “citi
zen orrics."
| Dee Arc, Ark., May 2S, 1867—tf
& 1, fCWMSWlt,
HAS on hand, a nice stock of Watch- JO
es. Clocks, Jewalry and Fancy
Articles. Also, will repair Watcher, dfcoh
Clocks, Jewelry, Musical Instruments, etc.
In connection with the above, I have a
Where any kind of a Picture can he taken.
upr-20-am J. B. FISCUKSSER
JUNE lat, IhflV.
Dry Goods in Abundanoe at Beduoed
Prioes (I
Ms mean fxactly (bln.
itAZl.v ft Afr-rin T^nv
Oft I've heard a gentle mother,
As the twilight hours began,
Pleading With a son on duty,
Urging him to be a man.
But unto her blue-eyed daughter,
Tho’ with love’s words quite as ready,
Points she out the other duty—
"Strive my dehr to he a lady.”
What’s a lady ! Is it eomething
Made of hoops, and silks, and nirs ;
Used to deeornte the psrlor,
Like the fnney rings nnd ehairs ?
It it one thet westee on novtla
Every feeling that ie human ?
If ’tie this to be e ledy,
’Tie not thus to be a woman.
Mother, then unto your daughter
Speak of something higher far.
Than to be mere feehion’e ledy—
"Woman” is the brightest eter.
If ye, in your strong affection.
Urge your SOU to he a true man,
Urge your daughter no leee strongly.
To arise and be a woman.
Tea, a woman ! brightest model
Of that high and perfect beauty,
Where the mind and soul and body,
Blend to work out life’s great duty,
Bo a woman ; naught is higher
On the gilded list of fams;
On the oatalogue of virtue
There’s no brighter, holier name.
Bo a woman ! on to duty;
Raise the world from all that’s loir,
Flace him high to the social heaven
Virtue’s fair hud radiant brow.
Lend thy influence to each effort;
That shall raise our nature human ;
Be not fashion's gilded lady—
Be a brave, whole-souled, true woman.

The late civil war did not end by any
formal treaty Of peace. The United
States, though recognizing, by all the
departments of their Federal Govern
ment, the Confederate States as a bel- j
ligerent party, would not recognize the |
right of making a treaty by their cne-1
my lest a sort of separation or iude- j
pendence should be implied.
Wo must, therefore, loolc to the
grounds of difference which brought
on the conflict; to the declaration by
the United States of the purposes
of the war as made at the
beginning and during the progress of
the war, and to the conditions or stip
ulations of surrender, for the terms of
peace, aud the consequent rights of the
victor and the obligations of the van
quished. For we must admit that the
doctrines of the issue, as insisted upon
by the United States, and tire purposes
and demands of the United States in
making and carrying on tbe war, and
the terms of surrender, were agreed to
by us in the act of surrender, and,
therefore, make the law of the peace
for both parties—being thus demanded
by one party and conceded by the
Tile Southern States insisted-:
1. That the Federal Constitution was
a compact, to which the States were
parties as separate and independent
States, and, therefore, were parties
with the right, by virtue of their sepa
rate sovereignty, of withdrawal from
the compact when, in the judgment of
the State withdrawing, her interest or
safety required withdrawal.
2. That the administration of the
common government by a sectional
party—sectional wcoause organized on
principles of avowed hostility to a
right of property held by the citizens
of the Southern States, and recognized
in the Constitution—would endanger
the interest and safety of auch States ;
and, therefore, justified the exercise of
the right claimed to withdraw.
Many iu the South believed this
right to withdraw would be conceded
by the party then coming into power
in the United States, and that, there
fore, the secession would be peaceable.
They were encouraged to believe this,
because this doctrhie, though now and
for years advocated at the South, did
really originate in New England and
first came as a threat from that quarter
of the Uniou ; because, also, many of
the prominent organs and leaders of
the new party did concede the right,
and some declared if the Southern
States chose to exercise it, they should
do so in peace.
But this impression proved to be a
very fatal mistake; and it is very cer
tain that the United States, and every
department of their government, in the
beginning and throughout the dura
tion of the struggle, and until after the
final surrender, did deny, in every offi
cial form, both the right of withdrawal
the validity of the attempt to with
draw, as well as the sufficiency of the
case made to justify the attempt.
Thus the right of a State to with
draw from the Uuion became the great
leading question of difference between
the parties to the conflict, as rtlade by
ill the official records, and was the
main question to be decided by the
conflict. The Sauth insisted the Union
was dissolved; the North denied it;
they joined in battle to decide the
question. Now let us see the official
proof that this was the original issue.
In Mr Lincoln i first Inaiigtifcd Ad
ijrces Vc find the following language;
Tt follows from these views that no State,
upon its 6wn mWe motion, can lawfully get
out of the Union; that resolves and ordinances
to that effect are legally void, * * *
I therefore consider that, in view of the Con
stitution and the laws, the Union is unbroken,
and, to the Mttcrt of my ability, I shall take
rare, as the Constitution itself expressly en
joins upon me, that the laws 6f tho -Union
shall be faithfully executed in all the States.
Here, two things are plainly assorted
by the Executive power of the United
States: 1. That the Union is not afid
cannot be broken by the separate
States; and 2. That this doctrine shall
be maintained.
Iu July, 1861, the Congress of the
United States, with almost entire una
nimity, resolved,
That this war is not waged, on our part, in
any spirit of oppression, nor for any purpose
of conquest or subjugation, nor purpose of
overthrowing or interfering with the rights or
rstablished institutions of the Slates; but to
defend and maintain the supremacy of the
Constitution, and to preserve Ihe Union with
all the dignity, equality and rights of the
several States unimpaired; and, as soon as
these objects arc accomplished, lbs war
ought to cease.
Now, let us analyze this resolution
and we find that it assert* three very
distinct propositions:
1. It declares what is sot the purpose
of the war: It is not “in a spirit of op
pression,” nor for any purpose of con
quest or subjugation.
2. It declares what rs the purpose of
the war: "To DEFENt) and maintain
the Constitution, and to preserve the
Union, with all the dignity, equality
and rights of the several States unim
3. It declares when the war shall
cease: “As soon ns these objects are
accomplished the war ought to cense
that is, as soon as the Constitution is
maintained and the Union preserved
with the dignity, equality and rights
of the States unimpaired, the war
ought to cease.
Ten days afterward the Congress
again declared, on motion of a New
England Radical, their “fixed dertcrm
ination to maintain the supremacy of
the Government, and the integrity of
the Union of all these United States.”
And, with the single exception of Mr.
Breckinridge, this resolution Was unan
imous in the Senate.
Quotations of like character could bo
multiplied until there should be no end
of the books that should bo Written,
but these which I have made arc so
clear, so explicit, so otttciai, and make
the slugicjjijrpose of the war on the
pari of the United Stales so distinct,
that 1 could uot make it more explicit
by a thousand additional proofs. That
single purpose, at that time, was to de
feat the validity of secession and pre
serve the Union of all the States.
Now, I have conceded, aud here re- i
peat, that either party, during the i
struggle, tuay increase his demand*,!
or enlarge bis purposes in waging the j
war; and these additional demands or
purposes being proclaimed aud made
known to the other party before the j
surrender, while “his men and arms j
remain,” may be claimed as among the!
results decided by the war, and as:
making pari of the terms of peace.!
Such demands, it is true, must he rea
sonable, nnd such purposes must he
within the laws of war. tfV*r instances
cither party, within the time proscrib
ed, tnay demand the removal of the
cause of the war so that it may not!
produce a renewal of the conflict: or, |
in case of an unjust war or of UUUcecr-1
sary or unreasonable prolongation Of
the struggle, may demand the expen
ses of the war; or, in case of rebellion,
may insist on excepting from the am
nesty the authors of the disturbance to
be brought to legal trial; or, if a cruel
and barbarous nation WcBo to give disj
unct notice to rebels that they must
expect no quarters; tlmt they mast
consider in case of surrender, that their
'liVres W property or both are forfeited,
the world might be shocked and hu
manity be made ashatttedf but the
rebels ought not to coinplain, for in
that case they are notified they must
submit to the declared will of the con
queror, and ought to tight to extermi
nation. BUI as such demands are usu
ally cruel, they ought to be made
known before the surrender, with un
UsUal distinctness, lest the weaker par
ty relying ou the law of nature and hu
manity, to save something by not
fighting to extermination, should be
entrapped into a surrender which ac
complishes what they intended by
surrendering to escape.
I repeat, the only demand made by
the United States in the beginning
was, that the people of the Confederate
Stated should “lay down their arms,
retire to their homes aud obey the
laws,’ because thereby the United
States sought to accomplish the only
purpose of the war, to-w it: the defeat
of secession and the preservation of
the Union.
The question is, did the United
States, during the war and before the
surrender, make other demauds or
atow additional purposes and make
them knonu to the Confederates?
I have been unable to flud any other
and believe no other man is able to
tlud auy other, legitimate or official
demands or declared purposes'.
1 find many individual thralls, and
I find atvo acts of confiscation) suspen
sion Of habeas corpus and such like
acts, but thert they are declared to be,
what indeed their very natures make
them, war memures—to end with tho
war, and to make no part of the terms
or law of peace. They were adopted
*« mean? to »rcnmpli<dt the one irrcst
and original ptirposc, to force us to lay
down our arms, and thus preserve the
Union, iff. LmeolO did promise a
liberal exercise of tbe pardonftig'poW
er, from which it may be claimed to
imply that he would except some from
the amnesty, but he could only except
them for a legal trial, and I suppose
even Mr. Lincoln did not doubt the ’
result of a fair legal trial, unless ofi
some one who made war on the United
States before the secession of his State.
For though the result of the war did
decide that secession was void, yet, as
intent is the issue of crime, it did not
and could not decide, that one who
honestly believed that secession was
legal, was bound to know it was void
before the decision made it so. And,
though the result establishes that se
cession is and was and must remain
void ; yet, “he who honestly believed,
at the time, that secession was either
a constitutional or revolutionary right,
or that his allegiance Was due to his
State when secession Was asserted, or
who believed the" coefci'O'n 'Of a S#ito
was a crime, could not become a crim
inal by acting on his honest belief. But
if a man, before the secession of his
State, made wat on the United States
by seizing her foils or otherwiseor,
if while holding an office under an oath
to support the Constitution of the Uni
ted States, he used the functions of
that very office, by Overt acts, to de
stroy the Union, such a man was a
traitor and might, with some show of
reason, have been excepted from the
amnesty and reSelrVed for trial. 1
think, however, true wisdom and a
peaceful future, required entire amnes
ty for all the past, and careful absti
nence from all oppressive acts in all
the future.
During the war, Mr. Lincoln, as
president oi tne uuwcu states, issued
his proclamation, emancipating slaves
in certain States and parts of States.
But this, itself, was declared to be a
war measure only. Afterward the
Congress hod proposed to the States
an amendment to the Constitution
abolishing slavery everywhere. But
the States had not ratified it. It was,
therefore, only a proposition undeter
mined at the time of surrender. After
the surrendeipthe slave States accepted
and ratified this proposed amendment,
and thus, by the act of the slave States
after the surrender this amendment
became a portion of the Constitution.
Therefore, the abolition of slavery
may, 1U fart, though not in legal strict
ness, he counted as one of Vhc things
decided by the war, and as being part
of the law of peace. It is a noticeable
fact, also, that although Mr. Lincoln
included the acceptance of emancipa
tion as part of the terms at the confer
ence in Hampton Hoads, yet neither
ho nor Gen. Grant, nor any other
power, alluded to this as part of the
terms during the negotiations for, nor
at the time of the acceptance of, the
surrender, tlie only conditions of the
surrender, were to submit to tlie laws,
and not take up arms again against tlie
United States.
What, then, did the wav decide, and
what, by that decision, is the law of
peace? Here it is, and here is all. :
Secession is void; the Constitution
is maintained ; the Union is preserved,
with All the dignity, equality and
rights of the several States unimpair
ed, with the single exception of the
uholition of slavery through the con
tent of the original sieve States.
AUd when our people, After the sur
render, took an oath to support tlie
Constitution of the United States and
the union of the States thereunder,
they swore to support the above decis
ion, and nothing more.
The nivwtiuar tho venHnnn in
these State*, to 'Conform their consti
tutions and laws to the change brought
by the abolition of slavery, was prop
er, and a result of the agreement to
emancipate. The appointment of pro
visional civil officers by the President
to enable these conventions to be call
ed and to act, was proper machinery
to accomplish the end. Further than
this no reconstruction was'ever needed
or was legal or proper. But for the
abolition of slavery the States would
have beeu restored to their old Con
stitutions and government, as they ex
isted at the time of secession^
Every proposition in these military
bills has been originated since the
War, uot one of them was demanded
during the war, or was made a condi
tion of the surrender. There is not a
respectable publicist or law-writer, an
eieut or modern, heathen or Christian,
which can be quoted to sustain them.
By every such author the attempt to
prescribe new terms after the surren
der is infamous—is a breach of the
peace ; is a now declaration of w ar, and
is a most perfidious abandonment of
the most sacred of ualioual obligations
in the face of mankind.
Kay, more; these military bills are
disunion bills. Those who propose
them are disuniouists; those who ad
vocate them are disuniouists; those
who consent to or accept them are dis
uuionists. And they arc disuuionists,
too, not like the secessionists, ou a
principle—asserting a simply doUbtftil
right; but they are disuniouists in the
teeth of the very decision of the wat
itself; and disunibuists who do not
seek to accomplish their ends in an
opcii, manly way, but who destroy the
Union tinder pretence of preserving it;
who (raniplc on the Constitution un
do oath to support it ; who continue
the war after resistance Ws e'eafted;
who fiffht an unnrincd people, and uot
their own impoverished vietims.
* Not* —Ttas reader will observe that I do
not claim the doctrines and purposes of the
Confederate States kk constituting any of the
terms of the peace. TheM here all defeated
in the fight, and were abandoned by the sur
render. The official declarations and purpo
ses of the united States, as avowed before the
surrender, were the tertns to which the Con
federate States agreed to submit by tho sur
render, and with which the United States are
bound to be satisfied; and, thus, they form
the law of peace. Yet a Georgian, one boast
ing of the honors conferred on him by the
people, in a late speech at Milledgeville, tells
us we are out of the Vnion according to eur
own position ! “When we surrendered, after
a gallant fight, we here, upon our own decla
ration, a conquered foreign Slate—subject to
(he will of the conqueror!” as though that
very surrender did not defeat our declaration,
and made good the declaration of the con
queror that our secession was void, and that
we were not and ehould not be out of the
Vnion as a foreign State. One of our own
teachers, who tells us his children are to live
among us, making, in the same breath, our
will and the will of the enemy alike our law,
if, by such contradictory positions, he can
harm us in both caece.' Such perfidy is sur
passed only by the slander that Mr. Davis
“made strong efforts to get a perpetual sus
pension of habeas corpus,” *trd by the bitter
ness which estates the ‘otrtfCTusion of the peti
tion foT habeas Corpus—Tho more formal
eOtrcHtsioUB of all snen papers—as evidence
of humiliation or inconsistency on the part
of Mr. DaVis ! And vet he exclaims, as if his
motive was BhBpCCttfd -Mid needed Confirma
tion: “What interest, theh, cab 1 have in
milleading yout”
A great writer gives ns an account of n
very similar speech which was made long ago
by one who bad bee® “often honored ;” and
after quoting thb Tfptech. adds this comment;
“So spake the fMie dissembler unperceived;
For neither Man nor Angel can descern
Hypocrisy, thennly evil that walks
Invisible, except to God alone.”
But that speaker himself afterward, fix a
soliloquy, gave the explanation of all his at
tempts at deception. He said:
“But what Will hot ambition and revenge
Descend to? Who aspires must down as low
As high he soar’d ; obnoxious, first or last,
To basest things.”
How To Break CoItB.
No horse is naturally vicious, nor
tvas there ever a horse that was not.
made so by mismanagement. The more
noble and high-spirited the horse is,
the more cautious he is of danger.
Now, if wo attempt to subdue him
without first getting his confidence, and
eradicating that fear, the process will
be slow indeed. He is constantly ex
erted, and leaps and plunges, and per
haps throws himself, iu his madness. !
The common Way of breaking colts
fully illustrates this.
Suppose We take altogether a differ
ent course, and entice him into the
yard, and then alone quietly commence
his education ; and when he finds hiin
sotfAlOho with his enemy, he will watch
very narrowly all our moVeUVents;
slowly and cautiously wo Approach
him; soon wo see by his restless eve !
that lie is afraid ; we stop awhile, then :
again proceed, being careful to go slow, j
that his eye will show no fear; when |
within his roach Wc carefully put out 1
our hand towards him, he reaches out [
his head and smells, we then commence j
to pat aud smooth him on the nose and 1
neck, which he is as fond of as a cat;!
step away from him, and to our won- j
der he follows us; wc gently caress j
him again, and we soon find he will j
follow us anywhere.
Then we put on a halter, aud wc find
that he is already halter-broken ; you
may handle him as familiarly as you
choose, and he will not kick nor bite;
and, if votl take the same careful, gen
tle course in his education, you will
never know him to resist any demand
Which ho understands. Having once
established our friendship lu his mind,
we should never frighten him by at
tempting to make him do anything he
does not Understand. Never attempt
to harness or mount a colt sudeuly the
first time, for it will surely frighten
him, and you will lose his confidence.
m»isco arc iiintiu vinous py phu usage ; j
and the man who can abuse a noble and !
confiding horse, and spoil his disposi- J
tion, should be the oniv one to suffer
from the teeth and hoofs of the same j
animal.—[Prairie Farmer.
Dangerous Paper.—There is a great1
difference in the combustibility of com
mon paper. Enamelled card paper, ou
account of its compact body and the
presence of mineral matter, white lead
or barytes, is <|tiite disinclined to burn ;
in fact, some kinds are practically fire
proof. Wlille writing and printing
paper can seldom lie lighted by a spark,
aud when ignited by a flame, it requires !
dexterity to keep it burning. On the |
other hand, there is a common reddish- ;
yellow paper. Which, 111 smite instances,
is as dangerous as gunpowder. It takes
fire by the smallest spark, and burns
like tinder; when once lighted, if left
alone, it is sure to be consumed com
pletely. All the yellow aud buff paper .
which I have tested, out of which ett- j
velopes are made, partakes mors ttr
less of the same character. I have no j
doubt that such paper has been the oc
casion of some of the fires in this city,
which have been otherwise UneX-1
plained, such as the fires in paper ware- j
bouses and offices of professional men.
A, Spark of fire, or the stump of a light- |
ed cigar fulling in a waste basket eon- j
taining yellow cnveibpfes, With other |
kind of paper, would have a good
chance of setting the whole on fire.—
[Professor Seeley.
-Professor Kerr is now assiduously
prosecuting his survey in Western North
Carolina. He has strong hopes of having
discovered a largo bed of maguetio iron
ore within a few miles of Ashville, and an
other on the French dread, near the
Typographical Errors.
In a recent lecfnre ffeliveVeA in!
Scranton, Mr. William L. Stone gave
the following amusing incidents of
what arc known as typographical er
rors :
In the early stages of the art of
printing, errors were far more numer- i
nnsVha'n In 'books Of Ui'odern execution, j
It was then very common for a volume
t>f ordinary size to contain page upon
page Of eVri'ta at tiro clorfc. One of
the most remarkable instances of this
kind was the curious treatise of Ed
ward Leigh on “Religion and Learn
ing,” published in 1650. At the close
of the work were three folio pages of
corrections in very minute type. It is
x singular fact that the edition of the
Latin Vulgate by Pope Sixtus V., al
though carefully superintended, sheet
by sheet. His Holiness, has ever re
mained without a rival in typographi
cal inaccuracy. Still more curious wag
the fact that the Pope, in the plenitude
of his pontificiai infallibility, prefixed
to the first VOluYhe it hull Of'excommu
nication against any and every printer
who, in reprinting the work, should
ever make an alteration in the text.
Among instances of typogrnpical er
rors, the lecturer gave the following:
A lad in it printing office, who knew
more aboUt type-setting than he did Of
the Greek mythology, in looking over
a poem they were printing, caih'c Upon
the name of Hecate, one of the lady
divinities of the lower world, occurring
in a line like this: “She shall reign the
Hecate of the deepest Hell.” The boy,
thinking he ha'd discovered an error,
ran to the master printer, anti inquired
eagerly whether there was an E in cat.
“Why, no, you bro'ckhead,” was the re
ply. Away went the boy to the press
room and extracted the objectionable
letter. But fancy the horror of both
poet and publisher when the poem ap
peared with the line—“She shall reign
the He Cat of the deepest Hell.” This,
nowever, was noi so oaa as ine manner
in which the printers treated Miss Lan
dor. In speaking of it she says, “And
when I had written it ‘full blown ro
ses' the nasty things made it ‘full blown
noses.”’ benjamin Franklin once put
ting to press a form of the Common
Prayer, the letter “c“ in the following
pos8uge dropped out unperceived by
him: “We shall all be changed in the
twinkling of au eye.” When the book
appeared, tt> the horror of the devout
worshippers, the passage read: “We
shall all be hanged in the twinkling of
an eye." Franklin has been suspected
of having done this intentionally, but j
it appears to me without good reason. I
But, after all, when it is considered of I
how many separate and miunt'e pieces
of metal a book form or the page of a
newspaper is composed, the Wonder is
that the errors of the Press are not far
more numerous than they are. A sin
gle page of one of our largest papers
cannot contain less than 315,000 separate
pieces of metal, each of which must be
nicely adjusted in its own proper place,
or error and confusion will ensue.
-1 m i
What Can't a Military Governor Do?
A military governor, under the re
construction act, can—
Suppress newspapers.
Silence lectures.
Remove Mayors of cities, Governors
of States, Boards of Commissioners, &c.
Can exclude white alderman and ap
point black in their place.
('an take possession of savings banks.
Can enact stay laws and postpone the
payment of debts.
Can prohibit the distillation of com
and the sale of liquor.
Can run down city stocks and repu
UUHv > i ui i um ) •
Can spend $50(1,000 for registering
black voters and ask for $fi00,000 more.
Can abolish local lakes and regulate
the circulation of papers.
Can settle the rates of wages and the
price of commodities.
Can disobey the President and insult
the Cabinet.
They can do all this, and far more.
What they can't do, no one has ven
tured to say.
Ycl an extra session of Congress Is
called to give more power to these
military chieftains; to maku them so
absolute that for even the President to
question the limits of their authority
will be a ground of impeachment.
This is what the dag-day Congress is
to do. Is it not madness?—[Albany
M^Tlie manner In which General
Sickles regulates street cars in Charles
ton, South Carolina, may be gathered
from the following:
Among the passenger* were a num
ber of ladies, but, bent upon enjoying
himself, the autocrat of South Carolina
lighted his cigar and commenced smok
ing it. The conductor, being probably
a Northern man, and therefore not
accustomed lo see liis rules infringed
upon, notified him that smoking was
not allowed in the cars. Upon this the
following conversation took place:
“What did you observe?” said the
‘•I merely desired to inform you,"
said the man, in the blandest (banner
possible, “that passengers are not al
lowed to smoke in the cars. It is con
trary to the rules.”
“Ah! indeed,” replied the satrap,
taking out his watch with the utmost
uonc balance. “Indeed! Then you
shall consider the rules suspended for
th** h»ilf hot»r
*af I * isn't pleasant to be in company
with fellows who are only what a sand
wich should be, half-bred.
I^One of our exchanges says a roan
“blew out his brains after bidding his
wife good-bvc with a shot-gun.”
•9* A Richmond court decide^ that
stealing a dog Is UOt theft. \Vottt
somebody steal Butler and BfcMeS?
1ST A virtuous or vicious act to-day,
by strengthening our good or bad hab
its, may determine our good or bad
fortune a year hence.
ii ...
19*Most persons choose their friends
as they do'Other useful animals, prefer
ring those front whom they expect the
most service.
M>“To vex another is to teach him
to vex us again; injuries awaken re
venge, and even an ant can sting, and
a fly trouble our patience.
J9"Grief knits two hearts in closer
bond" than happiness over can; ahd
common sufferings are far etr'O'uger
links than common joys.
85y*The man who is careful of his
own reputation, will be careful of his
neighbor^. The man who thoughtless
ly speaks ill of auother is reckless of
his own good name.
i9*Thcrc arc thirty pounds of blood
in the human frame, and two hundred
and forty-eight bones. Women have
the same number, not including whale
19-The printer who was fined $200
in Iowa for hugging a girl in church,
married her and was therefore released
from the penalty. That is what you
call jumping out of the fryitag pan into
the fire.
J9*“Illustrated faith cuts!” said a
mischievous yottttg Urchin, as he drefa
■hia knife a’cV'U'ss the leaves of hiB gram
mar. '‘illustrated with cuts 1' repeated
the schoolmaster, as he drew his rattan
across the back of the mischievous
l9*Lord Cockburn was sitting ort
the hill-side at Bonaly, witli a Shepherd,
and, observing the sheep reposing in
the coldest situation, remarked to him :
“Aohft, if I were a sheep, I would lie on
the other side of the hill.” The shep
herd answered, “Ah. my Lord, if ye
had bech .1 sheep, ye'i\ hac had mair
printer not long since, having
been “11111)9” by bis sweetheart, went
to the office to commit suicide with tho
“shooting stick.” The thing wouldn’t
go off. The “devil,” wishing to pacify
him, told him t'O go into the sanctum
where th'c editor was writing duns to
delinquent subscribers. IJe says the
pictttfo of despair reconciled him to his
le&r-A gentleman and his wife, Who
arc some on pun-ish-ing words, were
out in the garden the other evening
viewing the fruit trees and growing
vegetables, when the wife exclaimed,
“how thick these peas are.” The hus
band replied, while examining a fruit
tree, “yes, Wo Will be able to have a
FRikm-a ok LfcAttitR.—Leather be
ing m'ote Or less a porous substance,
consequently absorbs the ink and ne
cessitates a coating which hardens the
surface, without changing the color or
altering the quality of the leather. To
secure this, a slight brushing in of
gum-arabic or white of egg, which is
to be left undisturbed for some hours,
to enable the coatiug to dry thorough
ly, is recommended. Oil the surface
so prepared printing iuk will stand as
well as on paper.
twir S liiiiyt tafiii in tin' wo fit of Af .t
rylatid rushed to the Potomac river,
last summer, swearing that he would
drown himself. When he hud waded
in to the depth of his waist, his wife,
who (tad followed him, seized him by
the hair, and then, as a spectator de
soribes it, she led him back until she
had reached a place where the water
was about two feet d^cp, where she
pulled him over backwards, sousing
his head under, and then pulling his
head up again: “Drown yourself,
(down he went,) leaving me to keep
the children! (another plunge.) Get
drunk! (another souse) and start for
the river! (another clip.) Better use
water instead of rum! (another dip and
shake of his head.) i'll learn you to
leave mo a widow!” After sousing
him to her heart’s content, she ted him
out, a wetter if not a wiser man, and
escorting him io the house, shut the
Writing Machine.—We learn from
the Greenville (Ala.) News that Mr.
Pratt, of that place, has obtained a pat
ent for an Improved Pterotype, or Ma
chine for WriUag With Type. The
News says, ‘vTAo intention of Mr.
Pratt, which it has been our good for
tune to see iu operation, is oue of the
most wonderful and satisfactory of the
age, and destined to effect a per fret
revolution ifl the whole art of writing.
So litany efforts had been made to effect
machinery of this character, that wo
| confess We were a loug time incredu
lous as to Mr. Pratt’s success. But. #u
exhibition of his machine, a"«n*t o0r
strongest prepossession^, convinced tie
that he had reached the acme of inven
tion. It is as simple aa Newton’s law
of gravitation, but wonderfully origiual
and perfect.”
-Yellow fever prevails in several of
v, * t i,laud" a:: an epidemic

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