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Connecticut western news. [volume] (Salisbury, Litchfield Co., Conn.) 1871-1970, September 09, 1920, Image 6

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"7
CONNECTICUT WESTERN NEWS, SEPTEMBER 9, 1920.
-7.1
XT'
I
HARDING GLAD
AMERICANS ARE
! A FREE PEOPLE
j to Speech to Indiana Delegation
I Republican Nominee Declares
I for Security at Home.
EUROPE HAS EVEN NOW
QUIT WILSON'S LEAGUE
1 flfst Democratic Party Leaders Would
j , Nave Us Bound by Original Pact
; With, No American Safeguards.
-STEADY AMERICA!"
"Mindful of our splendid ex
ample and .renewing every obli
gation of association in war, I
want 'America to be the rock of
security at home, resolute In
righteousness and unalterable in
security and supremacy of the
law.
"Let as be dona with wiggling
and wobbling.
"Steady America I Let us as
sure food fortune to all.'1;
Senator Warren O- Harding In
' address before the Indiana
delegation at Marlon. "
; ft
Harlon. O. .(Special.) Senator War-
G. Harding, Republican nominee
President, In a speech delivered to
allegation from Indiana' which called
I ess aim here to pledge the support of
i Xtodlana (Republicans, declared, that
I I twice President Wilson had an oppor
tatlty to obtain ratification of the
jZcague of Nations covenant and that
I Hlk WY ' two ft Ato ftnn aMa Vn-r iica V
wexTd not accept reservations designed
sstely to ' safeguard American lights.
Ben at or Harding said :
"J greet you In a spirit of rejoicing;
asrt a rejoicing in the narrow personal
or partisan sense, not in the gratifying
jpcospects of party triumph; not In the
r ewatemplatlon of abundance in the
!,3torvest fields and ripening corn fields
. arad maturing orchards ; not In the re-
assuring approach of stability after a
jswriod of wiggling and wobbling which
! Magnified our uncertainty though all
erf these are ample for our wide re
i Jpfetog but I rejoice that America Is
atSI free and independent and In a po
(aSSirx of self-reliance and holds to the
jjaftfct of self-determination, which are
! sriceless possessions In the present
Stetmlence of the world.
"Let us suppose the senate had rat
fifecfc the peace treaty containing the
ItotETiP covenant as submitted to It hw
J Wb president in July of test yssr.
'arib&it would be the situation cs&freat
&gr. our common country totay? Tt
aHSmind there Is but one answer. Be
pav this- day we would have Bses
ctiELedi: upon to fulfil the obligations
rsrlTchrwe had assumed under Article
SKI of the league covenant, to preserve
3a territorial integrity of Poland 'as
acalnst external aggression.'
Sympathy for Poland.
"J-Jshall not 'now attempt to meas
the boundless sympathy for the
sst aspirations and restored Independ
ence of Poland. Our present concern
Sfc the International situation which'
JSafand.has brought to our attention.
, "The council of the League of Na
tions would have reasoned, and rea
jssxtedi correctly, that the United States
coral & furnish the munitions and, If
accessary, the men to withstand the
JMrdes advancing from Russia far
3sre easily than could the exhausted
laartlons of Europe. Moreover, inas
much as this would be the first test
f the scheme of world government
w&leh was formulated and demanded
ligr the President, speaking for the
TETaited States, the fact of a special
responsibility, resting upon our should
ms, manifestly would have been un-
amiable. Undoubtedly the league
esrataclt, in 'advising upon the means'
:ltf which the obligations to PoIaDd
ja&ould be fulfilled, as provided in the
awvenant, would have so held, and
jgjrobably the conscience of America,
WEtainly the opinion of the world,
wevrtd have sustained that judgment
The conclusion that our country
anight now be confronted by such a
situation, If the senate had ratified
t&e league covenant, requires no
stretch of the. imagination. None can
eoy that it Is possible. To many
eamdld minds, as to my own, such a
distressing situation will seem high
ly probable. Let us assume that the
notification had taken place. Let us
assume, further, that the performance
the alloted task required the wag
Bag of war upon the Russian people,
-as of course, it would, what would
;jslt; . what would of necessity have
result? Nothing, necessarily, ( we
sc glibly informed, since only the
Gfe-ngress can declare war, and the
:gress might reject the appeal of
t&e executive. But would the Congress
fithat? Gould the Congress do that
without staining Indelibly the honor
asVthfe nation?
Answer Is "No."
I "I' answer 'No,' and I say It not on
m own authority alone. Back of my
Judgment stands the President of the
limited States. Upon that point there
5 first-hand information. In the course
kst-the discussion which took place at
Ore- meeting of the President and the
Senate Committee on Foreign Rela
tions I raised the question by statiag
v hypothetical case precisely analogous
Jttbat which I have depicted, and then
fAmiired whether we mlsrht not rteht-
AsaBteg be regarded as a per fid loss iw-
nle If we should fall to contribute ao
ormed force, If called upon to do so.
The President first replied, as I
thought somewhat evasively, that we
'would be our own Judges as to wheth
ei we were obliged in those circum
stances to act In that way or not.
Pressed farther, .however, in response
to a query incorporating the assump
tion that 'the case provided for and
prescribed bad arisen' and that thw
extraneous attack did exist precisely
as It does exist today in Poland th
President admitted specflcally that 'we
would be untrue If we did not keep our
word.'
"Replying further to a question
which perhaps I ought not to have
considered necessary, the President
pronounced a moral obligation of
course, superior to a legal obligation'
and of 'a greater binding force.'
"What, then, becomes of the argu
ment that Congress, not the President,
In this instance at any rate, might
keep us out of war?' Technically, of
course. It could do so. Morally, with
equal certainty, It could not do so nor
would It ever do so. The American
people would never permit a repudia
tion of a debt of honor.
"Am I not right, my countrymen.
In saying that we needed only the
outbreak of war between Poland and
Russia to make us realize at least
one of the things which, in the words
of Secretary Lansing, we would have
been 'let in for,' but, for the restrain
ing hand of the, senate, and. to, fetch
home. to -us 'the danger, of commit
ting our country, in advance to causes
that we knowno of?
Not . Our Purpose,
One can have no quarrel with those
who. have co-lvlnced themselves that
our underlying purpose In entering the
great conflict; was to create a league
of nations. The fact remains, how
ever,' that no such intent was officially
acclaimed, ho allusion, nor even a sug
gestion to that effect appeared In the
jolntiresolutlon of Congress which de
clared the existence of a stateof war
between this country and Germany.
For myself, I left no room for doubt
of the motives which led me to cast
my vote In favor of that resolution.
It so happened that 1 made the con
cluding speech upon the war resolu
tion, from my place In the senate, on
the night of April 4, 1917. These were
my own words at that time:
M'I want It known to the people ot
my state and to the nation that I am
voting for war tonigbt for the main
tenance of Just American rights, which
Is the first essential to the preserva
tion of the soul of this republic
"'I vote for this Joint resolution to
make war, not a war thrust upon us,
if I could choose the language of the
resolution, . but a war declared In re
sponse to affronts; a war that will
at least put a soul Into our American
life; a war not for the cause of the
allies of Europe ; a war not for France,
beautiful as the sentiment may be In
reviving at least our gratitude to the
French people ; not precisely a war for
civilization, worthy and Inspiring as
that would be; but a war that speaks
for the ssajecty of a pw property
governs, rr. Izjl'J rrrit to
the crucial test trfe? r re
solved to get together and wage a con
flict for the maintenance if their
rights and the preservation of the
covenant Inherited from their fathers
"We have given to the world the
spectacle of a great nation that could
make war without selfish Intent We
unsheathed the sword some eighteen
years ago for the first time In the his
tory of the world, In the name of hu
manity, and we gave proof to the
world at that time of an unselfish na
tion. Now, whether It Is the fate, or
fortune, or travail of destiny, It has
come to us to unsheathe the sword
again, not alone for humanity's sake
through that splendid inspiration will
be Involved but to unsheathe the
sword against a great power 'n the
maintenance of the rights of the re
public. In the maintenance which will
give to us a new guaranty of nation
ality. That's the great thing, and I
want it known, Mr. President and sen
ators, that this Is the Impelling thought
with me for one, when I oast my vote."
For Same Guaranty Today.
"It Is for that same 'guaranty oi na
tionality' that I stand today, and shall
continue to stand Inflexibly, so long
as I shall be permitted to live. The
Independence of on great republic Is
to me a priceless and sacred Inheri
tance. Time was when an American
did not hesitate to proclaim himself a
patriot. To do so now, I am well
aware, Is sometimes to invite the
sneers of cynicism. But why should
any true American not be free to say:
'I am a patriot, wholly evoted to my
country, which I hold to be God's best
Inspiration to man for higher attain
ment and the promotion of the world's
best civilization Y
"But I have a special reason for
making this reference today. I chal
lenge the statement that the patriot
Ism which holds America first com
prehends either narrownes or selfish
ness, or as implying tacit suspicion and
Jealousy of other peoples.
"To assert, as some have asserted
heedlessly,' that those of us who honest
ly believe that America can best
serve all mankind as America, free
and untrammeled, rather than as one
In a pitiable minority among many
states In merged world government,
lack consciousness of the rightful de
mands of humanity, is to utter a gross
and unpardonable libel. To attribute
meanness to those of us who, In the
performance of our public duty, re
fused to participate In what we sin
cerely regarded as a betrayal of oui
own country In the interest of others,
Is to dlscrd!t t-" intelligence ecd
discrimlnetica ot the great mass of
Americas people who directly, by
their votes, put us in stir positions of
trust. rr myself, I yield to no man
fca willingness, aye. in eagerness, t
slr ifee greatest eaclva4e matat'
ance to the stricken peoples of Eu
rope. I include all of them and
spenk with a genuinely sympathetic
beart, whether it Is to mention de
vastated France, or sorely-tried Italy,
or nobiy-struggling Poland, or dis
tracted and misguided Russia, or gal
lant little Belgium, or pitiably deceived
Austria, or the ruthless Invader, Ger
many, which came to the supreme
tragedy through a leadership which
brought disaster to her misguided peo
ple. "It was with that feeling of sym
pathy and desire to serve, that most
reluctantly and with grave misgivings,
as I announced at the time, I with
reservations designed to preserve our
essential liberty of action. The rec
ord is made, and under the same con
ditions, confronted by the same alter
native, I should vote now as 1 voted
then.
Conditions Have Changed.
"But the conditions have changed.
Experience has brought enlighten
ment We know now that the league
constituted at Versailles Is utterly Im
potent as a preventive of wars. It Is
so obviously impotent that It has not
even been tried. The original league,
mistakenly conceived and unreason
ably Insisted upon, has undoubtedly
passed beyond the possibility of res
toration. The maturer Judgment of
the world will be that It deserved to
pass for the very simple reason' that,
contrary to all of the tendencies devel
oped by the civtlizlng processes of the
world It rested upon the power of
might not of right
"The assertion Is made frequently
thai through the surrender of our na
tionality we might have saved the life
of the covenant that Is to say, that
although twenty-eight nations could
not make It function, one added to the
twenty-eight would have achieved
glowing success, provided, always, that
the one were America.
"This pays to America the tribute
of exceptional Influence, but I suggest
thJt If the world ' dependent upon our
action to bring about the. supreme real
ization, then we ought to have 'Jhe say
about our own freedom in Dartlclpat
tng therein. But 1t n consider what
is meant by this reliance upon Ameri
ca. What can It signify if not that
It is to the United States, and to the
United Stages -tlone, that the other
twenty-elgh nations look for the bone
and sinew, the money, :he munitions
and the men to "ustalp the entire or
ganization, not as an agency of peace,
but as an armed force?
A Telling Admission.
0
"A few days ago i delegation of an
organization which -alls 'tself a So
ciety for the Prevention of Var ap
pealed to the premier ot Great Britain
to unite and use the powers of the
world In defense of Poland. Armenia
and the Dardanelles. The British nre
mier replied, according to his remarks
quoted by the newspapers, to the ef
fect that while the formation of 'an
7i terras tluimi army would be.'an Ideal
solution,' it Tou'd not be accomplish
ed because the European nations could
not furnish the troops and the United
States had 'withdrawn Crom "o-opera-tlon'
a polite nd diplomatic phrase
and more exactly meaning, of course,
that the senate of the United otates
had not completed the partial obliga
tion assumed by the President to do
that very thing that Is, to 'furnish the
troops.' Could a clearer Indication of
vhat would have been expected of this
Tonntry as a member f the league be
desired? Herdly. Some, too. think, oi
say they think, that this extraordinary
service should be rendered. 1 do not
agree with them, but, assuming that
they are right I venture to note that
nothing stand In the way of perform
ance. The President has only to call
upop Congress to declare war, ind to
confer upon him specific authority to
raise armies 'or the protection of the
powers -vhich, though recently asso
ciated vith, are still foreign to our
own republic.
"It is reasonably safe to assume,
however, hat ch? President will not
pursue lhis course. Fortunately, he
Is under no 'compelling moral obliga
tion under the 'eague to do so. His
recent unhappy experience, moreover,
in asking Congress to send American
boys to police Armenia would hardly
encourage repetition of a request al
ready courteously but quite firmly de
clined by the Congress. What then, in
like circumstances, would be the an
swer of the British premier himself?
In his own words, addressing a meet
ing of the Coalition Liberals on Au
gust 12 last, according to the press
reports, he said:
" 'When the terrible question of
peace or war has to be decided, our
first duty as a government is to the
people, who trust us not to commit
their treasure to any unjustifiable ad
venture. Nothing but the most Impera
tive call of national honor, national
safety and national freedom can Jus
tify war. Before this count r. is com
mitted to it eveu in the most limited
form, we must be satisfied that these
are In peril.'
"I quote these telling words, my
countrymen, with the utmost satisfac
tion, because with one amendment
they express to a nicetj my own posi
tion. I take for granted that the
prime minister meant to Include In
'treasure the greatest treasure of all.
but, for myself I should leave noth
ing to be Inferred. Foremost and above
all else to be safeguarded hy those
of us who hold the trust of the peo
ple, it goes without saying, but cannot
be tes often repeated, is the manhood
of the nation.
Will Not Misuse Power.
"Now, It may appear to you thnt J
have been speaking chiefly in the nega
ters. I make the admission. What Is
more. I ht continue tr k so almost
Indefinitely without disadvantage to
cavw. i9 many thlnjr hvvt been
by the present exp'rlnjt tdmlnis-
tMttea that so power on rtfc ceuld
ttidiire me to do. thnt I cannot even
attempt to recount them. I may re
mark casually, however, that If I should
be. as I fully expect to he, elected
President of this Just an I honorable
republic, 1 will not empower un assist
ant s eret iry of th- navy to draft a
constitution for helpless neighbors In
the West Indies and jam It down their
throats at the point of bayonets borne
by United States marines. We have
a higher service for our gallant ma
rines than that Nor will I misuse the
power of the executive to cover with a
veil of secrecy repeated acts of un
warranted Interference In domestic af
fairs of the little republics of the west
ern hemisphere, such as In the past few
years have not only made enemies of
those who should be our friends, but
have rightfully discredited our country
as their trusted neighbor
Will Submit to No Wrong.
"On the other band, I will not or
shall not as you prefer, submit to any
wrong against any American citizen,
with respect to either his life or his
property, by any government This
statement is made in all solemnity,
with enmity for none and friendship
for alL If it particularly applies to
Mexico, the application has been di
rected by the robbery and murder of
hundreds of our own people In that
unhappy country who were lawfully
there and were entitled to protection.
One must admit ht these outrages
upon Americans are largely the conse
quences of the wiggling and wobbling,
the supln waiting of our own govern
ment though the admission neither
helps the hurt, no gives the bope of
security for the future while the pres
ent administration remains in Dower,
or when one in 'complete accord sue
ceeds It
"This admonition Is not directed ex
ciuslvely toward our next door neigh
bor to whom we would gladly hold
forth helping hand, and whom
primarily, certainly In preference to
far off peoples In Europe, Asia and
Africa, 't is our manifest duty to
serve with a whole heart and gener
ous tolerance. It ts intended for a
plain notice to everj government on
the face of the aarth that the entire
resource! of this nation are pledged
to maintain the sacredness of Amer
ican lives and the just protection of
American properties.
Line of Demarcation Plain.
-The line of demarcation between
our attitude and that of our political
opponents Is perfectly plain. The
president has made his position clear
by .lis acts no .ess than by his words,
rwlce there ame to Iilm an oppor
.unity to obtain ratification i the
hands of the senate and twice he put
the opportunity aside, because he
jvould not accept reservations design
ed solely to safeguard American
rights. He still holds Article 10 to
be i tie heart of the covenant So does
the Democratic platform. So does the
Democratic nominee. To assume that
the uominete would accept the reserva
aons rejected by the President and
denounced by the party platform Is
to impugn his integrity. To Insinuate,
as those who In proclalkg them
selves for the Democratlcritandldate
and the league with reservations', do
Insinuate that he would pursue such
a course in seeking ratification Is not
to pay him a compliment but rather
to -hailenge his sincerity.
"i-'or myself 1 do not qusrsttoa for a
noment the truth of what the Demo
cratic nominee says on this subject
He has flatly said he is 'in favor of
goii.g In' on the basis announced by
the President I am not That Is the
whole difference between us, but it
Is a most vital one, because It In
volves the disparity between a world
court of justice supplemented by a
world association for conference, on
the one hand, and the council of the
league, on the other.
The Difference.
"The difference between a court of
international Justice and the council
created by the league covenant Is
simple but profound.
"The one Ir a Judicial tribural to
be governed bv flxed and definite prin
ciples of law administered without
passion or prejudice. The other is an
association . of diplomats and politi
cians whose determinations are sure
to ie Influenced by considerations of
expediency . and national -ilfishness.
! do not mean to say not do 1
mean to permit any such instruction,
that 1 would decline to co-operat" with
other nations In an honest endeavor
to prevent wars. Nobody living
would take ihat position The only
question is one of method or of prac
ticality within the bounds prescrib
ed by fundamental principles
"There. are distinctly two types of
international relationship One is an
offensive and defensive alliance of
great powers, like that created at
Versailles, to Impose their will upon
the helpless peoples of the world.
Frankly, I am opposed to such a
scheme as that, and I speak know
Ingly when 1 say that the associated
powers, with whom we fought the war,
were reluctant to accept such a propo
sition. "I am opposed to the very thought
of our republic becoming a party to
so great an outrage upon other peo
ples, who have as good a right to seek
their political freedom as we had in
1776 and have the same right to de
veloping eminence under the inspira
tion of nationality as we held for our
selves. The Other Type.
"The other type Is i society of free
nations, or an association of free na
tions, or a league of free nations, ani
mated by considerations of 1ght and
Justice, Instead of might rid ?lf
Interest and not merely proclaimed an
agency In pursuit of peace, but so or
ganlzed and so participated in as to
make the actual attainment of peace a
"easonable possibility. Such an associ
ation I fnvor with all any heart and I
wouta make no tine distinction as
to whom credit Is due.
"This Is proposing no new thing.
This country is already a member of
such a society The Hague tribunal,
which, unlike the league of Versailles.
Is still functioning, and within a few
weeks will resume Its committee ses
sions under the chairmanship of an
American representative.
"In that body we have the frame
work of a really effective Instrumen
tality of enduring peace. The fact
that the tribunal did not prevent the
great war is, of course, manifest but
the cause of the failure Is no less ap
parent Germany, already secretly de
termined upon a ruthless Invasion, was
able to prevent the adoption of meas
ures which might have proved effec
tual. The condition now Is wholly dif
ferent Not only Germany, but the
entire world has profited to the extent
of an awful object lesslon, the Impres
sion of which cannot be erased from
the buman mind for generations to
come. The horrors of war and the
eagerness for peace have become uni
versal. What once seemed at The
Hagud to be a mere academic discus
sion has become a positive, outstand
ing need of facing terrifying actuali
ties. This makes vastly easier the task
of so strengthening The Hague tribu
nal as to render Its just decrees either
acceptable or enforceable. It Is not
uncommon for the advocates of the
league of Versailles to contrast un
favorably The Hague tribunal upon
the ground that the tribunal lacks
teeth.
Let's Install the. Teeth.
"Very well, then, let's put teeth In
to It If, In the failed league of Ver
sailles, there can be found maohlnery
which the tribunal can use properly
and advantageously, by all means tet
It be appropriated. I would even go
further. I would take and combine all
that Is good and excise all that is
bad from both organizations. This
statemeqt Is broad enough to Include
the suggestion that If the league,
which has heretofore riveted our con
siderations and apprehensions, has
been so entwined and Interwoven Into
the peace of Europe, that Its good
must be preserved In order to stabilize
the peace of that continent then It
can be amended or revised so that
we may still have a remnant of world
aspirations in 1018 bullded Into the
world's highest conception of helpful
co-operation In the ultimate realiza
tion. "I believe humanity would wel
come the creation of an International
association for conference and a
world court whose verdicts upon justi
ciable questions, this country In com
mon with all nations would be both
willing and able to uphold. The de
cision of such a court or the recom
mendations of such a conference could
be accepted without sacrificing on
our part or asking any other power
to sacrifice one lota of Its nationality.
"The Democratic nominee has spo
ken about America abandoning her as
sociates tn war and deserting the
allied nations In establishing the
league of Versailles. 1 do not think
It longer necessary to challenge that
statement or pass further opinion upon
the unfortunate league It has al
ready beer abandoned by Europe,
which had gone so far ns to accept
It by formal agreement In treaty. On
this subject, we are fully Informed at
first hand. Only the other day the
British premier said unresontfully
that the essential co-operation of
America might Involve 'some change,
at any rate. In the form of the cove
nant' and he added, with characteris
ed outspokenness, lt Is quite possi
ble It might be a change for the better.'
"Listen, further, to the wise and far
seeing, former British ambassador,
who was not permitted to present his
credentials to our executive.
On Our Own Terms.
"'As long,' said Viscount Grey, hard
ly a month ago. 'as long as the richest
most powerful, the greatest hoth for
population and territory, of the civil
ized countries of the world stands out
side the league, the league will be un
able to fulfill its destiny. To put It in
quite plain terms, the Americans must
be told that if they will only Join the
league they can practically name their
own terms. Undoubtedly that Is the
fact I ask: Is there any good rea
son why we should not avail ourselves
of this privilege? I do not mean in
any arrogant or selfish way, but sim
ply is a matter of fairness and right
to our own people. Surely It Is be
coming, and a duty as well, to safe
guard our own people, since It Is we
who are the main contributors, while
asking nothing for ourselves except to
nartlclpate in a contribution to the
oromotion of world peace.'
A Valued Suggestion.
"Viscount Grey continues: The
Americans should be Intrusted with
the task of drafting a reconstruction
scheme.' Then he suggests further
that 'a committee of the senate we
must never forget the senate's rights
and duties In regard to foreign af
fairs being re-enforced by the mem
bers of the house of representatives
and also by nominees of the President,
and Supreme Court could draw up
suggestions for the reconstruction of
the leagu. which would be consonant
with the feeling not of one, but of all
parties In America.'
"Frankly, I vajue that suggestion
very highly, because It Is proffered
obviously In a helpful and friendly
spirit ind reveals au Important Old
World opinion on the necessity of
amendment, revision or reconstruction.
It comprehends substantially what I
would propose to do If elected presi
dent, f do not mean precisely that it
would be clearly mwlse to undertake
specific suggestions or to attempt to
pass upon suggestions now. What is
in my mind Is the wisdom of calling
Into real conference the ablest and
most experienced minds of this coun
try, from whatever walks of life they
STRIKING PHRASES
FROM HARDING'S
PEACE LEAGUE
ADD "I ESS.
"I rejoice that America Is still
free and independent and In a
position of self reliance and
holds to the right of self de
termination." Time was when an American
did not hesitate to proclaim him
self a patriot. To do so now,
I am well aware, Is sometimes
to Invite the sneers of cynicism."
"We needed only the outbreak
of the war between Poland and
Russia to make us realize at
least one of the things which,
in the words of Secretary Lans
ing, we would have been 'let In
for,' but for the restraining hand
of the senate."
"We know now that the league
constituted at Versailles Is utter
ly Impotent as a preventive of
wars. It Is so obviously Impo.
tent that It has not even been
tried. It could not survive s
single test The original league,
mistakenly conceived and unrea
sonably Insisted upon, has un
doubtedly passed beyond the
possibility of restoration. The
maturer Judgment of the world
will be that It deserved to paes.
may be derived and without regard to
party affiliation, to formulate a defl
lite, practical plan along the lines al
ready Indicated for the consideration
of the controlling foreign powers.
Ths objection, strongly uttered In
some quarters, that this course would
Involve the reconvening of the entire
convention may bo regarded as a rery
slight one. The acceptance of our
proposals by the few principal nations
would undoubtedly be followed
promptly by the acceptance on the
part of the minor members of ths al
liance. '
There would be no material delay.
One can not disregard the leadership
or have any doubt about the Influence
of the principal allied and associated
powers. Insofar as I could do so, with
out disregarding the proprieties, I
should give very earnest and practical
ly undivided attention to this very
vital subject from the day of my elec
tion and I should ask others to do
likewise as a matter of public and
patriotic duty. Ind ted, I should hope
to have behind me, after the decision
on the national referendum we are
soon to have, a country wholly united
In earnest endeavor to achieve a true
solution of this problem upon which
the future civilization so largely de
pends. Already Announced.
i have already nnnoun"ed that I
sball urge prompt pussuge of the res
olution, vetoed by the president, de
claring at un end the preposterous con
dition of technical war when we are
actually at peace. Simultaneously, I
shall naturally advise the resumption
by the Congress of its exceptional
powers, which have been vested by war
legislation in the executlvo, I hare no
expectation whatever of finding it
necessary or advisable to negotiate a
separate peace with Germany.
"In view of the simple fact that ths
allied powers with whom we were as
sociated In the war have already for
mally concluded their peace, the pas-
sage of the peace resolution by con
gress would merely give formal recog
nition to an obvious fact
Our Unselfishness Emphasized.
"Let us take stock for a moment of
America In the world, aye, and of
America at home. The end of the war
found our unselfishness emphasized to
all mankind, and the. garlands of
world leadership were bestowed from
every direction. We had only to follow
the path of America, rejoicing In the
Inheritance which led to our eminence,
to rivet the gaze of all peoples upon
our standards of national righteousness
and our conception of International
Justice. Moreover, the world was ready
to give us Its confidence. It was the
beckoning opportunity of the centuries,
not for the glorification of the new
world republic, but for America to hold
every outpost of advancing civilization
and Invite all nations to Join the fur
ther advance to heights dreamed of,
but never app'roached before. But
force of example was flung aside for
force of armed alliance. We neglected
our readjustments and restorations at
home, and the cruel sacrifice of mil
lions of lives and billions of treasure
left us and the world groping In uncer
tainty and anxiety Instead of revealing
us tn the sunlight of a new day, with
lines formed, ready for the onwaru
march of peace and all Its triumphs.
Let's Resume Our Place.
"Mindful of our splendid example
and renewing every obligation of as
sociation in war, I want America to be
the rock of security at home, resolute
In righteousness and unalterable In se
curity and supremacy of the law. Let
ue be done with wiggling and wob
bling. Steady, America! Let us as
sure good fortune to all. We may
malntala our eminence as a great peo
ple at home and resume our high place
In the estimate of the world. Our
moral leadership was lost when 'Am
bition' sought to superimpose a reac
tionary theory of discredited autocracy
upon the progressive principle of liv
ing, glowing democracy. My chief as
piration, my countrymen, if clothed
with power, will be to regain that lost
leadership not for myself, not even for
my party, though honoring ana trust
ing It as I do, but for my country, the
country that I love from the bottom of
my heart and with every fiber of my
being above all else m the world."
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