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Western Reserve chronicle and weekly transcript of the times. [volume] (Warren, Ohio) 1854-1855, April 18, 1855, Image 2

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counts you should return a special verdict
t-aying upon which you find him guilty
and upon which, not guilty. .
I thick, gentlemen, this is all it is nec
essary for me to Bay to you upon princi
ples of law which apply to the evidence
you hare heard.
With the consequences of your finding
you have nothing to do, but you are re
sponsible for a correct finding upon the
facts. The consequences of your ver
dict rest with the law of the land, and not
upon you or me.
And now bow
say you? Upon the
evidence, what is the truth' in relation
to this charge? Is Rollin A. Leet guilty
or not guiliy of the crime .wherewith he
stands charged in this indictment? This
is the question for you, gentlemen, 1o solve
from the evidence, and for this purpose
yon may now retire to deliberate.
Upon receiving the charge the Jury
consisting of ; -
Amki Murray, Foreman,
Francis M. Plumb, Wm. A- Gillea,
S. R Estabrook,
, .... ,
Thomas Kennedy,
H. T. Marsh, Wm. Weeks,
Isaac Scott, " ; Jas. Walker,
Cba's Wilson, : John Sirock,
. Josiah Soule,
Te tired to their room and after some four
hours consultation returned with a verdict
cf Guilty.
On Friday the 30th, the motions of the
prisoners counsel lor a new trial and in
arrest of judgrrent were heard and over
ruled, and in the afternoon he was brought
in for sentence. During the pronouncing
of the sentence lie maintained the same
marble-like indifference which he had
manifested throughout the trial, and at
its end tamed coolly, and with a smile
commenced a trifling conversation with
the oflioer who bad him in charge.
i
SENTENCE.
RoUtn A. Leet, stand p. x ou have
been indicted by a Grand Jury of this
County for the crime of poisoning; charg
ing that von prepared poison with the in
tention of injuring Homer M. Leet,
which poison was taken by Elsie A Leet,
of which she died. You have been
tried by a Jury of the country and after a
full investigation, and with a most able
defence by your counsel, the Jury nave
returned a verdict of Guilty. Your
counsel have moved, for a new trial, and
afterward for arrest of -judgment; both
which motions, the Court has for what
seemed sufficient reason, overruled.
It only remains, therefore, for the
Court to discharge its final duty; and
now what have you to say why the sen
tence of the Law should not be pro
nounced. !-The prisoner simply said "Nothing"
in low tone, and the Court proceeded.)
The Statute fixes the punishment in a
case of this kind at not less than three
nor more than fifteen years of hard labor
in the penitentiary of the State. This
leaves a somewhat wide margin fcr the
discretion . of the Court a discretion
which I surpose it is the intention of the
law hall be exercised according to a
sound judgment, guided by the circum
stances of each particular case. It is
our duty to fix a period of time within
these two limits.
In the first place I know of no crime
more horrifying to the sense of the Com-
mnnity than this of whichjoustandj
convicted, nor i suppose inoi no ioe w
Society is more to be dreaded than be
who takes poison' for bis weapon. We
are all exposed, we are exposed on
every side and at every moment that
foe may meet us when least expected.
The food we eat the water we drink
may contain the messengers of death,
and even our own hands may become
its ministers ; if there be any offence
known to the law which should be lock
ed upon with arwferdegreeofabhorence,
I hardly know what it is. For he who
has a disposition to use deadly "poison
places the life of every man in jeopardy,
and society so feel it. Still the Legis
lature thought there might be a differ
ence in the grades of the offence. They
say no cases of such criminality shall be
punished with lets than three years im
prisonment, but the penalty may reach
the term of fifteen years.
And now in the exercise of a sound
judgment in this case, what ought to be
the period ?
We may suppose a case. A man has
a quarrel wth another and in an evil
moment of excitement may administer
poison without a serious intention to kill,
and not in kind or sufficient quantity to
produce any other than a temporary
bodily injury. In such a case, the crime
is within the statute, but the Legislature
no doubt intended that the least degree
of punishment should be inflicted.
From such a case onward through all
grades and shades of increasing wick
edness the crime extends. .
Let us suppose another. A family
consisting of a father, the mother hav
ing died of a son, his eldest brother,
being dead of a sister, older than the
surviving brother, and a sister still young
ger in tolerably auspicious circum
stances in life, respectable and indepen
dent ; with no quarrel, and at peace
with all the world. The sister after hav
ing discharged faithfully all the -duties
of a sister and a daughter, and almost
supplied the place of the deceased moth
er, returns home one day from a win
ter's ride, feeling a little indisposed but
in tolerable health, takes at her father's
desire a little common family medicine,
suspecting no harm, in a home of peace
and quiet. A single moment passes on
and that sister is startled by the convic
tion that she has but a few more minutes
to live that the death fiend, poison has
fixed its relentless grasp upon h r vitals.
She expires, little dreaming that the
shaft that has piercd her was aimed at
her father's heart ; still lesi dreaming
that it was leveled by a brother's hand.
The father buries his child, and it turns
out upon investigation that this l'iss has
bean occasioned Ly a blow aimed at
himself, and that Ihe weapon was wiel I
ed by that only son, a:;d that sist r's
only brother.
Under some strange infalmt'on that
seised that son and bnlherbe has been
impelled on to thin crime, not in the heat
nd hurry of passion, I nt coolly an I de
i bfVe!y and after mon I s of reflection.
After mafcfrig his attempts again and
again, feeling J;js wy slowly and care
fully, gt ls, in a way unexpected,
f pies to the fatal result.
We jrss on to the trial. Durli g the
whole course of the proceedings ti is
-rotlrr manifests an entire indifference,
-terra down to fbe lime of the final
1
to
of
be
r
in
bt
He
if
to
its
be
as
by
his
Ge-
ansBeKBBB9eBn9B9Ba
sentence, no one more unconcerned than
te: affording a strange contrast to that
iamer, wnose very life seemed so depend
upon tne issue of toe ease I All w b o on
served bear witness that that father did
all that in honor he could, left alone in
the world as he is, to that son, that only
son who sought his life for month for in
the most insidious and horrifying manner.
He was careful to tell no one the convic
tions of his own heart, but all could see
that mingled with a father's love there
was, in that old man's soul a conscious
ness that he of all men knew
How (harper than serpent's tooth tt is
To hare a thankless child."
It would seem, without going further
into this, without going backward to
inquire bow this life of crime was en
tered upon and persisted in without
noticing how that young man left his
father's home saying he wished no more
to see his face how under that strange
infatuation he came back to the final ac-
comnliRriment f his nnmnw -it wmilrl
1 i i - -
("6eem, I say, that such a case was the
most aggravated that could possibly be
supposed.
Where a young man in easy circum
stances, without provocation, apparently
well educated and well endowed by na
ture, could coolly plan and execute the
purpose of administering deadly poison
to his own father and finally lay in the
grave an almost more than sister, (if the
verdict of the Jury be true, as I think it
is beyond any reasonable uncertainty)
wnai snouia oe tne amount ot punish
mem i
What is the offence ! It is murder in
the firstdegree I It is not murder in the
second degree, which is incomparably
less in its punishment, whatever men
may say to the contrary, for 1 will ven
ture to say, no man under a capital sen
tence was ever known who would not
snatch at a reprieve which changed bis
punishment to imprisonment for life.
Xhe crime is the highest in the whole
catalogue ot onences. Hut from the ex.
piation of it in its full penalty you are
relieved by the form of the indictment
under which you have been tried, and
by which, in mercy to you, the crime
has been reduced to the very lowest
grade of offence possible under the cir
cumstances.
If then the crime be reduced bv the
indictment, and if its character as com
mitted be the most heinous of all the
class in which it stands, I ask, will the
community be protected if a man. who
though young, has arrived at years of
aiscreuon ana age at an to become a bus
1 i r , ... ...
viu uuuer me iniatuauon wnicn im
pelled you on to crime, should go acquit
whdoui me severest penalty ot the law!
I should feel that I was not clear from
responsibility if I should relieve you
irom lis greatest punishment, believing
that any thins less would be virtually
licensing the worst of crime I therefore
feel it my duty, and indeed, under the
circumstances ot the case, it is a great
mercy to you that you should suffer on
ly the highest penalty of the statue under
which you stand convicted.
it is the sentence of the law that you
Rollin A. Leet, be taken hence to the
jail of the county, and from that place to
tne renitentiary ot the btate, where you
shall be kept at hard labor for the term
of fifteen years, and. that - you pay the
costs ot this prosecution, it Is however
no part of this sentence that you be kept
in sowary connnement.
Mr. Sheriff, you will see this sentence
carried into execution.
vjJtH. JT liKC -ANXIOUS BUT NOT
T ' r . .
Dxpresseo. The Post publishes the f J
lowing extract from a private letter writ
ten about a week ago by PresidentPierce
a gentleman in New Hampshire:
"1 am naturally axious about the result
the election in Kew Hampshire. But
tel my mends that, if, alter a contest con
ducted with the ability, honor and cour
age with which this has been, we are de
feated, such defeat under such circum
stances, will never disturb me for a mo
ment. If you could have carried the
state with the aid of any one of the ims,
by a majority of 20,000, and would have
consented to do so, I should, in my feel
ings have sounded the depths of ihe hum-
lauon. As it is, no disappointment can
depress me."
If the r resident is not depressed by the
intelligence from New Hampshire, it must
attributed to the fact that the elections
uring the past year have placed him so
ow m the " depths of humiliation 'that
depression cannot reach him. A little
more then two years ago New Hampshire
gave i-even thousand majority for the new
resident, jnow she has given a inaior
ty of ten thousand against him and his
police. For there is no doubt whatever.
that the principal cause of this great
change is the passage of the Nebraska
Bill, in the next Congressl INebraskaism
and the Administration will have no ad
vocate or apologist from the state of New
Hampshire, but both will encounter the
most steadfast opposition from the delega-
now nouses. notion leiegrapn.
Tex Rosetta Case Hxa Discharge
CeifMissioKEB. Pxkozrt. Yesterday
(Tuesday) at 10 o'clock, Commisioner
feniery delivered his opinion in the
case of the Revernd Mr. Denison, and his
laim of Rosetta as a fugitive slave.
said the act of Dr. Miller in bringing
her to Ohio was the same in its effect as
she had brought here by Mr. Denison ;
that there was no " escape from a
ave State ; that the decisions were uni
form; that where the slave is brought in
a free State by the voluntary act of
owner, this act is a gra' t of freedom
once being obtained, it could not again
lost.
The Commiss:oner appeals to have
met the case fairly, and has rendered a
correct decision in the premises, so far
we have seen them report- d. He de
clared Rosetta free. This was followed
a s:rorg tlemons'ration of applaus
from the audience. Mr. Van Sl k and
Roetta were congratulated on successful
termination of this excitins case.
In a ca d. Mr. Van Slyke eprcs?cs
acknowledgments to tho people of
Cinrinna i, also to the 8!irriff, and Mar
shal, fcc, for the kind nnd gen'leman
manner in wh:ch he had been trra'ed by
tf.em. State Journal.
A Vert Common Case. "Well,
rg," Aked a friend of a young law
who had be n admitted about a Tear,
"how do you like your new profession?"
The reply was accompanied by a sigh to
the uoosiion "My profession ts much
bfitfcr dm my practice."
to
SENTENCE. THE DEMANDS OF FREEDOM.
SENTENCE. THE DEMANDS OF FREEDOM. SPEECH OF HON. CHARLES SUMNER,
IN THE
SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES,
ON THE
REPEAL OF THE FUGITIVE LAW,
February 23d, 1855.
[CONCLUDED.]
- "Resolved, That free negroes and per.
sons of color are not oitizens of the
United States within the meaning of the
Contention, which confers upon the citi
zens of one State the privileges and im
munities of the citizens of the several
States."
Here is a distinct assumption of - a right
lo determine the persons to whom certain
words of the Constitution are applicable.
Now, nothing can be clearer than this :
If South Carolina may determine for
itself whether the clause relating to "the
privileges and immunities of citizens" be
applicable to the colored citizens of the
several States, and may solemnly deny
its applicability, then may Massachusetts,
and every other State, deternvne for itself
whether the other clause, relating to the
surrender or "persona held to service or
labor," be really applicable to fugitive
staves, and may solemnly deny its appu
camiity.
Mr. President, 1 have said enough to
show the usurpation by Congress under
the "fugitive clause of the Constitution
and to wain you against renewing this
usurpation, gut 1 have left untouched
those other outrages, plentiful as words,
which enter into the existing Fugitive
blave Act, among which are the denial
of trial by jury ; the denial of the wri
of habeas corpus; the authorization ot
judgment on ex parte evidence, without
the sanction of cross-examination :' and
the surrender of the great question of
human freedom to be determined by a
mere Commissioner, who, according to
the requirements of the Constitution, is
grossly incompetent to any such service.
I have also left untouched the hateful
character of this enactment, as a bare-
faced, subversion of every principle of
humanity and justice. And now, sir,
we are asked to lend ourselves anew to
this enormity, worthy only of indignant
condemnation ; we are asked to. impart
new life to this pretended law, this false
act of Congress, this counterfeit enact
ment, this monster of legislation, which
draws no life from the Constitution, as it
clearly draws no life from that supreme
law which is the essential fountain of life
to every human law.
Sir, the bill before you may have the
sanction of Congress; and in yet other
ways you may seek to sustain the Fugi.
tive blave Act. cut it will be in vain
You undertake what no legislation can
accomplish. Courts, too, may come for
ward, and lead it their sanction. All
this, too, will be in vain. I respect the
learning of judges: I reverecce the virtue,
more than learning, by which their lives
are olten adorned. . tiut nor learning,
nor virtue, when, with mistaken force,
bent to this purpose, can avail. I assert
confidently, sir, and ask the Senate to
note my assertion, that there is no court,
howsoever endowed with judicial quali
ties, or surrounded by public confidence,
which is strong enough to lift this act in
to any permanent consideration or respect.
it may seem tor a moment to accomplish
the feat. Its decision may be enforced
amidst tears and agonies. A fellow man
may be reduced anew to Slavery. But
all will be in vain. The act cannot be
upheld. Anything so entirely vile, so
absolutely atrocious, would drag an an
gel down. Sir, it must drag down every
court, which in an evil hour ventures to
sustain it.
And yet, sir, in zeal to support this
enormity, Senators have not hesitated to
avow a purpose to break down the recent
legislation of Slates, calculated to shield
the liberty of their citizens. "It is dif.
ncult, says Jtsurke, "to frame an indict
ment against a whole people." But here
in the Senate, where are convened the
jealous representatives ef the States, we
have heard whole States arraigned, as if
already guilty of crime. The Senator
from Louisiana, Ma. Benjamin, I in
plaintive tones has set forth the ground of
proceeding, and more than one sovereign
State has been summoned to judgment.
It would be easy to sliow, by a critical
inquiry, that this whole foundation, and
that all the legislation, so much con
demned, is as clearly defensible under
the Constitution, as it is meritorious in
purpose.
Sir, the only crime of these Slates is,
that Liberty has been placed before Slav
ery. ' Follow the charge, point by point,
and this will be apparent. In securing
to every person claimed as a slave the
protection of trial by jury and the habeas
corpus, they simply provide safeguards,
strictly within the province of every State,
and rendered necessary by the usurpa
tion of the Fugitive Act. In securing
the aid of eounsel to every person claimed
as a slave, they perform a kindly duty,
which no phrase or word in the Constitu
tion can be tortured to condemn. In vis
iting with severe penalties every malicious
effort to reduce a fellow-man to Slavery,
they respond to the best feelings of the
human heart. In prohibiting the use of
the county jailsand buildings as barra
coons and slave pens ; in prohibiting all
public officers, holding the commission
of the State, in any capacity whether
as chief justice or justice of the peace,
whether as Governor or constable from
any service as a slave-hunter ; in pro
hibiting the volunteer militia of the Stale,
its organized form, from any such ser.
vice, the States simply exercise a power
under the Constitution, recognized by the
Supreme Court of the United States, even
while upholding Slavery, in the fatal
Prigg case, by positive prohibition, to
withdraw its own oGccrs from this
otfensive business.
For myself, let me soy that I look
with no pleasure on any possibility of con
flict between the Slate and National ju
risdictions ; but I trust that, if the inter.
ests cf Freedom fo requiri, the Slates
will not hesitate. From the beirinning
of this controversy, I have nought, as I
still seek, to awuken another influence,
which, without the possibility of conflict,
will be mightier than any act of Congress
and the sword of the National Govern,
mcnt. I mean an nlighteneJ, generous,
humane, Christian public cp'nion, which
shall blast with contempt, indignation,
and abhorrence, c!l who, in whatover
form, or under whatever name, undertake
be agents in enslaving a fellofr.man.
Sir, such an opinion you cannot bind or
subdue. Against its subtle, pervasive
influence your legislation and the decrera
I
x
it
to
ol courts will be powerless. Already in
Massachusetts, I am proud to believe, it
it begins to prevail ; and .the Fugitive
Act will toon be there a dead letter.
Mr, President, since things are so, it
were well to remove this act from our
statute book, that it may no longer exist
as an occasion of ill-will and a point of
conflict. . Let the North be relieved irom
this usurpation, and the first step will be
taken towards permanent harmony. The
Senator Ma. Bdnjaxin has proclaimed
anew to-night what he has before de
clared on this floor "that Slavery U a
subject with which the Federal Govern
ment has nothing to do." I thank him
for teaching the Senate that word. True,
most true, sir, ours is a Government of
Freedom, which has nothing to do with
Slavery. This is the doctrine which 1
have ever maintained, and which i am
happy to find recognised in form, if not
in reality, by the Senator from Louisiana.
The Senator then proceeded to declare
that " all that the South asks is to be let
alone." This request is moderate. And
I ssy.for the North, that that all that we
ask is to be let alone. Yes, Sir, let us
alone. Do not involve us in the support
of Slavery. .Hug the viper to yonr bo
soms, if you perversely will, within your
own States, until it stings you to a gener
ous remorse, but do not compel us to hug
it too ; for this I assure you we will not
do.
But the Senator from Louisiana, with
these professions on his lips, proceeds lo
ask, doubtless, with complete sincerity,
but in strange fonret fulness of the history
of our country : " Did we ever bring this
subject into Congress ? " Yes, sir, that
was his inquiry, as if there had been any
moment, from the earliest days of the Re
public, when the supporters of Slavery
had ceased to bring this subject into Con
gress. Almost from the brgining it has
been there, through the exercise oiuserp-
ed power, nowhere given under the Con
stitution, for I am glad to believe that the
Constitution of my country contains no
words out of which Slavery, or the power
to support Slavery, can be derived ; and
this conclusion, I doubt not, will yet be
affirmed by the courts. And yet, the
honorable Senator asks : " Did we ever
bring this subject into Congress ? " The
answer shall be plain and explicit. Sir,
you brought Slavery into Congress, when,
shortly after the adoption of the Constitu
tion, you sanctioned it in the District of
Columbia, within the National jurisdic
tion, and adopted that barbarous slave
code, still extant on your statute-book,
which the Senator from Connecticut I Mr.
Gillette has so eloquently exposed to
uight. You brought Slavery into Con
gress, when at the same period you ac
cepted the cession of Territories from
North Carolina and Georgia, now consti
tuting States of the Union, with conditions
in favor of Slavery, and thus began to
sanction Slavery in Territories within the
exclusive jurisdiction of Congress. You
brought Slavery into Congress, when, at
different times, you usurped a power not
given by the Constitution, over fugitive
slaves, and by mast offensive legislation
thutst your arms into distant Nothern
homes. You brought Slavery into Con
gress, when, by express legislation, you
regulated the coastwise slave trade, and
thus threw the national shield over a traf-
flaonjhecoast of the United States, which
on the coasl7rCorrgo jnm justly brand as
"piracy, iou brought Slavery into Con
gres, when, from time to time, yon sought
to introduce new States with slavehold
ing Constitutions into the National Union.
And, permit me to say, sir, you brought
Slavery into Congress when you called
upon it, as you have done even at this
very session ; to pay for slaves and thus,
in defiance of a cardinal principle of the
Constitution, made the National Govern
ment recogniss property in rijcn. And
yet the Senator from Louisiana with
strange simplicity, says that the South on
ly asks to be let alone. Sir, the honora
ble Senator only borrows the langauge of
ihe North, which, at each of these usurp
ations, exclaims, " Let us alone." And
let me say, frankly that peace can never
prevail until you do let us alone until
this subject of Slavery is banished from
Congress by the triumph of Freedom
until Slavery is driven from its usurped
fuoihold, and Freedom is made national
instead of sectional and until the Nation
al Government is brought back to the pre
cise position it occupied on the day that
Washington took his firttoalh as President
of the United States, when there was no
Fugitive Act, and the national flag, as it
floated over the national Territory, with
in the jurisdiction of Congress, nowhere
covered a single slave,
And now sir, as an effort in the true
direction of the Constitution; in the hope
of beginning the divorce of the National
Government from Slavery, and to move
all occasion for the proposed measure un
der consideration, I shall close what I
have to say with a motion to repeal the
Fugitive Act. Twice already, since I
have had the honor of a seat on this floor,
have pressed that question to a vote, and
mean to press it again to-nmnu Alter
the protracted discussion involving the
character of this enactment, such a mo
tion may fitly close its proceedings.
At a former session, on introducing
this proposition, I discussed it at length,
an argument which I fearlessly assert
has never been answered, and now in this
debate, I have already touched upon var
iousobjections. There are yetother things
might be urged. 1 might exhibit the
buses which have occurred under the
Fugitive Act; the number of free persons
has doomed to Slavery; the riots it has
provoked; the brutal conduct of its officers;
the distress it hai scat ered; the derange
ment of business it has caused, interfering
even with tiie administration ol justice,
changing court-houses into barracks and
barrncfion, and filling streets with armed
men, amidst which law is silent. All
these things I might expose. But in
these hurried moments, I forbear. Suf
fice it to say, that the proposi ion to repeal
the existing Fugitive Actr.tands on adam
an ine gr ounds, which no debate in oppo
sition can shake.
There ara considerations belonging to
the present period which give newstrength
this proposition. Public Op'nion,
iiich, under a popular Govement,
makes and unmakes laws, and which,
a lime, passive and acquiescent, now
lifts itself everywhere in the stales where
the Act ia sought to be enforced, and
emends a change. Already these states
Rhode Island, Connecticut, and Michi
gan, by formal resolutions presented to
the Senate, have concurred iqthisde
mstid. the tribunals of la are joining I
on
m
j-reventanything
w
f-feollty
at last with the people. The superior
court of Count cticut has denied the power
of Congress over this subject. Ana now,
almost while I speak, comes the solemn
judgment of the Supreme Court of Wis
consina sovereign Slate of his Union
made after elaborate argument, on suc
cessive occasions, before a single judge,
and then before the whole bench, declar
ing this Act to be a violation of the cons
titution. In response to Public Opinion,
broad and general, if not universal at the
North, swelling alike from village and
city, from the seaboards and lakes judi
cially attested, legislatively declared,
and represented, also, by numerous peti
tions from good men without distinction
of party in response to this Public
Opinion, as well as in obedience to my
own fixed convictions, I deem it my duty
not to loose my opportunity of pressing the
repeal of the Fugitive Slave Act once
more upon the senate. I move, sir, to
strikeout all after the enacting clause
in the pending bill, and insert instead
thereof these words.
"That the Act of Congress, approved
September 18, 1950, usually known as
the Fugitive Slave Act,' be, and the same
hereby is, repealed."
And on this motion I ask the yeas and
nays.
Chronicle and Transcript.
X D. HOWARD, ;:::
JCD. COX. ::::::::
: Editob add Paorairroa.
: Awcun Edtto.
Warren, "Wednesday, April 18.
Valedictory.
After some
months of continued ill
health, the undersigned has concluded
to take leavn of the Chronicle and Trans
cript, and has accordingly transferred his
interest in the paper to Messrs. C. A.
Aoams, and G. N. Hapqood, by whom
it will hereafter be published and edited.
Had he considered bis health firm
enough to warrant the close and some
what harassing attention to business de
manded of the publisher of a newspaper
in times like these, when the tightness of
the money market is such that every
dollar collected of subscribers has cost
so much trouble in the collection as to
take away most of the profit from publi
cation, he would cheerfully have contin
ued the toil and waited patiently for
easier times ahead, but under present
circumstances he has thought best to
embrace the opportunity of making the
change by accepting Messrs. Hapgooo
& Adams' offer to purchase the concern.
In making the sale he has not been
unmindful of the interests of the Repub
lican movement, and he is well aware
that to a very large portion of the patrons
of the Chronicle the names of the gen
tlemen into whose hands it bas passed,
will be an abundantly sufficient guaran
tee both for the political uprightness and
thorough Anti-Slavery spirit of the pa
per, and for literary ability and mechan
ical fkill jn jts management.
The fears which were felt on the first
union of the Chronicle with the Trans
cript, that the result of the Republican
organization would be jealousy and strife
between those who had before fought
under different political banners, have
been happily disappointed. Harmony
of sentiment and unity of purpose have
constantly reigned and it would now be
uncalled for, and even ridiculous to say
whether the gentlemen by whom the
Chronicle will now be edited have here
tofore been known as Free-Soilers or
Whigs. It is f ncugh that they are thorough-going
Republicans who will lay out
their strength to carry forward the work
so gloriously begun last year.
It has been a matter of great regret
that the paper of last week was unavoid
ably delayed, and that two numbers
have now been issued of a smaller size
than usual. The fault was in the ship
pers of paper to us, who delayed our usu
al supply of large sheets so long that we
were forced either to omit a number or
to substitute the one which was issued.
The fau!t would have been corrected by
this time, and Messrs. Hapgood it
Adams will publish the usual large size
sheet, as we should have done oursclf
had not the sale been completed.
The arrearages unpaid for six months
or more have not been sold with the pa
per, and it will be necessary to close
them up as soon as possible. Those who
are behind are earnestly urged to call
and settle forthwith, at the office in Em
pire block, where we can be found with
our books for a few days. It is hoped
that all delinquents will see the necessity
of attending to this matter, since no one
can afford to delay long with such nu
merous petty accounts, and we are un
willing to put them or ourself to the ex
pense and trouble of a collection in th'.ir
several township. E. D. Howard.
A Card.
My connection with the Chronicle has
been so purely nominal that it seems su
perfluous to make even a retiring bow.
The fear that some dissatisfaction might
arisa whilst the Republican union was
yet new, if the paper were left wholly in
charge of a single editor whose political
connections had been with one branch of
the organization exclusively, made it
seem bes-t that the name of some Anii
Slavory Whig should be u?cd as a guar
anty that no course objectionable to
former Whigs would be taken. At the
set however, I stated explicitly that
professional business, would entirely
like a responsible editor
ship, and this has been so true, that
except for a few weeks in the winter
ten the Editor was confined to his bed,
nothing would be found in tho paper to
rae with its edUoraliip. Jibw
It
as
-1.1-
therefore but common custom call for
any parting-words from one who has
had no pecuniary interest iu the paper,
and so trifling a connection with it. I
can most heartily add my assurances to
those cf Mr. Howard, that the gentle
men into hose hands the paper has now
passed will do everything in their power
to merit the approbation and continued
patronage of the whole Republican party.
J. D. COX.
To Tax Subscribers of the Maho
hino Faxa Democrat. The change in
the proprietorship of the W- R. Chroni
cle will render it impossible t continue
longer the issue of the Free Democrat as
a separate paper. This week the sub
scribers will be furnished with the W. R.
Chronicle and all who wish to discontin
ue their subscription are requested to re
turn it to the publishing office in TFar-
ren forthwith. Those who do not do so
will be regarded as wishing to continue
it, and their names will be transferred to
the Chronicle list. Those who continue
will be furnished with a firs' class paper
and will lose nothing by the change.
For the Chronicle.
Financial.
CONTINUED.
In further allusion to the demoralizing
effect of our 10 per cent, law, I feel that
little need be said when so much is known
tf obvious. Whatever might, at the
time of its passage, have been represent
ed by some, or honestly supposed by oth
ers, as to sharpers and extortioners find
ing a satisfactory or restricting limit at
10 per cent,, or that the moral or religious,
would make it a matter of conscience to,
take thereafter but six per cent, interest
the sad history of the evil times upon
which we have fallen, is full of the hu
miliating demonstration, that the former,
as it would seem emboldened by the 4 pel
cent, concession or license have overleaped
the boundary with wider and more op
pressive strides than they ever passed the
6 per cent, limit and what is more
alarming to morality the latter, whether
in church or State, (in many instances)
have found the temptation iu the 4 per
cent, bounty bid to covetousness, to out
weigh, finally, their love of justice, feel
ings of hdmanity and scruples of con
science. Now, both those who have not passed
the 10 per cent. limit, and those who have,
so far that it has. faded from their vision
to a region where conscience becomes
torpid, and the heart turns to stone ; to
justify their doings are compelled to use,
or often consent to use the same argu
ments, or rather sophistry. To shield
themselves from reproach both classes
arrogantly claim " Free trade in money
to be Justin principle!
This isjust what usurers, sharpers
and voracious heartless extortioners bad
in view. The ten per cent, law was de
signed as an entering wedge, to aid in its
temptation in corrupting public sentiment
and insidiously so to combine by degrees
political influence andmonied power, as
next to repeal all law limiting rates of in
terest, when soon " a monied aristoc
racy" indeed (not in backs which were
designed to be, and have been our bul
wark for the protection of labor against
the oppression of unrestricted capital,)
would crush the people by robbing hon
est industry in this State as if has ever
done, as it did in Indiana and Wisconsin,
hen the experiment of "free trade in
money has been made, and heartless
covetousness (which is idolatry") has
gained unrestricted ascendency and then
soon showed its "cloven foot" and iron
heel.
And what is now the actual existing
state of things amongst us? Verily the
existence of a wide-spread and constantly
increasing shaving and extortionate prac
tice, mat some ou more honest years
ago, caused certain individuals in Trum
bull county to be a very stench in the
nostrils of morality a practice which has
been by a corrupt and corrupting law le
galized in part (but not sanctified) and
victims of its temptations or encourage
ments now, even professed I say pro
Ifetsed christians, are practicing precisely
in principle the same course of conduct of
ten on a much larger scale ; united, fre
quently, in their base business, with the
most notorious "sharpers" and still have
their names recorded(if not in 'the Lamb's
Book of Life") yet on the list, and "i
name to live." to be held even in full fel
lowship in professed christian churches
and are there heard occasionally to ex
hort sinners to repentance, and saints to
do justlv and love mercy ! ! That ihis
is no exaggerate representation, all will
admit who have the least clue to the op
erations of our mmey kn lers, nney
exchanges, note shavers and the whole
fraternity of Brokers of t'm day and their
nefarious business. And whence these
things? They have from the passage of
our 10 per cent, law, been coming over
society by degrees increasing in power
and magnitude like the. blighting sirocco.
has proved a "blighting ami b'asting
curse "a Upas that has poisoned and
corrupted every thing within iu baleful
influence.
After much reflection and converse
with many men of intelligence, 1 give it
my deliberate opinion, and think I haz
ard nothing in saying, that honest labor
and business in Ohio the great mass of
hor citizens hnvo suffered mora from
usurious exactions of interest per cents,
"note shavings'1 and money exchanging!
swindling, frauds and extortions, (often
loiaeu
or i.c
to
all
aid
f
this
rpresrniAw.
and falsehool) of the various, vjra iou
money lenders, "shavers" and brokers,
"little and big," during the last twelva
months, yea tenfold more, than from all
the operations of all ( legally called )
thieves, robbers and counterfeiters put to
gether !
The highest evidence of the demoral
izing tendency of the nefarious law is
found by no means in the foregoing de
lineations, but in the far more alarming
fact that a righteous indignaihn is not
out-gushing from every patriotic and hon
est heart, burning upon the lips, and mak
ing eloquent tongues of the dumb, in ds
manding a redress of increasing wrongs
too long endured, and pointing the finger
of scorn and consigning to tha lowest in
famy (the just abhorrence of a just ,
and virtuous people) the dire perpe
trators of the ruinous oppressive, and con
tinually multiplied extortions.
Who that ever read the record of the
fact can fail, by the present existing state
of things, to be daily reminded of
Christ's going into the temple and over
throwing the tables of the "moneychang
ers," and of those who sold doves, driv
ing them out and telling them plainly
that they had made it ' a den of thieves 1
The extortionate money changers and
dealers in doves were, by unerring Infi
nite Wisdom, then denominated thieves,
by Christ himself, nor will his word be
less effectual now than was the scourge
of small cords then, to drive from the
church, if not the state, all corresponding
in principle or practice everywhere, except
where the " blind lead the blind," where
principle is prostituted for gold, gain is
revered as godliness, and the church has
become a shield for iniquity a nursery
of sin 1
In vain may any one attempt to put a
mask on bis illegitimately eonceived and
base-born covetousness, to affect an egre
grious masquerade of only self-deception.
Under this mask, indeed, the Shy lock
calculations of usurious interest precepts,
of money, money, dollars and cents,
may be made calculations of the pound
of flesh to require of the poor or distressed,
of widows and orphans but let no Shy
lock lay the flattering unction to his soul,
in supposing that others than knaves and
hypocrites, either in or out of the church,
will ever adopt bis polluted phrase, and
call it " a fair business transaction."
No never. So long as there is a distinc
tion to be taken between virtue and vice,
justice and iniquity, or righteousness
and sin, as there is a contrast between
paradise and purgatory-, just' so long
will there be a contrast between the sor
did, avaricious and covetous, usurers and
extortioners, thieves and robbers of what
ever name, hue or grade, whether in
sheep's clothing or wolves' and just,
honorable, publio spirited, humane and :
useful members Of civilixsd socieiyr .
AN OBSERVER
P. S. The following seems most ap
propriate to subjoin from "Pollocks Course
cf Time.'
"Oral dmy of rereUtioo I In Um pit
The hypocriu had left hU mask, and stood
In naded nglineas. He waa a man
Who Mole the liTery of the Court ef Bearen,
To aerre the deril in ; in Tirtnes guise
Deroared widows' honse and orphans bread ;
In holy phrase, transacted TiUainies
That common sinners durst not meddle with.
At sacred feast he sat among the saints
And with his guilty hands touched holiest things.
None deeper blushed.
As in the aU pierciBK light he stood . exposed.
No longer hiding with the holy ones.
Yet still he tried to bring his countenance
To sanctimonious seeming ; but, meanwhile.
The shame within, now risible to all.
His purpose balked. The righteous smiled, and erea
Despair itself some signs of aughter gave.
As ineffectually he strore lo wipe
His brow.that inward guiltiness deSled.
Detected wretch t of all the rcprobatas.
None seemed maturer for the flame ef hell.
Where still his face, from ancient custom, wears
A holy air which says to all who pass
Him by, I was a hypocrite on earth.'
(For the Chronicle.)
Indignation Meeting.
GIRARD, April 2d, 1855.
Ma. Editor : Our little village was
the scene of gi eat excitement a few days
ago, caused by the arrest of one of
t
our " most respeciao;e emzeus, tor
merely selling whisky. A certain wo
man out of pure cussedness, had him ar
rested and dragged from the bosom of
his family to Warren, a distance of some
eight or ten miles, to be tried for the
enormous crime ; instead of being tried
in our own town, where the Justice takes
common-sense view of the law and will
not send a mm to jail for so small an of
fenee, he must be taken and tried before
men who administer the law as it is writ
ten, without any regard to the comfort
or convenience of the person uccused.
Well, the next even ng, we had a reg
ular indignation meeting on the subject.
composed of the first men of the place,
and had a number of first-iate speeches,
all breathing the spirit of '76, and a de
termination to submit to no such en
croachments on our rights, as the late
temperance law. It is true, we had a
meeting last summer, and signed money
enforce this same law, but we did not.
expect, nor intend to pay U when wa
sirneJ it j we only did it for appearance;
our sentiments were on tho other side
the time. It is right, you know, to
use a little hypocra-y sometimes, for St,
Paul says he did, for he was - all
things to all men.' Sj are we on tho
liquor question, and I would like to know
where the harm is in itf
Bu', more of tho meotlng j strong
resolutions wre passed, denouncing
those dabbling, uiohie (.making people,
who are wrongly railed temperance men.
In favor of the largest liberty."
Them ware two resolutions offered, that,
passed would surely, most effectually
have put a stop to suoh prosecutions in
place : one was, that a committee of
three be appointed to lick any person
usllj woman, w&o RU jenceiQrto,

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