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HlPaOOD &. ASAAX5. orite clock. VOL-. 39, XO 5 I 3 ilwkh) amihj Souninl, Druotrb WAIIIIEN, la TRUMBULL COUNTY, irulturr, liirratiirr, (Bbiirntion, loral OHIO, WEDNESDAY Sntrilirnrr, iv.ti I'jr slms AUGUST 8, 1855 of iljc Dnij. TERMS s ONE DOLLAR AND FIFTY CEXTS FEB AHHUM. IB ADTABCI. WHOLE NO. 2027 Poetry. [From the Western Literary Messenger.] THE LOVED ONES AFAR. BY FLORUS B. PLIMPTON. When nielli wind are trailing. Like spirit in thrall. And Death walks in darkness Tbion'h hamlet and hail ; Kind Angftis of Mercy, WhereTer they are. Watch over the 8lumlers Of loved ones afar Oar hearts dearest treasures. The loved ones afar. Whe'er they may ander. O'er land or o'er sea, Thoa father of Angels We trust them with thee ! Be thoa to earth's pilgrims The day )eam and star, The staff of the weary The loretl ones afar Oar heart's dearest treasures. The loved ones afar. While life hath a pleasure. Or hope hath a cheer ; While the heart can feel kindness. Or sorrow a tear ; I cannot forget them, Nor fail in the prayer. That (rod will watrh over The loved ones afar Oar heart's dearest treasures. The loyed ones afar. The winter of lifetime, Hay close round in gloom, And spring flowers may scatter Their lea.es oVr my tomb ; Xet, still through the darkness, Like evening's pale star. The spirit will hover OVr loved ones afar Our heart's dearest treasures, The loved ones afar. "WATCH, MOTHER." Mother ! watch the little feet Climbing o'er the garden wall. Bounding thieagh the busy street. Banging cellar, shed and hall. Never count the moments lost. Never mind the time it costs. Little feet will go astray. Guide them, mother, while you may. Mother ! watch the little hand Picking berries hy the way. Making houses in the sand. Tossing up the fragrant nay. Never dare the question ask, Why to me this weary task ?" These same little hands may prove Messengers of light and love. Mother ! watch the little tongue Prattling, eloquent and wild. What is said, and what is sung, By the happy, joyous child. Catch the word while yet unspoken, Stop the vow before His broken ; This same tongue may yet proclaim Blessings in a Savior's name. Mother ! watch the little heart Beating soft and warm for you ; Wholesome lessons now impart ; Keep, O keep that young heart true. Extricating every weed, . Sowing good and precious seed ; Harvest rich you then may see, Bipening for eternity. Choice Miscellany. FLORENCE EMERSON, OR THE YOUNG WIDOW. BY VIRGINIA DE FOREST. Florence!' cried Jessie Lawson, burst ing into her cousin's boudoir, one mom ing 'Florence Emerson, Harry says you are engaged to George Langford.' Well, cousin, if I were, Lave you any objections?' Just thirty-nine, cousin Jessie.' Thirty-nine! and a widower with two children! But it is a mistake of Harry's; you are really going to marry him, are you?' I expect so,' said Florence, quietly. 'Well, I give you up. You, Florence Emerson, the belle of the season, with a large fortune; you, the beauty and heir ess, with lovers, beaux, offers without end or number, to throw yourself away .upon a poor widower with two children, and no fortune except in his profession. Oh, Floy, I thought you had more sense. What are you thinking of ?' Why, Jessie, you are wasting your eloquence. George Langford is hand some.' Granted.' 'Talented.' Granted, again.' 'He loves me.' 'So do fifty others.' 'And, last of all, my strongest argu ment, I love him.' 'Well, I suppose you will marry him in spite of my disapproval, so I wish ycu joy, and hope he'll never hold up Mrs. Langford first, as a pattern to Mrs. Lang ford second. ' If Mrs. Langford first, was a model for me, I will follow her footsteps.' Well, well, there's one comfort, Wil lie and Edith are very preity children, and too young to rebel at a new mamma, I believe. How old are they, exactly, Floy? Willie is four, Edith three.' Keep you busy, the care 01 two such babies.' .. Florence Emerson and Jessie Lawson were cousins, and had, until Jessie's mar riage, been almost like sisters. Jessie, who was two years the elder, was a gay, lively blonde, vain, and pretty. "Flor ence was a tall, stately beauty, with large lark eyes, black hair, and features like a Grecian statue, She was an orphan, and, as Jessie said, an heiress. George Langford was a lawyer of some standing. Handsome and talented, but grave and quiet in his manners: devoted ly attached to Florence, but he was ihir-ty-nine, and a widower! Jessie's senti ments were echoed by all Florence's cir cle of friends, when her engagement was known, She, so beautiful, young, talen ted, and wealthy. She always was dif ferent from other girls, they said. So, af cr a fejiv days, the matter ceased to be discussed, and some new wonder of the fashionable world took its place. Florence had been married just two years, when it became necessary for Mr. Laugfc-d to go to Paris; his stay was to be very short, so he concluded not to take Florence. She was fond of home, had won the love of both children, and in re turn loved them lond'y, and with their society, her home duties, and a promised visit to Jessie, thought the time of her husband's absence rriight be made to pass pleasantly. But when the hour of departure came, when his tiuuk stood waiting in the hall, and he came to say farewell, the whole aspect of things seem ed changed. Florence felt that her dear est treasure was leaving her; all looked dark, and a vague presentiment of evil filled her soul. 'Why, Florence, you are white as a corpse,' cried George, in a frightened tone. 'I thoughtyou had arranged gay eties without number to occupy you while your grave old husband was away. Cheer up, Floy; I shall be gone only a short time.' 'Oh, George, I did not realize it till now. What can I do without you?' 'You will visit Jessie, take Willie and Edith into the country, and and oh, you have a whole list of pleasures ar ranged. The carriage is here. Good bye, Florence." Florence tried to speak, but the words died on her lips. She grasped his hand, while her eyes filled with tears, and then lei him go. All her pleasures were forgotten as she watched the carriage rolling from the door, and she only remembered how lonely she would be without him ; she looked back upon two years of such per fect happiness that it seemed less like reamy man a pleasant aream. .Long she stood at the window, watching, as if she expected him to return, but the voi ces of the children roused her, and she stifled her own grief, and went to amuse and comfort them. Willie thought papa was 'real unkind' not to take them with him, while Edith clung close to Florence and hoped papa would be safe on the 'deep water.' Jessie Lawson and Florence Langford were seated in the piazza of the pleasant country house they h?d hired for the season, conversing. Edith and Willie were romping with Rover on the grass, while ever and anon their clear, joyous laughter would make the ladies turn and smile. 'I forgive you now, Floy, for marrying George,' said Jessie, fondly. 'I think that, if he bad asked me, and I could look into the future, I should have done just as you did.' At that instant, Jessie felt a hand laid on her shoulder, and, looking up, saw her husband; his face was very grave, and his whole manner betokened that something serious had troubled him. 'Jessie,' he said, in a long tone 'come into the parlor ; I want to speak with you. 'He is Jealous,' whispered Jessie to Florence, as he rose to obey. 'Now for a matrimonial lecture ! 'Close the door, Jessie,' said Henry, when they entered the parlor. 'I do not wish Florence to hear what I have to say now. Poor Fioy! we must break it gen tly to her.' 'Why, Harry, what is the matter? George' 'Yes. 'The Eagle,' the vessel he sail ed in, was wrecked, and but few escaped; a vessel going to Calcutta took a few ol the passengers, but the rest were lost. George Langfoid's name is among the missing. Harry had forgotten the open window and was startled to see Florence now standing in the front of it. She was cold and pale as marble, her hands were tight ly clenched, her teeth set, and her whole frame rigid and motionless. Harry t-prang to her side, and took her hand to lead her in. The touch broke her stupor, and, with a slight shudder, she fell fainting to the ground. For weeks, Florence Langford lay be tween life and death; fever and delirium succeeded her death-like trance, and her life was despaired of. A strong consti tution, however, triumphed, and she re covered; but oh, how altered! Ti e pale thin face, seen now under a close wid jw's cup. was so wan and sad, that few would have recognized the once Mourning Flor ence. Her sole comfort, now, sctmed to lie in the children. She would hardly al low them out of her sight, ami her whole time was spent in instructing and amus ing ihem. Florence Langford ha:l been a wid w just one year. It was a bright summer's daj , and she sat in the same little parlor where she had first heard of her hus band's loss. Willie and Edith were sea ted on the floor beside her, blowing soap bubbles. Florence sat watching their innocent delight as the sun shone on the pretty globes, and reflected prismatic colois in them, and then her thoughts flew back over the last three years. Sadder and sadder grew the pale facet until Willie noticed it, and leaving his play, went softly to her side; Edith knelt beside him, with her face laid caressing ly against Florence's hand. . 'Tell us about, papa,' whispered Wil lie. ' When is papa coming back ?' asked Edith. He stays so long.' Hush, Edith,' said Willie. 'Papa can never come back ; he is dead.' But Edith shook her head. She had always maintained that, as papa went away in a carriage, and said that he would come back, and bring them pietty toys from Paris, he could not be dead. Florence drew Edith on her lap, and, throwing her arm round Willie, the three talked about papa for an hour; how much longer they would have remained in that position I canni I tell. Jessie interrupt ed them; her whole faco was beaming with joy. Floy!' she whispered, kneeling on the stool at her cousin's feet, and untying her cap, 'take this off for a minute.' 'Why, Jessie?' asked Florence, suffer ing her to remove it. 'Because it is stiff and unbecoming,' said Jessie, who was loosening Floy's hair, and twisting it over her fingers in to its curls. 'You mnst never wear it again.' 'Dear Jessie, give it back to me. I shall always wear it.' But I say you shall never put it on again. Dear Florence, a widow's cap is needless now.' Jessie,' cried Florence, starting up, and . looking eagerly into her cousin's face, while she trembled violently, 'what do you mean ?' 'Can you hear the best of news, Floy?' said Jessie, soltly, 'George' Jessie in answer threw open the door, and said, gayly : 'Come in!' and, in ano ther moment, Florence was in her hus band's arms. All was soon explained. George Langford had been among the passen gers taken to Calcutta and had from some mistake of the reports, been put in the list of missing. Cold and expo suie had brought on an attack of braiu fever. As soon as he was able, he had started for home. He was there at last, . and a happier party never met than the one that evening at Oak Lodge, Mr. Lawrence's county-stat. SPEECH OF HON. HENRY WILSON, OF MASSACHUSETTS, IN THE NATIONAL COUNCIL AT PHILADELPHIA, JUNE 12TH. I rise, Mr. President, to rebuke the insolence of the member from New York (Mr. Squires) to repel the unprovoked and wanton assault he has made upon my State. I came not here, sir, to as sail any man by word or act I shall permit no man from the North or the South to assail me by word or act, with impunity. Every member of this Na tional Council will bear witness that I have uttered no words of unkindne'ss to wards any member during the sittings of the Convention ; and all of you will notice that the wanton assault just made upon me, has not been provoked by word or act of mine. Fio:n gentlemen of the South, with whom I widely differ in sentiment and opinion, I have receiv ed acts of courtesy and kindness I shall ever remember with grateful recollec tions, whatever may be the results of our deliberations. But the member from New York has not only followed the ex ample of his colleague (Mi. Barker) and assailed my Stale, but Le has made a charge against me that I here and now before this Convention, and to his face, pronounce utterly false. He charges me not only with a determination to break up this National Council, but he charges me with having declared this to be my purpose. I hold him responsi ble here and now for this charge, and I defy him to prove the truth of his asser tions or to wear the brand of falsehood I shall write upon his unblushing brow. Sir, the member from New York as sumes the oracular style he pronounce:; his opiuioas with the air of one compe tent to pronounce an opinion entitled to consideration. He the blustering mem bei from New York announces to this Convention that the anti-Slavery move" meat has thrown up many small men. He forgot to tell us that it has thrown c'own manv little mean men. The ex J hibition he made of himself last night and tin's morning, will convince all ol us here that he is the last creature that breathes God's air or walks God's earth, to sneer al any one, however humble, for want of ability, temper or maimers. With a swaggering and blustering air he threatnened to go over to the De mote .cy, if the platform t Restoration of freedom to Kansas and jcbrasK is adopted. Let him go. Let his b!u tering associates (Barker and Lyon go bag and baggage ; e snail lose lime of power, talent or character; they might find more congenial spirits among the camp followers of the chiefs of Tammany Hall. The member assures us that he- is tired of pl 1 ing the ' hypocrite"! 1 am triad to hear this contession ! lie assures us that he will be a " hypo ctite" no longer, if you will only give him this NYw York pro-slavery platform to stand upon. 1 have but little hope of defeating the adoption of tins plaltorm. I wish 1 could say that I hope the mem ber will cease to be a "hypocrite" after it is adopted. Sir, the member of the committee from New York (Mr. Lyon) avows the pater nity of this pro-Slavery Platform. It is ins by adoptiou ; he is the reputed lath er of this deformed monstrosity ! Yes, sir, New York is responsible, and she shall be held responsible for tins plat form. The member of the committee (Mr. Lyon) claims it as his own his own by adoption ; the member over the way (Mr. Mallory) undertakes to pledge us to it even before he will allow us to discuss its provisions ; the member be fore me (Mr. Barker) has mounted it, uttering the parrot like, phiase "No .North, no south, no .Last, no West and now the member who has just taken his seat (Mr. Squires) threatens to bolt to the Democratic camp, if we do not adopt it, and relieve him from the tern ble affliction of playing the "hypocrite" the rest of his days ! The New York member assumes to utter the voice of that great State. Standing here to-day, with i-O.OOO Massachusetts freemen at my back, aye, Sir, with fifteen sovereign States, and one and a half millions of Northern men pledged to the policy of freedom, 1 tell you, toir, 1 tell tins na tional Council, aye, Sir, I tell these re cusant delegates to their faces, that they do not represent the sentiments of the people ot the fcmpire fetate. lialpn v at do Emerson says that, "the weight of a sentence depends whether a man is be hind it or not." These delegates stand here unsupported by the people of New York. They are the insignificant chiefs of a baffled and defeated faction, in the city and State of New York their fol lowers are mere men in Buckram, Fal- staff's heroes ! William H. Seward stands this day, with his heels upon the necks of these rampant delegates. Adopt this platform which they claim as their own which they with idiotic folly as sure us will be we'eomed with booming guns from Moniauk Point to the waters of Niagara and William H. Seward will gaze down into the fathomless po litical graves dug for them by the be trayed and indignant people of New York. The member who undertook last night to rebuke the delegates from Massachu setts (Mr. Barker) who wanted to be Mayor of New Yoik and could not win the prize who aspired Ic be re-elected President of this National Council, and we would not consent to allow your chair. Sir, to be filled by one who blas phemously sneered at "the Higher Law" of that Being "whose hand moves the stars aud heaves the pulses of the deep' boasted of their victories. He tells us that they carried the Legislature of the State. Sir, this same Legislature elect ed William H. Seward to the United States Senate by a decisive majority, in spite of the petty tricks and agonizing shrieks of that member and Lis associ ates, the Silver Greys. Yes, Sir, the Legislature the member claims to have chosen, passed by an immense majority, resolutions in favor of the restoration ol Freedom to Kansas and Nebraska. With both of her Senators aud twenty eight of her thirty-three Representatives in Congress, with the Governor and Lieut. Governor and majorities in both branches of the Legislature, with all these evidences of th'j sentiments of the people of that great State before us, these delegates have the brazen hardi hood to rise here and assure gentlemen of this National Council that New York does not demand the restoration of Freedom to the territory covered by the Compromise of 1820. Will you, gentle men of the Council, believe these idiotic declarations ? Mr. Barker The member from Mas sachusetts Mr. Wilson No interruption from you, sir, no interruption from that quar ter ! If any gentleman wishes to put a question to me or to demand an expla iia.iou of any remarks of mine, I will cheerfully yield the floor, but no inter ruption from that quarter ! Mi. President, we of the North will hold these members from New York re sponsible for the defeat of the proposition to restore Freedom la Kansas and Ne braska. If that great State had a dele gation here that reflected the sentiment of the people, we should have received the support of the liberal men of the South, who would have agreed to do us justice. Many distinguished sons of the South admit the repeal oi" the Mis souri prohibition to be an outrage upon the rights of the North a violation of the plighted faith of the nation. Honor and good f.tith. Freedom and Public Order, all demand its lesloiation. But the men of (ho South who would have stood by us have been stricken down by the treacherous action of these members of New York. Upon their heads be ihe renoa-i;jili:y of the defeat of the cherished wishes of the people, and the litumnti of the policy t shivery. 1 l'.-!l you, libi-r.il i:i.-;t of the SjT.'.i, int-n of Di'leware, Noitn Cartdina, Ken tucky and Tennessee, you. who ar.- rea dy to resist at home the finatieism nf slavery, to stand upon a real national platform.-, to demand your own rights and to fii justice to us I tell you, that these men of New York ; these mt-u, who betray us and deceive you ; who are fi'so to the Noith and not true to the South, aie your enemies ! Thev put clubs into the hands cf the slavery la natics of the extreme South to smite you down. Our mission is to hunt down this race of politicians ! I tell you, men of the South, that we mean t hunt down to exterminate this breed of Dough faces those fawning, creeping, cringing creatures, that a merciful Pro ideuce in his infinite mercy permits to crawl round among men' For the past fifteen months the people of the North have been cha sing down this race of politicians. You will see that this race is "growing small by degrees and beautifully less." When we have hounded down this breed, rep resented iierc to-day by the member from New York, (Mr. Squires) then you of the South, and we of the North may meet in National Convention, each of us ready to demand our own rights, and willing to 'oncede the lights of the oili er. But that time is not yet. I hope, however, that we shall soon stand by the political grave of the last of Ihe Doughfaces ! I hope to have the pleas ure ; and Sir, it will be a pleasure, to walkimong a:id to gaze down into the political graves of these apostate politi cians, who have betrayed the people of the State of New York. Sir, the members from New York now before me (Messrs. Barker and Squires) have blurted into the unwilling ear of the Convention their love for the Union; they have boasted of the enlarged views and comprehensive pol'r-y of themselves and I heir followers. They have osten tatiously paiaded their virtues before us, in c -intra t to the views of the delegates from Massachusetts, and their fi iends at home. I apprehend, sir, that these del egates have nbout as correct views of the sentiments and actions of the people of Massachusetts as they seem to have of the sentiments and opinions of the people they misrepresent. When Mass achusetts pleads to any arraignment be fore the nation, she will demand that her accusers are competent to draw the bill. She has no answer to make to her New York accuseis but the answer of silent contempt. Genilemen of talents and of character, have undertaken here to arraign Massa chusetts. To those gentlemen 1 have to say, that Massachusetts means to go to the very verge of herconstilutional rights, for the security of the liberties of her people, against what she deems to be unconstitutional, inhuman and unchris tian legislation ; and I tell you frankly, f any constitutional powers are in doubt, she will construe them in favor of liber ty ; not in favor of slavery. In the fu ture, if she errs at all, in the interpreta tion of her reserved rights, as a sover eign State, I trust she will go a little be yond the limits of State sovereignty, rather than fall short of inarching up to those limits. The personal liberties of her peop'e demand that she should do so. Massachusetts has the right, if she chooses, to remove from her Judicial Bench, any officers, who shall consent to perform the duties imposed upon Uni ted Slates Commissioners. She denies your light, gentlemen, to arraign her here or elsewhere foi the exercise of her own coi stitutional powers. By the de cision of the Supreme Couit of the Uni ted States, Massachusetts has a right to forbid the use of her prisons sir - has a right to forbid her officers from enga ging in the exttadition of fugitives from labor. She bejercs that every human being w ithin her limits, has a right to the benefits of the writ o(IIakas Corpus, and a jury tiial. She proposes to test the question by the judicial authorities. Her "offence hath that extent no more." Massachusetts stands upon the State Uiglits doctrine of Virginia and Ken tucky, of 179- and 1790. She raises no standard of Nullification or Rebellion she will submit to tne decisions of those Uibuiials authorized to exptiund the ju dicial powers of the Government. The gentleman from Alabama, ( Ju Jge Hopkins,) has hinted to us that the Sou: hern States may find it necessary to protect themselves against this action of Massachusetts, by legislation that shall touch her material interests. Threats of that kind sir, have no terrors for Massa chusetts. Her people will laugh to scorn all such idle threats, by whomso ever made. Massachusetts, with one million of intelligent people, with free schools, free churches, free labor, is competent to take care of her material interests. " Her goods are for sale not her principles." If any gentlemen from the South expect to intimidate Mas sachusetts by such "threats, I tell them here and now, that we scorn, spurn and defy your threats. The gentleman from Kentucky told us ye.steiday that, he " was here to save the Union !" "Save the Union !" I am not here "to save the Union!" Does Kentucky intend to go out of the Union? Massachusetts does not. She does not raise the question of the safety of tne Union. Sin; means to remain in the Union, and if any Siate raires the ban ner of Disunion, she will sa-tain the Federal Government now, a she did in the days of Anlrew Jackson, under the lead of Daniel Webster tvilh her treas ure and blood, in defending, the integ rity of the Union, an I the indivisibility of the republic. M-tss'iehu-tts believes the Unun to Oj sac. .Vie believes Liberty to be in dinner. S:ie is for " Liberty and Union, now and for.-ver, one and inseparable." Tii.: app-alif the distinguished gentlem tn iiu-.v i:t mv eye (Mr. Iliyner) will mr.-t a resp-m e as hearty in M.t -s urliu-e.is .is thev i!f meet in his ow.i na-.iv- l".u .'.n : I here, sir, to save the Liberty which is safe in the hearts of the people. Sir, this niajoii y p.attorni this New York platform was adopted in committee by seventeen votes to fourteen. Two of these votes are from Minnesota and the District of Columbia, that h ive no elec toral voles 'c give, and in all tiic other S.ates the American party has betn de feated whenever its banner has been raised. The friends of that majority re port have not an electoral vote now se cured, and they cann :t pk-dge us one with any degree of certainty. The mi nority platform, in favor of the restora tion of freedom to Kansas, and Nebraska, received fourteen votes from fourteen Slates having one hundred and twenty six electoral votes, all now secured.- Iowa is not here, and now New York can easily be ours upon that minority platform. Adopt the majority pl itform, and these one hundred and twenty-six votes are lost ; Iowa and New York y.o with them, and the States that impo:e this platform upon us will nearly all be swept by the Democra3y. Adopt the restoiation policy, and we sweep every free State like a whirlwind. Adopt the majority report, and defeat is inevitable annihilation sure. This majority platform expressly de clares that "the American party cannot be held in ny manner responsible for the obnoxious acts or violated pledges of either the Whig or Democratic parties." Having made this declaration, what does it propose the American party shall do ? It proposes that the American party shall sanction these "obnoxious acts and violated pledges," by avowing its pur pose to be, "to abide by and maintain the existing laws upon the subject of slavery, as a final and conclusive settle ment of that subject inspiiitand sub stance." It proposes not only, to sanc tify ihe legislation of the past, but to ig nore all action in the future. It de'clares that Congress has no constitutional pow er " to exclude any State from admis sion into Union because its constitution does or does not recognize the institution of slavery as a part of its social system; and expressly pretermitting any expres sion ol opinion upon the power ol Con gress to establish or prohibit slavery in any territory, it is ihe sense of the na tional council that Congress ought not to legislate upon the subject of slavery within the Territory of the United States, and that any interference by Congress with slavery as it exists in the District of Columbia wculd be a violation of the spirit and intention of the compact by which the State of Maryland ceded the District t i the United States and a breach of the national faith." The adoptiou af this platform commits the American par ty unconditionally to the policy of slave ry to the iron diminion of the black power. I tell you, sir, I tell this con vention, that we cannot stand upon the platform in a single State of the North. The people.of the North will repudiate it, spurn it, spit upon it. For myself, sir, I here and now tell you to your faces, that ( will trample with disdain on your plat form. I will not support it. I will sup port no man who stands upon it. Adopt that plaiform, and you array against you everything that is pure and holy eve thing thai has theelements of permanency ia it the noblest 'pulsations o! tht tu rn an heart the holiest convictions of the human soul the profoundest ideas of the human intellect and the attributes of Almighty God ! Your party will be withered and consumed by the blasting breath of the people's wiath ! There is an old Spanish proverb, which cajs thai " the feet of the avenging Deities are shod with wool." Soltly and silently these avenging deities are advancing upon you. You will find that "the mills of God grind slowly, but they grind to powder." Of one hundred and forty-two repre sentatives of the free States of the North, one hundred and twenty, elected by moie than 300,0. ;0 majority, are pledgid against the Kansas-Nebraska iniquity. lour platform requires tneso represen tatives to violate their pledges to the people, to smother their own holiest con victions, to abandon your party or resign their seats. Do you, sir, btlieve these representatives will obey your unholy decrees? Do you believe thev will be tray a free and generous people at your bidding? 1 tell you nay ; Ihey will trample with disdain upon your platform. They will spurn it, and spurn you. The people will sustain them, and trample your platform aud you in the dust. S:r, the gentleman from Alabama (Judge Hopkins) takes exception to the declaration made by mo the other day, in reply to the gentleman from Virgini? (Mr Boiling) that "the past was yours the future ours !" He objects, he tells us, to my assuming the functions of a prcphet. Sir, I make little pretension lo the gift of prophecy but it requires but a slight knowledge of the aspects of the slavery question in America, to pro nounce the opinion, that the past of the Republic belongs to Slavery the future to Freedom. Perhaps the distinguished gentleman from Alabama believes that we of th'j North ae mere conquered provinces that the people will obev your decrees and " conquer their preju dices." Oae year ago, when ihe slave propagandists proposed to repeal so much of the Act of the 5:h of M ireh, 10. '0, as prohibited slavery in Ihe vast territory lying in the heart of the Continent, these slave propogandists laughed to scorn the predictions of the friends of free lorn, lhat liie repeal Would meet the Mern resist auee of tiie people of the North. The haughty chiefs of the Black power, and the Administration, and its Northern tools in Congres.s, have gone don be fore the stormy wr.ith of the people ! The predictions m-idu by us in the spring of 1351, are now historical d-.-ods "con summ ite l facis." So it wi I iie now. The d;:ed yon are about to perform will sea! your doom forever. luu ie I u !h.tt we :i ht t i .-huke the fanaticism of our people. Sir, I tell you the people of the North are in earn est they are not fanatics or bigots. I know something of the people of New England. I have sat at the tables and slept beneath the peaceful roofs of many of the mechanics, farmers and tradesmen of Massachusetts of New England ami I tell you the men who read their op-Q Bibles around their firesides, when they rise in the morning and retire at iihjht, ara the men who will spurn your unhal lowed decrees ; they will rob you of none of your rights but they will inflexibly demand their own. The anti-slavery sentiment of ti e North is a profound re ligious conviction, resting upon the com mands of Almighty God, " to do unto others as we would that others should do unto us," "to loe our neighbors as ourselves," "to undo the heavy bur dens and let the oppressed go free !" Sir, do you think that the deceudants of that sturdy old Puritan race, that met Ihe demands of priests, nobles and Kings with the stern " Thus saith the Lord," will smother the holiest convictions of their souls, and obey the decrees of a body of men like this ? I tell you, sir, lhat they will do so never. I ask those gentlemen who think the Ameiican p irty can be organized suc cessfully upon the basis of these resolu tions, to turn back for only seven years ago this very month, in this city, the great Whig party, led by Clay, Webster, and some of the most gifted statesmen of the Republic, hooted out their Na tional Convention the grand doctrine of Slavery prohibition in the Territories On that day the Whig party began to die. It staggered iutj power, and with its palsied and withered hand it signed the Fugitive Slave Act, and wifli its fee hie expiring voice it declared that, the Compromise Act of 1850 should be " a final settlement of the Slavery question," and then it sunk into a dishonored grave. Such was the fate of that once powerful party, which sometimes contested suc cessfully with its great rival for power. The Democratic party went down in 1 843, because the people believed it more fully pledged to slavery than its rival. It went irto power in 1852 not because the people loved it or had confidence in it, but because the people hated and dis trusted its rival. It laid its victorious hand upon the auti-slavery movement, and lo-day it floats upon the waves of the political sea, a shattered, rudderless wreck. I warn you sir, not to attempt to accomplish with this organization what the Whig and Democratic parties, with a million and a half of voteis each, led by old chieftains and accomplished statesmen, ignominiously failed to ac complish. Perhaps these modest New York champions think they can do what Clay, Webster and Cass could not do ! The gentleman from Alabama (Judge Hopkins) brings into this National Coun cil ihe reputation of a learned jurist and able lawyer. 1 listened with attention to his elaborate speech of nearly two hours, and I must say with entire respect for the distinguished gentleman, that he most skillfully avoided judicial decisions and historical facts. His positions were mere unsupported assertions, in face of the uniform decisions of the United States Courts, from the organization of the ov eminent to the present moment, and of the action of the National Government from the inauguration of Pierce. His theories came from the prolific brain of Mr. Calhoun, and like most of the schoo to which he belongs, the gentleman paid little deference to f icts, when they come in conflict with his theories. To estab lish his theory of constitutional construc tion, he went so far as to interpolate the word "white" after the word "free," in the second section of the constitution. The gentleman asks, with a tone of re proach, why we of the North are not villing to live up to Ihe Constitution as our fathers made it why we are not willing to stand in the relation to Slavery the framers of the Constitution placed ns ? Sir, I am willing to stand by the obligations imposed upon us by the Con stitution, as I understand Jt as our fath ers made it not as it his been interpre ted by their sons, under the aggressive policy of the slave powr. The illustri ous men who framed the Constitution found slavery a State institution. They believed it would soon pass away under the influences of the ideas they had pro claimed and the institution they had founded. To prove their sinceiity they prohibited slavery forever in all the ter ritorial possessions of the Republic. When the Constitution of the United States was framed and adopted, slavery existed in twelve ol the thirteen States, but not a single slave existed by the au thority of the Confederacy. The fra mers ol the Constitution inaugural ed the national policy of freedom. North Caro lina so inierpieted the policy of the Na tion, fot in 1790, when she ceded Ten nessee to the United States, she express ly stipulated lhat "no regulation made or to be made by Congress should lead to the emancipation of slaves. Congress . accepted the grant upon that condition, and thus made the nation responsible for the crime of sUvery. Mr. Cunningham, of South Carolina Mr. President, I own a slave, and the gentleman Iro n Massachusetts owns -a hot sc. Does the gentleman believe that the federal gjveriiinen: has any more right to exclude my slave from the terri tories of the United Stales, than it has to exclude his horse? Will the gentleman give me an answer ? Mr. Wi.son. I will answer by saying that if my horse belongs to a breed thai blasts the earili wherever it puts down its hoof, so tlmt a blade of gras will never grow where it treads, the governmtnt has the right to keep my horse out of the territories. Whie the slave plants his heel, the ear ill withers. By the decis ion of the Supreme Court ol the United States, " the state of slavery is a mere muuiciftul legulation, founded upon and liuiie(l to the v-ig of the S ate law. ' Slavery does not exist by any municipal" law in the territories. Congress has no constitutional power to establish it there, therefore the local law of the States au thorizing slavery can not be transported to the territories, and the slave becomes a freeman when he w carried beyond the authority of the local law of the State. The slave in Kansas is not held by the authority of the law, but by the force of the master. The views of the anti-slavery men of the North are studiously misrepresented by the pro slavery presses of the North, and by the slave propaganda of the South. This question of slavery, overriding as it does every other question here and in every section of the country, must be met by the statesmen of the country, by the people of the conntry, aud discussed in tb light of humanity and Christian pa triotism. Northern men and Southern men must bring to the discussion of this transcendent question something beside hard words and rash acts. We want calm, dispassionate discussion in the North and in the South. I desire here and now to state precise ly and exactly my views upon the slave ry question, and I desire to do so because 1 know my views have been misrepresen ted at home and abroad. I am opposed to slavery everywhere. -I believe it to be a crime against man and a sin against God. I am in favor of its abolition wherever it exists, by those who are legally responsible for its exis tence. I believe the federal government has no more right to make a slave than to " make a king no more right to permit slavery to be established where it has ex elusive jurisdiction thaii it has to permit an order of nobility to be established I am in favor of relieving the Federal Government from all connection with, and responsibility for, the existence of slave ry. To effect this object I am in favor of the abolition of slavery in the district of Columbia and the prohibition of slave ry in all the territories. . ) Mr. Mallory of New York Mr. Pres ident, if the gentleman will allow me, I should like to ask him if the power to abolish slavery does not carry with it the power to establish slavery by the Feder al Government ? Mr. Wilson I think noL Freedom is the rule slavery the exception.. Sla very can only legally exist by positive law. There is no power expressed oe implied in the Constitution of the United States to institute slavery- The Consti tution was ordained and established " to promote the general welfare and to secure the blessings of liberty ;" not to establish slavery. The Supreme Court of Mass chusetts, under the authority of her Con stitution decreed the abolitionofslavery the power to abolish if, would not author ize the Court to re establish it. Mr. Boteler of Virginia Wil! the gen tleman from Massachusetts read the re mainder of the sentence of the Constitu tion which says that the blessings of lib erty are to be secured " to ourselves and our posterity." Negroes are not our selves" or " our posterity !" Mr. Wilson Seven States have abol ished slavery since the adoption of the Constitution, and these Negroes are a por tion of" ourselves" and " our posterity." I accept the Declaration of Na tonal Inde pendence rnd the Constitution of the United States, as the political charts of the American citizen and they impose upon every American citizen the impera tive obligation so to exercise his national political rights as " to secure the blessings of liberty," and to maintain inviolate the self-evident truths that all men ara created equal that they are endowed by their critter with the inalienable right of liberty. . Standing by William's slave pen nine teen years ago, and gazing upon men, women and children, collected for the Southern markets, I pledged myself to liberty, and have nev.r, in public or pri vate, at home or abroad, spoken or writ ten one word inconsistent with that pledge, and I never will do so to save any party, at the command of any body of men on earth. When I united with the Ameri can organization in March, 1854, in its hour of weakness I told the men with whom I acted that my anti slavery opin- ions were the matured conviction of years, and that I would not modify or qualify my opinions or suppress my sentiments- for any consideration on earth. From thai hour to this, in public and in private, I have freely uttered my anti-slavery senti- meats, and laboied to promote the anti slavery cause, and I tell you now, that I will continue to do so. You shall not proscribe an:i-slavery principles, meas ures or men, without receiving from me tiie most determined and unrelenting hos tility. It is a painful thing to differ from our associates and friends but when du ly a stern sense of duly demands it, I shall do so. Reject this majority platform adopt the oroposition to restore freedom to Kan sas and Nebraska, and to protect ih; act ual settlers from violence and outrage simplify your rules make an open or ganization banish all bigotiy and intol erance from your ranks place your movement in harmony with the humane progressive spirit of age, and you may win and retain power, and elevate and improve the political character of the country. Adopt this majority platform commit the American movement to the slave perpetualists and the slave propa gandists, and you will go down before the burning indignation and withering scorn of American frotuiea. . A Tlnxel Uxo& Niagara River. . It is proposed to dig a tunnel for a rail road track under the Niagara River at Black Rock, near Buffalo, N7 Y. Its length will be 2,4 J feet, descent of grade on oa:li sid.; 75 feet par mite, cost s5J J.00 ). Thf river is 2 ) feet deep at tiie tr..oo.icd loo ility, and its bed of solid limestone.