The Cadiz sentinel. [volume], May 29, 1844, Image 2

About The Cadiz sentinel. [volume] (Cadiz, Ohio) 184?-1851

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vote of but on 3:ie out if New Eiyhui.l
The representatives from Illinois and Missouri!
were solemnly pledged to support Jackson; and
hardly a voice was to be found for Adams in
Ohio or Kentucky.
No man believed it possible that Mr. Clay
could vote for a candidate who hid received the
i votes of only 7 States, against one who had re
ceived the voles of 1 1 States. No man believ
ed that he could vote for an apostate federalist,
, against a uniform republican. No man believed
That he could vote for a man whom lie himself
, had helped make odious to the people, against
a man acknowledged to be the favorite of the
people, ao man believed
; tor an eastern man whom he had charged with
i ; hostility to the west, against a western inait who
, " had periled his life for the west. No man be-
i 'tiered that he could vote for his political and
t personal enemy, against one with wham he was
. upon friendly relations. No man belioved lie
could vote for him whom lie Iiad charged with
. . almost every thing base, dishonorable and trai-
-. torous; against him whom he lnA'ofien lauded,
as the brave, magnanimous and patriotic defend-
, i or of New Orleans. No man believed that be
i could vote for John Qwncy Adams, auainsp
' f ANDREW JACKSON ; because, no man knew
how readily ho could sacrifico his honor, his
. principles, and his fame to the unhallowed shrine
of ambition'.'
Mysterious reserve of Mr. Clay.
The circumstances which first induced a dis
trust" of Mr. Clay, was the profound silence
which he and his intimate friends preserved in
regard to their intentions This was in exact
accordance with the advice which he gave to his
friends, as we have already shown, before the
election. Although this silence immediately at
tracted the attention of the public,- it was long
before the secret purpose of it was fully under
stood. Men were unwilling lo believe that
treachery, so base, was contemplated by one
who stood so high in the Republican party.
Subsequent events enlightened the public mind,
and the question was asked, with withering pow
er, 4 Why did' 'Mr. Clay preserve so strict a si
lence iu regard to his intentions as to tho Presi
dential election, if it was not that he was enga
ged in that very intrigue, and bargain. and coirup-
tion afterwards charged upon him? In his " ad
dress to his constituents," shortly after the elec
tion by the House, he would have the public be
lieve, that his suppression of his opinions, was
from his regard to " delicacy and decorum:
he who, before, had ever been proud of the
frankness and perfect unreserve which was char
acteristic of the men of the west! Vain excuse!
lfis W-hcrle' siibsequent life gives the lie to his
pretence of "delicacy and decorum. " He, cer-
tainlv.'could not have desired time to form his
opinions as to the relative merits of the two can
didates. Ho had long known them, and it
would have been passing strange for him to have
remained undeceived, upon a question, on which
the'very humblest man in the land had long
Biiice made up his mind.
The Instructions of Clay's Constitu
ents. Congress- had been but a few weeks in ses
sion, when the delegation from Kentucky recei
ved instructions from the Legislature of their
State, which, it was supposed at the time, would
render their vote absolutely certain for General
Jackson. Mr. Clay had always professed the
doctrine, that the respresontatives should obev
the will of their constituents.' The following is
art extract f.-om a speech made in Cong ess by
Mr. Cl.ty, in January 1817, and pulishcd in the
National intelligencer of that date :
' Whilst then, he had a seat on this floor, ."r. C. sa'd
it was immaterial how he arrived at the will ol'hjj con
utitiients or what were the evidences of it, it was sulfici-
ent that he should know it. In all cases of expediency,
he held the doctrine of an obligation on his part to ob
nerve the instruction?, expressed or implied of his con
stituents." The following were the resolutions which were
adopted by the Legislature of Kentucky.
" Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives
cf the CorrvnwnweaWi of Kentucky, That the members of;
the House ot Representatives in the Congress ot theU
nitcd States from this State be requested to vote for Gen.
indrew Jackson as President of the United States.
" Resolved, as Hie opinion of the Legislature. That Gen,
Andrew Jackson is the second choice of the filatcof
Kentucky forthe next President of the United States;
that a very large mujority of the people of this State pre
, fer Gen. Jackson to jW. 2dams or Mr. Crawford, and
ihat the membersof the House ofltepresemntivesin die
Congress of the United States will, by complying with
the request herein signilied. faithfully and trul v repre?ent
the feelintrsand wishes of the rood people of Kentucky."
occ .'Uicj' Jgisicr, rot. t,p. 01.J
These resolutions passed the Kentucky Le
gislature by a vote of 91 out of 114 members,
some of the few who voted against them decla
ring" that they did so, not because they wore in
favor of Mr. Adams, but bocause they deemed
ihe interference of the Legislature unnecessary.
Thus, said an eloquent opponent of the Adams
dynasty, was Mr. Clay's obligation to vote against
Mr. Adams completed. It. was a triple cord,
composed of honor, principle, and duty honor
irf relation to himself, principle in relation to his
own declarations, and thoso of his friends, espc-
cially'in Ohio, and duty in relation to Kentucky.
Yet teas this friplc cord sn apt asunder.
' As an excuse for his disregard of the will of
Kentucky, Mr. Clay afterwards set up the pre
tence that his constituents were merely the voters
of his own Congressional district, and that he
" "V owed no allegiance lo the mass of tho people of
ne ipiie.iiui mis excuse is aimoBi loo invo-
' ' fous 'to bei worthy of notice; because, in giving
l' 1 the vote of Kentucky in tho election of a Prcsi-
,'4 dent by the House, he was, in fact, the Repre-
tentative of the entire State, not of a fraction of
: the State.
Rumors of Clay's Treachery.
t omc rumors of Clay's bargain with Adatns
f ; began to be circulated about a month before the
" election. A little while previous, a tale had
; bcVh flatted that Jackson had resolved that, in
case" h should be chosen President, he would
make, Adams his Secretary of State. This was
Undoubtedly done by Mr. Clay's friends, for the
purpose of sounding Got). Jackson as to Mr. Clay.
1 r Mr. Buchanan, of Pa., called on Gen. Jackson,
v. y and Interrogated him as to the truth of this tale.
Ha received from the General this characteristic
answer:
'That these were secret he would keep to himself
-lie would conceal them from the very hairs ol bis head.
That if he believed bis rieht hand then knew what bis
left band would do, upon the subject of appointments to
office, he would cut it off and cast it into the firr. That
if he would ever be elw.ted President, it would oe wan.
of January, the following startling Utter, purport" j
ing to have been written by a member of Con)
gress,was published in "the Lolumb an Obser
ver, at Philadelphia:
Wash i.notox. Jan. 25, 1325.
Dti Sir: I take up my pen to inform you of one
of the moat disgraceful transactions that evei covered
with infamy the republican ranks. Would you believe
that men profession democracy could be founj fcaje e-
nonzb to lay the axe at the Terv root of the tree of liber
ty I Vet. stiance us it is, it is not less t ue. To give
you a full history of this transaction would far exceed
tbe limits of a leaer. I shall, therefore, at once proceed
to give you a brief ncconct of:uch a barinin as can on
lr beequalled by the famous Burr conspiracy of If 01.
for some time past the friends of Clay have hinted that
that he could vote hey lit hwiss, would fisrht for those who would
pay nesi. wenuies were saiu 10. nave neen maiie uy
the menusoi Adams to uie menus ot ciav, oiienns; mm
the appointment of Secretary of State fot his aid to elect
Adams. And the fjion.h of C'lnv (rave this informntiou
to the fiicnds of Jackson, nnd hinted that if the friends
of Jackson would offer the 9anie price, they would close
with them. Uut none ol the taends of Jackson would
descend to such mean barter and sale. It was not be
lieved by any of the friends of Jackson that this contract
would be ratified by the members from the States who
have voted for Mr. Clay. I was ofopn'on, when I
first heard of this transaction, that men professing any
honorable principle could not, nor would not be trans
ferred liko the planter dots his ne;roes, or the farmer
his team and horses. No alarm was excited we be
lieved the republic was safe. The nation havins deliv
ered Jackson into the hands of Congress, backed by a
large majority of their votes, there was on my mind, no
doubt that Congress would respond to the will of the
nation, by electing the individual they had declared to
be their choice. Contrary lo t'w expectation, it unoir
ascertained to a certainly that Henry Clay had transferred
hit interest to John Quincu Adams. As a consideration
of this abandonment of duly to Ins eonsttluent; itissaid
aiid believed, should this tinholy coalition prerail. Clay is lo
be appointed Secretary of Slatt. I have no fears on mv
.'r ,r l.ii j.r . '..
nnnn l nm cieariv 01 opinion weeniui ueitmevuiv
combination. The' force of public opinion must pre
vail, or there is an end to jlibekti-."
Mr. Clay's Card.
It was impossible for Mr. Clay to remain silent
under a public accusation like this. The notice
which he chose to take of it was every way char
acteristic of the man. On Monday, Jan. 31, 18
25. he sent lo the National Intelligencer the
following card :
"A Card: I have seen, without any other emotion
than that of ineffable contempt, the abuse which has
been poured out upon me Dy a scurrilous paper, issued
in this city, and by other kindred prints nnd persons, in
regard to the Presidential election. The editor of one
of those prints, ushered forth In Philadelphia, called the
Columbian Obse:ver, for which I do not subscribe, and
which t have not ordered, has had the impudence to
her filMVf lit dneniV Ha vt.tA ft,r nna tttirwii );& f
hsd denounced as one of the basest of his race;
a dangerous politician, and a vindictive man. He
voted for one of the cabinet, whom it was avow
ed to bo the fnt object of his friends to defeat.
He voted J or one whom fce had taught Kentuc
ky to hate, and against one whom she had called
on him, almost by acclamation, to support.
In the election by the House, Mr. Adams, in
addition to the votes of the seven States which
h id orig'nally supported him, received the votes
of Maryland, Kentucky, Ohio, Illinois, Indiana,
Missouri and Louisiana. The votes of the last
five of these States were in the hands of Mr.
Clay, because they were represented in the
House by his personal friends. Illinois had but
one Representative; Missouri but one; and, of
t'ie Louisiana delegation, but two out ot tne
three wore friendly to clay. Thus it happened
that FOUR MEN, following the dictation of
Clav'o allusion to his Conscience.
Mr. Clay pretends to Judge Brooke, that he
had u interrogated his conscience " as to whst
he ought to do," aud that, thai told him 1
ou"ht to vote for Mr. Adams. w Did it also- tell
him,that he ought to set the will of the people
at defiance, abandon his republican associations,
give the lie to all his past professions, strike
hands with his bitter enemy, and betray the west
to an apostate eastern federalist, who had offered
to barter its dearest interests to tho British?
This tale about his conscience was too monstrous
for belief, even at that day; and certainly, it will
not do, at this day, to talk of the conscience of
that man who penned the challengo that brought
the lamented Cilley to an untimely grave.
Clay's pretended Patriotism.
Affecting a spirit of self-sacrifice, of which he
has never yet given a single example, Mr, Clay
Henry Clay, disposed of the votes of THREE asks, "what is a public man worth, if he will not
-Sec Nilcs'' Regis-
transmit to ine Ins vi!e l
j paper ol the With instant. In
that number is inserted ti letter purporting to have
been written from this city, on the 25inst. by a member
of the Mouse of Uepresentatives, belonging to the Penn
sylvania delegation.
"I believe it to bo a forgery; but if it he geti"ne,
pronounce themember, wnnsoKVF.it he mav be, aR43F.'
and IKfViMUl'M L1iA)M2iU IVtt, .a JS'lViKU
4ND A L1.4U, and if he dare unveil himself and avow
his name, 1 WILL HOLD HIM RESPONSIBLE, as
I here admit myselflobc, to all the laws which govern
ASD liEGL'LATE THK CONDl'CT Of MEN OF HONOR.
31st January, 1835" "II. CLAY."
Mr. Kroner's Card.
In response to Mr, Clay's card, the Hon.
George Kremer, of the Pennsylvania delegation,
avowed himself as the author of the letter to the
Columbian Observer, If ;s card was published
in the National Intelligencer, on the 3rd of Feb.,
as follows:
" ixoTHKR Caro; George Kremer, of the House ofj
Representatives, tenders lus respects tor tho Hon. Ml.
Clay,' and infilling him that by a reference te the editor
of the Columbian Observer, he may ascertain the name
of the writer ofa letter of the 25 ult.. which it teems,
lias afforded ho much concern to lH. Clay.' In thenienn
time, George Kremer holds himself ready to prove, to
the satisfaction of unprejudiced minus, enough to satisfy
them of die statements which are contained in the let
ter, to the extent that they concern the eonree and con-
ductof MI. Clay.' Heine a Iteprcsentativc of the people
he will not fear to 'cry aloud and spare not' when their
rights and privileges are at stake.''
Mr. Clay's Appeal to the House.
Did Mr. Clay abide by his own card? Did ho
attempt to call Mr. Kremer to that account
which he had said he would? Did he continue
to think that his duelling pistols were the best
means by which he could establish his innoccne?
No. A House of Representatives was then in
session; of which Mr. Clay was Speaker a
House which was preoared to make Mr. Adams
President a House which did make Mr. Ad
ams President on the ensuing Oth of February,
and which, on they 1st ot rebruary, by a vote
of more than two lo one, appointed, Gales and
STATES, which, in the election by the House.
balanced the votes of the great States of Peniv
svlvania. Virginia, and North Carolina, each of!
wh;ch volcd against Mr. Adams. 1 ruly did Air.
Kremer announce " that men, professing demo
... - i.i .i-
cracy, coafa be tounu base enougn to lay me
axe at the very root of the tree ot liberty!"
As soon ts Mr. Adams was moiiL'urated, lie
appointed Mr. Clay his Secretary of State, and
thus was completed every requisition of the foul
bargain with which he stood charged.
Proceedings of the Senate on Clay,s
nomination.
The appointment of Mr. Clay, was not confir
med by the Senate without a strenuous opposi
tion on tho part ol those Senators wiio nest un
derstood tho means by which that appointment
had been obtained. The following is an extract
from a speech made upon that occasion by Gov
Branch, of North Carolina
tcr, vol. 33, p. 22.
"Has it come to this, that nothing but proof
positive of corruption will justify tho senate in
arresting an appointment? If so, we are more
degenerate than I had imagined. What are the
facts of this case, as generally admitted to be true
to which wo are not at liberty to turn a deaf cat ?
We see two political opponents, neither having
confidence in the other, at a critical moment,
when the loaves and fishes arc about to be divi
ded,thc one, in opposition to the well ascertained
wishes of the people of his Slate, fly into each
other's arms and cordially embrace, without
aught appearing to lho world of reconciliation
and adjns'iiient of former diflerenccs. By which
means nnd by winch alone the one is enabled to
nrasn the Piesidential chair, in violation of the
soveicigutv of the people, with a salary offe25,-
009 tier year, and the Senate of the United
States is called upon to aid this President thus
made, to confer on the other the Stale depart
ment, with a salary ol SjouO'j. nnd thoreny ma
king Irm heir apparent to the Presidency."
The vole upon the confnination stootl, 27 for
it, to 14 against if. I Ins was an oppojitnn, at
that lime, entirely unprecedented in lliri.casc of
a cabinet appointment. Many democrats vo
ted for the confnination, because they wove desi
rous to avoid the least appearance of a iuctiotis
opposition totlie new administration; but among
those who felt constrained to vote against it,
were the venerable Nathaniel Macon, of North
Caroline; Col. Hayne, of South Carolina; Gen.
Jackson, of Tennessee; Gov. Tiiz. ivcll, of Vir
ginia; and Gov. Branch, of North. Carolina.
Scalon, the editors of the National Intelligencer,
and the friends ol Mr. Clay, to be their printers.
Thin was the Tiibitaal lo which Mr. CI ay chose
now to csrry the aflYir.
Afier the morning business was transacted, on
tne u ot i cDruarv, lur. uiay rose noni ins
place in the Speaker chair, and called the at
tention of the House to ihe nolo of Mr. Kremer
in the morning's Intelligencer, and after some
grave observations about lho serious character
of the charges which had been made against him,
he demanded with the earnest affiir of oilbnded
innocence that tho IIuuso should appoint a com
mittee to investigate the truth of tiiose charges.
That is, he asked tho House to whitewash him
through the report ofa partisan committee.
Clay's Friends evade an Investigation.
A corrraitteo was moved for, to which should
be referred Mr. Clay'j appeal, and Mr Kramer's
letter.
A minority of the House resisted the appoint
ment of such a committe on the ground that;
the House would thereby erect itself into a trib
unal tinkown to the constitution, and dangerous
to the freedom of the press; that the affair be
tween Mr. Kremer arid Mr. Clay was purely a
personal matter; that Mr. Clay himself had con
templated it as a personal matter, and had de
clared in his card that lie would hold tho writer
of the letter," whosoever he might be" responsi
ble, not to the House over which he presided,
but to the laws of Honor; that there had been
no breach of the privileges of the House, or, if!
there had been, as was said by Air. McUulne,
of South Carolina, it was not by Mr. Kremer's
lettor, but by the card of Mr, Clay, Wiiich was a
public challengo by the Speaker, to a member
I r .1 TT
oi ine uousc.
When the minority saw that Mr. Clay's friends
had determined to appoint a committee, in order
if possible to prevent its proceedings Coin being
mere mockery, thev moved that the committee
should bo instructed to inquire into the truth of
ereA specific charge in Mr. Krcmers letler, and
should be authorized to send lor persons and pa
pers. The friends or Mr. Clay Micwcd that they
were opposed to a thorough investigation, by
refusing to dopt this prposition. They simply
referred the matter to a partisan committee,
without instructions and without authority, and
lot full libertv to pursue such a coutse as should
nt Mfeitaftott and vnthout intrive on hu Lcom to them most likely to promote the inter-
Jiuehanan'i Letter, Atlc? Register, vol. J- p. 410. . ' pfi (s r , (;.,..
Several of Mr. Clay friends had not hesitated i Kr0mcr course, refused lo appear be-
Clay's earliest Excuse,
The excuse which Mr. Clay first laid before
the public, for his bold and shameless coalition
with Mr. Adams, appeared in the form ofa let
ter to one of his friends in Virginia. This letter
was written twelve days before tho election, but
was not published until afier the election. Ily
a singular coincidence, it is dated ou the very
day on wlncli tne publication ot Mr. ivremei's
letter first announced tho coalition to the world.
It has every appearance of having been written,
just after the bargain was concluded, and while-
Mr. Clay was yet agitated by tiiose tears likely
to beset a man about to enter upon a dark ca
reer of treachery and shame. Wc give Ihe let
ler entire, us found in the 27th volume of Nilcs'
Register, at the 3SGth page.
Washington, 23tli Jan., 1825.
"My dear Sir:
" My position, in regard to the Presidential
contest, is highly critical, and such as to leave me
no path on which I can move without censure.
I have pursued, in regard lo it, the rule which 1
always observe in the d'scharge of my public du
ty. I have interrogated my conscience as to
what I ought to do, and that faithful guide tells
me that I ought to vote for Adams. I shall ful
fil its injunctions. Mr. Crawford's state of health,
and tho circumstances under which he presents
himself to the House, appear to me to be con
clusive against him. As a friend of liberty and
the permanence otour institutions, I cannot con
sent, in this early stage of their existence, by
contributing to the election of a military chief
tain, to give the strongest guaranty that this Re
public will march in the fatal road which has con
ducted every other Republic to ruin. I owe to
our friendship this frank exposition of my inten
tions. 1 am, and shall continue to be, assailed
by all the abuse which partizan zeal, malignity
and rivalrycan iuvent. I shall view, without emo
tion, these ellusions of mal'ce, and remain un
expose himself, on fit occasions, for the cood of
lus country?" When, wo ask, has Mr. (Jay ev
er exposed himself, for the good of his country?
Had lie, like Andrew Jackson, bared li: breast
in the deadly battle field! Had he ventured his
fortune? Had he submitted to the least degree
of privation and hardship? No, his life haf been
whiled away, amid the luxuries of office. He
had ever reclined upon ihe silken couch of polit
ical power; and the very act which he was then
endeavoring to excuse, was buta selfish attempt
to trim his sails, so as to catch the breeze Which
might waft him onwards, to the goal of his ambition.
Clay's Address to his Constituents.
The awakening wrath of an offended people
beginning to press heavily upon him, Mr. Clay
saw fit, on tho 26th of March, 1825, to issue, in
his own defence, an "Address to his constit
uents." The address occupies 16 printed
columns of Nile's Reg'ster. Iu all Ihe wor
dy length of this elaborate document, strange
as it may appear, he gives but two reasons lor
his vole against Jackson: 1st, that Jackson, as
a mere military chieftain, was not "so compe
tent to discharge the vanots, intricate, and com
plex duties of the office of chief magistrate, as
his competitor;" and 2d, that, by voting lor Ad
atns, he would conform to "the wishes of the
Ohio delegation." The first reason was given in
the letter to Brooke; the last, though it was nil
he had been able to add to bis defence, m the
space of two months, is too palpably false to have
the weight ofa feather in Mr. Clay's favor, for,
as we have before shown, Mr. Clay's friends in
Ohio, in the address of their State Convention,
in July, 1S24, had solemnly declared that the
election of Mr. Adams was the "event which it
was the first object of the friends of Mr. Clay to
PREVENT." Any man who knows John Sloanc,
John C. Wright, Joseph Vance and Mordccai
Barfly, the men who were then the leaders of
"ihe Ohio delegation, knows that Clay never
conformed to their wishes, but that they confor
med to the wishes of Clay. If the whigsoft his
day can believe that Henry Clay followed the
lead of John Sloane, upon the most important
question he was ever called upon to decide, and
that, too, in violation of the instructions, almost
, I 1 T 1. P
unanimously given mm rjy ine Legislature oi
Kentucky, it is plain that they must believe
Sloane, the greater man of tho two, and we would
humbly advise them, in that case, to drop Clay
and take up Sloane as the candidate under whom
they will meet deleat, m the ensuing election
The Object of the Coalition.
Even if there were not one particle of positive
testimony upon thesubiect, it svould still remain
as the noon-dav sun, that Mr. Clay made Adams
President for the sake of obtaining the office of
Secretary of State, and securing the succession
to the Presidency. The case proves itself . "Am
I asked for the proof?'1 said Mr. McDuffie, in the
House of Representatives, "1 answer, that it cir
cumstaiitial evidence be not rejected as inadmis
sible, it is full nnd satisfactory. Hear it! lie
lus
to proclaim that they meant lo make use of the
balance of power to control the arrangements of
the new administration, and when the? were in
formed of Jackson's determination not to bargain
foro this one-sided committe. The committee
so reported, and tho House let the matter drop.
' 'Tho Consummation.
itf. k PraMnrv. tho dr.iil.tl Mrm.d hir i lie eie.Mion cnmo on, on tno ;nn oi fcnrim-
,M.,il Ad.mn In bWn ihpv l'y, twelve days after Mr. Kremer' letter was
-t.-..,t n'c.A .. rfltmpninl Rnirif.' ' ' ipublished in the Columbion Observer; and, pre
. '' . rw " !ciscly as that letter had predicted, Mr. Clay nnd
Jitter to uie-vxjiuinuiuii vuM;rvcr. h- friemlg ,hcir ntcB loMr. A(lamiJ. To
. Towards the last of January, that, which men : use, again, the elegant language of another, he
kad at first deemed founded olely upon idle ru-, broke the triple cord of honor, principle and du
ttvora, too monstrous for belief, began to bear the ty. Ho abandoned his principles, deceived
ober aspect of truth and certainty. On lhe2tl Ohio, betrayed Kentucky, and sold the wont to
shaken in my purpose. What is a public man
worth, if ho will not expose himself, on fit occa
sions, for the good of his country?
" As to the result of the election, I cannot
speak with absolute certainty; but there is every
reason to believe that wo shall avoid the danger
ous precedent to which 1 allude.
"Be pleased to give my respects to Mr. '
and believe me always your cordial friend,
II. Clay.
" The Honorable F. Brooke."
Yes, it is here shown that Mr. Clay already
felt tho premonitory admonitions of conscious
guilt. He anticipates the indignatiou of an in
sulted people, and ho calls lho assaults which
he so caturally expected, the ' cflusions ofmaI-
ice." IIo adds, that he "shall view," these
effusions " without emotion;" yet, as wo have
seen, only three days after writing this letter, on
the 31st of the month, be sent ncard to the Na
tional Intelligencer, laden with the "emotions"
ofa bully nnd a duellistj
Clay's horror of a Military Chieftain.
The nole reason which he assigns to Judse
Brooke, for his contemplated vote, is, that Jack
son was " a military chieftain," and that it would
be "the strongest guaranty" of the ruin of
" this Republic, " to fleet a military chieftain in
tins early stage ot us cxmxncc. ynat misera
ble hypocrisy, and oh! what wretched folly was
this? Had Mr. Cluy, in this moment of mad
ness, forgotten tho immortal name of Washing
ton? ..Did he imagine that tho American people
had ceased to remember that it was a brave and
successful "military chieftain" who had been
their first President? Did he vainly hope that
ho could make any free-born citizen believe that
it was a stain upon a man's character, and a dis-
that lie had perilled his
gives the vote of his State in opposition to hi
own principles against tho will of the peopl
of that State and thereby makes the President;
aud then has the frontlcss, shameless audacity,
to set public opinion at defiance, by instantly and
openly receiving, as the reward of bis trcacliory
lo the people, and to his own principles, the high
est office that President can confer upon him!
Can any thing be more plain? It is the common
case, of a sale in market overt; and none but a
man of tho most consummate boldness and ef
frontery could hold up his head in society after
such a transaction."
There is abundant evidence, however, of the
most positive character, to show why the vote of
Kentucky was given to Adams.
Gen. Metcalf, one of tho members from Ken
tucky, when he returned to his constituency, al
ter the election, stated, as an excuse for voting
for Adams. "Wc could not possibly get Mr. Clay
into the cabinet without voting for and electing
Mr. Adams."
Francis Johnson, another Kentucky member.
said, after his return from Washington, "that he
voted for Mr. Adams to get Mr. Clay made Sec
retary of State."
David Trimble, another Kentucky member,
apologised for his vote, by saying. "We ascer
tained that Mr. Adams would make Mr. Clay
Secretary of State, and that Jacksou would not."
David White, another of the delegation.de
clared "I voted for Mr. Adams to promote Mr.
Clay's future prospects for tho Presidency."
John J. Crittenden, the same who is now in
the Senate of the United States, was then, as
now, probably the most intimate of Mr. Clay'i
friends. Tho following is an extract from a let
ter, from Mr. Crittenden to David White at Wash
ington, dated ...
"Frankfort. Jan. 19, 1825."
Extract. "Under all present circumstances, my first
wish in regard to this eulpeet (and it is one dictatad
both by personal partialities and considerations of the
nnhlic trood.1 would be that Jackson should be President,
and Clay his Secretary of State; nnd I really do believe
that the common good is more concerned in Clay's be
ing Secretary of State, than it is in question whether
Jackson or Adams should be rresiuent."
establishment of a fcarfr J precedent ; and I am
mistaken in all the warnings of instructive histo
ry, if I erred irr my judgment,"
Uut how did he regard the elevation ot Mr.
Adams? Iu the same addiess last quoted, he
says: "I saw, in his election, the establishment
of no dangerous example. I saw in it, on the
contrary, oulv conformity to the safe precedents
which had been established in the instances of
Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Madison, and -Mr. Monroe,
who had respectively filled tho same office from
which he was to be translated."
Connect with this declaration, the fact that
Clay became Adam's Secretary of Slate, and
what does it mean? Simply this; that as Jeffer
son, Madison, and Monroe were successfully ele
vated from the office of Secretary of State to that
of President, and as John Quincy Adams was
about to be, by his vote, so he himself could
likewise be elevated to the same office, after the
expiration of Adams' term. This it was that
made the election of Adams "a safe precedent''''
and that of Jackson a "dangerous" and a "fearful"
one. ;vir. Adams wouiu appoint viav ms secre
tary of State. General Jackson would not. If
Jackson would have agreed to havo appointed Clay
his Secretary, as Crittenden desired, his election
without doubt, "in the twinkling of an eye,
would have been converted into one of the most
beautiful aud acceptable of "precedents."
Clay's self-contradiction.
In his address to his Constituents, of March
28lh, 1825, Mr. Clay asserted that before he had
left Kentucky ;n the preceding fall, he had sla
ted to two individuals, the one a Dr. Drake, and
the other John J. Crittenden, his "determination
to support Mr. Adams, m preference to General
Jackson.
On the 12th of July, 1827, nearly two years
and a half after the election, in a speech made at
a public dinner, at Lexington, Ky., Mr. Clay de
clared
"It has been established, and can be further proved
that, before I left this State the preceding fall, 1 comma,
nicated to several centlemen of the hitchest respectabil
ity, my fixed dctcrmirHion not to vote for General
jacKfon." see juauorys eauion oj uiay t opeemes, xoi,
l,p. 540.
In an address to tho public, dated December.
1827. Mr. Clay reiterates this assertion, and
dwells upon it at great length. He also make
a witness of John J. Crittenden, and gets him to
testify, in a letter, dated Sept. 1827, that he.
Clay, previous to going to Washington in the
fall ot lwil, had said to mm that it was impossi
'ole for him to vole for Jackson "in any event?
It happens, however, that this is the same John
J. Crittenden who wrote to David White, on the
19th of January, 1825, that he desired that "Jack
son should be President c Clay his Secretary o
State, and this, loo, in a letter which manifested
the most devoted subservience to Mr. Clay.
But, unfortunately for Mr. Clay, ho has him
self furnished amplo contradictions of the truth
of these statements. His own address of March
20th, 1S25, abounds with declarations for the
purpose of showing that he made up his mind as
to his vote for Adams, after he arrived at Wash
ington. We will give a few extracts from that
address, as we find them in Mallory's addition.
"Up to near Christmas" says Mr. Clay, "it re
mained uncertain whether Mr. Crawford or my
self would be returned to the House of Represen
tatives." That matter having been determined
against Mr. Clay he adds
"I found myself transformed from a candidate before
the people, into nn elector for the people. I deliberate
ly examined the duties incident to this new attitude, nnd
weighed nil tno lacts c-eiore me, upon wtucti my juag
ment was to be formed or reviewed."
Mr. Clay here speaks of examining the duties
incident to a "new attitude,'" and of a judgment
which "was to be formed. V ill any candid man
pretend that such language agrees with the story
that he had previously determined his vote? A
gain, he says :
"The first inquiry which it behooves tne to make was,
as to the influence which oueht to be exerted on my
udement, by which the relative state of the electoral
votes which the three returned candidates brought into
the House from the Colleges."
Here, the first inquiry in the process of form
ing his judgment, is stated to have been in rela
tion to a fact which was entirely unknown to him
ntil the last of December. . After disposing of
this subiecl, be says :
"I proceeded to examine the other considerations which
belonged to tho question."
After the statement of the chief of these "oth
Virginia, ami challenged him to mortal combat.
The nrovocation and ground, of the challenge.
were the words we have placed at the head of
this address, which Mr. Randolph had made use
of on the floor of the Senate, iu describing the
uuion between Mr. Clay and Mr. Adams. Upon
their meeting, at the second fire, Mr. Randolph,
not choosing lo kill Mr. Clay, fired in tho air,
and the Darties separated. Whether it was, "a
safe precedent for an American Secretary of
State to challenge and fight a member of Con
gress for words spoken in debate, is a question
we leave our reaoers to ueivnmue. v. j -
conscience.'' which he olways "interrogated
upon important occasions, undoubtedly told him)
that,ns!de from the risk winch he run ot getting
shot, the precedent was perfectly "safe.
How the issue was tried-
The matter in issue between Mr. Clay and his
accusers, was tried, not by a partisan committee
as he had once endeavored to have it, bat by the
unbought people of the country.- From the time
of the consummation of the bargain up to the
election of 1828, it was tho main question before
the people. 1 he bargainers were backed by all
the patronage of the government, and they strug
gled as if for their veryjives. Coffin handbills,
monumental inscriptions, "shutlleu militia docu
ments," and every species of slander, falsehood
and foul abuse, were the aliment which tho coa
lition administration dealt out to the people.
Every thing was resorted to, which could corrupt
intimidate, or seduce. Mr. Clay himself became
a travelling electioneerer, a harangucr at politi
cal barbecues and dinners, and used all the elo
quence and all the ingenuity he possessed, to
persuade the people that he was innocent. He
even ventured, in a public speech made at Balti
more, in May, lb4S, to invoke the name of Deity
in his behalf, and pray that the Almighty would
send "WAR, PESTILENCE AND FAMINE"-
upon tho country, rather than the election of that
man whom, four years before, he had defrauded of
the ofhee to which the place he held in the hearts
of his countrymen had justly entitled him. The
following were Mr. Clay's words, as reported in
Nilcs' Register, vol 34, page 1S5:
"I would humbly prostrate myself before Him, and im
plore his, mercy, to visit our favored land with war, with
pestilence, with famine, with any scourge, other than
military rule, or a blind and a heedless enthusiasm for
mere military renown."
The Result.
But all the elTorfsoflhe Coalition were in vain. .
The majority which the people gave to the brave
and noble-hearted Chief of the Hermitage, was
overwhelming. Every one of the five States,
whose Representatives had followed the lead of
Mr. Clay, voted against Clay and Adams. Even
Kentucky herself refused to ratify the corrupt
bargain of her false Representatives, and voted ,
for Andrew Jackson. Adams obtained but 83
out of 261 electoral votes, and the whole nation
hailed the elevation of Jackson as "a precedent"
which vindicated the sovereignty of the unbought
er considerations,' we find the following words
We append another extract, from this same
letter, to show tho political morals ol that .time.
as well as the slavish devotion to the interests ol
Mr. Clay, which was then inculcated upon tho
Kentucky members,
"I voted for him. fOalhoun.! it is true, as Vice Presi
dent, but 1 did it because I thought he was the abler
man. If I had thought Clay's interest would have been
advanced a hair's bredth by voting against Calhoun, it
would nave neon uone."
This letter was published in tho Kentucky pa-
pers in 1828, and its authenticity has never been
denied. When it was written, Criltenden had
not yet learned that Jackson had refused to bar
gain for the Presidency, and he thereforo expres
sed his honest preference for Jackson as Pros
dent.
The line of "Safe Precedents."
- But Mr. Clay has indiscreetly given us cvi
deuce upon this subiect, from his own pen
In his letter to Judgo Brooke, ho says, "there
is every reason to believe that we shall avoid the
danserous precedent to which 1 allude.'' That
"precedent" was tho election of Andrew Jack
son. , - "
In his Address to his Constituents, of Marc
qualification for office
lifo in defence of his country, and had led his 26th, 1825, ho says: "In his Andrew Jackson's
countrymen lo victory and to glory elevation to thi office, thought I perceived tho
A collateral consideration of much weight, was de-
rived from the wishes of the Ohio delegation. A mnior-
tv of it. during the progress of vie session, made up their
opinions to support Mr. Adams, and they were commu
nicated to me."
Is not this a plain declaration that his decision
was strongly influenced by opinions of others,
communicated to him "during the progress of the
session ?" Yet Mr. Clay would be glad to have
t believed that his mind had been made up long
before the commencement of the session, while
he was yet in Kentucky. Surely no indicted
criminal was ever found to have involved himself
in a more palpable contradiction.
Mr. Clay's letter to Judgo Urooke, which we
have before niven, may also be referred to in this
connoxion. I uat tetter Dears ciato tne zcftn- ot
January, only twelve days before the election,
and was evidently written by a man who had but
recently decided on his course.
Further testimony upon this subject is given by
Governor Floyd, of Virginia , a man whose ve
racity Mr. Clay never dared to dispute. Gov,
Floyd testifies that, in the month ol January,
1825, or in the latter part of the preceding month
of December, he called upon Mr. Clay to ascer
tain his determination as to the Presidential elec
tion, and that Mr. Clay then stated his position
to him "in nearly the following words:"
"When I takeun the pretensions of Mr. Adams, and
weiph them, nnd lay them down then tako up the pre
tensions of Con. Jackson, woitrh them nnd lay them
down by the side of those of Mr. Adams I never was
as much puzzled in all my life, as I am to decide be
tween them."
It in is view of facts likcthese, that wo are fully
justi find in adopting tho strong declaration of Mr.
McDuffie That the circumstances ot the extra
ordinarily coalition between Mr. Adams and Mr.
Clay, furniBh as strong evidence of an AUAN
DONMENT OF POLITICAL PRINCIPLE on
the part of Mr. Clay, and a CORRUPT POLIT
ICAL BARGAIN between him and Mr. Adams,
as is ordinary required m courts of justice, to es
tablish tho guilt of thoso who are charged with
the hi sheet crime known to the law.
Tell us not that Mr. Adams and Mr. tiay
have, with solemn appeals to Heaven, asserted
their own innocence. The facts aro too deci
sive and their own declarations, however solemn
can havo no more' woight than tho self-exculpa'
tory 'declarations of him who stands arraigned for
his crimes, at the bar ot a court ol justice.
The Duel with John Randolph.
Findintr that he was not able to stem the tide
of public opinion, neither by his pen nor by his
tongue, Mr. Clay resorted to the weapons of which
he had first thought when, ou tne dist ot janua
ry, 1825, he saw Mr. Kremer's letter to tho Co-
lumbian Ubserver. i nai wtnen ne nao iauou
to accomplish asli writer and an orator, he hopod
to accomplish in his character as a aucum. Ac
cordingly, in April, 182C, ho singled out one of
tho boldest of his opponents, John Randolph, of
million, and rescued the government from the
hands of those who had made base traffic of hon
or, principle and duty, and whoso corrupt ambi
tion had threatened the total ruin ot our tree in
stitutions. The verdict of the country, in 1828,
was repeated, with still moro emphasis, in 1832.
Clay, himself, was then tho sole candidate of his
party, and out of 280 electoral votes, ho received
barely 41).
Shall the Verdict be Reversed.
It is nearly twenty years since the commission
of the high offence for which Mr. Clay was thus
condemned; and he now has tho elliontery to
seel; a reversal ot mat verdict wnicti was pro
nounced upon his case while tho fact was still
recent, and all its circumstauces were fresh with
in the memory of the peoplo. If it is reversed
at all, it must bo done, not on the ground of new
ly discovered testimony and established inno
cence, but on the same principle upon which' a
condemned felon receives a pardon from tho
Executive. And what has Mr. Clay done to
entitle him to his country's clemency? Has he
repented of the high crime of which he was guil
ty? Has he, in tho least degree, atoned for the
foulest insult which was ever offered to the majes
ty of a free people? Has he blotted out his for
mer infamy by a subsequent life of generous de
votion to the interests of his country? No; his
offence is uniepontcd; it is unatoned; it is not,
and it never can be, blotted out. He has con
tinued, up to this day, to exhibit tho same selfish
spirit and unprincipled ambition which, in 1825,
led him to violate the most sacred obligations of
his life: His political schemes have been fra
med solely for his own political aggrandizement.
His measures have all been disastrous to the
country, and the very agitation of his plans has
been constantly tho source of mischief and con
fusion. And wc ask you, fellow-citizens, that it
may not be forgotten that, from the time of the
Coalition to the present moment, ho has never
ceased to bo the virulent opponent and vindic
tive vilifier of ANDREW JACKSON. True it
his malignant labors havo ever been in vain
and Jackson has, all the while, continued to in
crease in tho estimation of his countrymen: yet
Clay's bad passions have seemed only to burn
with greater fury; his malice has been none the
less, and he, therefore, none the less deserves
the censure and rebuke of the millions who love .
and venerate the most illustrious statesman and
hero of our times.
Tho peoplo of Ohio have a double interest in
this question, because, they have not only to pass
again upon the claims of HENRY CLAY, who
especially deceived them in 1824, and whom
they condemned, both in 1828 and in 1832, but
they fiave also beloro tnom, as the anti-dcmocrat-ic
candidate for Governor, MORDECAI BART
LEY, of Richland, one of thoso men, of tho '-Ohio
delegation," who bocamo the willing instruments
in tho hands of Mr. Clay, lor the consummation
of his corrupt and treacherous bargain. Let,
then, tho voice of Ohio be heard on tho side of
sound principles and of political honor, and that,
too, in such thunder tones as demagogues may
never hoar but once.
We leave the subject, fellow-citizens, to your
candid consideration, with a confident assurance
that you will honestly discharge your whole duty
and wo rejoice in the anticipation, that tho result
of the pending Presidential election will not only
be auspicious to the best interests ot our be
loved country, but that it will also maKe the name
and fate of Henry Clay, a solemn warning, and
"a fearful precedent" to every corrupt and faith-.
less politician, tnrougn an time to come.
...,, tJlIAKL,ll.S JJ. f LUUD, '
' THOMAS J. MORGAN,
JACOB MEDARY,
S.D.PRESTON,
CHARLES A. LOOMIS,
Young Men's Democratic State Central ComHce.
Columbus, O., May 6th, 1844. '
The German Treaty. The treaty negotia
ted wilh tho Gorman League, by Mr. Wheaton,
is exciting considerable attention in London and
Paris. In London the Board of Trade hold
a meeting upon the subject, and, it is said, had
come to the determination to reduce the import
duties upon American tobacco. 'It was also cur
rently reported in Paris, that the French Cabinet
had resolved to follow tho footsteps of Englund
respecting the import duty upon that article. V
If
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