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About The Cadiz sentinel. [volume] (Cadiz, Ohio) 184?-1851

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VOLUME XI.
CADIZ, HARRISON COUNTY, OHIO, AUGUST 7, 1811.
NUMBER 20.
a
' PRINTED AND PrBLISHEI) EVERY WEDNESDAY
BY .. HARPER.
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Qj Advertising. One square, (twelve lines,) fiftv
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subsequent publication. A liberal discount made to
those who advertise by the year.
07- Letters to the editor must be post paid.
POLITICAL.
from the Clinton Democrat.
THE DEATH OF CI L LEY.
The following lines are from the pen of Mrs.
Sigourney. We think that they will not bo un
interesting at the present time, when it is remem
bered that Mr. Clay wrote the cnaiicnge wnicn
doomed to an untimely death the much lamented
Cilley. Wa hope that our readers will read at
tentively these beautiful stanzas. Let them pic
ture to themselves the happiness and content
ment with which Mrs. Cilley was surrounded
Let them see her in the mirror of these verses
beside her fire, with those dark-haired boys be
side her, while the wintry winds of her own ro
mantic State swept by her unheeded. Let them
see her hanging over the scroll which bore her
husband's voice of love. Let them see the pla
cid smile play across her brow when she thought
of her husband's wished for return. Then let
them see the brightness of her countenance
fade away. Let them see this last glimmering
of her blissful sun pass away before the darkness
of her misery. Let them see the melancholy
look. Let them hear the shriek of that distrac
ted mother as she receives the news of her hus
band's death; and let them contemplate Mr. Clay
the cause of her miseries, the author of her ca
lamities. Let them see him rejoicing over her
misfortune and her woo; rejoicing over the death
of her husband, and exclaiming, as he did, with
savage carelessness and barbarian disregard for
the fine feelings of human nature, that 'it was
only a nine day bubble.' But ah! it was a 'bub
ble' that will tell upon that young widow's heart.
It was a 'bubble' that gathered into a wave, and
will rock till it sinks with her to the grave, the
sea of her contentment, her joy, and her peace.
It is a 'bubble' whose echo will resound in the
duel-dark caverns of her heart, and which will
scarcely have its requiem in the tomb. Let our
whig friends then consider every thing connect
ed with the duel. Let them remember that
II. A. Wise, in the halls of Congress, accused
Mr. Clay of being the principal actor in this du
el, and that clay did not avail himself of the law
which defends and protects the innocent, let
them also remember that Mr. Clay dors not de
ny writing the challenge, and said that it was on
ly a 'bubble.' Let them remember these things;
and then if they can stop their ears against the
widow's cry and the orphan's lament ; if they can
spurn her tears, her sighs, her sobs, and sorrows,
and vote for Mr. Clay, thus justilying the inur
der, trampling upon the tears of the bereaved
wife, adding another pang to her woe, and join
ing issue with Mr. Clay in his wicked and uu
feeling laugh at her misery, they may enjoy all
the case which their conscience can give them
But let them remember that if Ihcy will not,
the great mass of the people, the democratic
party, will always sympathize with the bereaved
have always a tear to shed over the misfortunes
of the widow; and will always give to the mur
derer, to the entailer of miseries and inflicter
of woes, the just rebuke which his wickedness
deserves. Possessing this spirit ot justice and
of right, of sympathy and good feeling, they
will avenge at the ballot box on next election
day, the injuries of Mis. Cilley so beautifully
yet mournfully portrayed in the following stanzas:
DEATH OF CILEEY--THE CONTRAST.
BY MllS. L. H. SIGOURNEY.
The mother sat beside her fire,
Well trimmed it was and bright.
While loudly moaned the forest pines,
Amid that wintry uight.
"She heard them not those wind-swept pines,
For o'er a scroll she hung,
Thnt bore her husband's voice of love,
As when that love was young.
And thrice her son beeida her knee, .
Besought her favorite eye,
And thrico her lisping daughter spoke,
Before she mado reply.
1 " O, little daughter, many a kiss, r
. Lurks in this treasured line,
And boy a father's counsels fond,
And tender prayers are thine.
Thou hast his proud and arching brow,
Thou hast his eye of flame,
And bo the purpose of thy soul, , ;
Thy sunward course the same."
, ' Then as she drew them to her arms,
, Down her fair cheek would glido
A tenr, that shone like diamond spark,
, The tear of love and pride. '
She took her infant from its rest, ;
And laid it on her knee,
, "Thou ne'er hast seen thy sire," nho said, .
"But he"ll be proud of thee.
V, Yes he'll be proud of thee, my dovo,
W ' The lllly of our line;
I know what eye of blue he loven,
And such an eye is thine.'V
" Where is my father gone, mama,
Why does he stay so long?"
' . -i lie's fur away in Congress Hall,
v Amid the noble throng.
: f He's in the lofty Congress Hall,
To swell the high debate,
, ' And help to frame those rightoouslaws,
. That make our land so great.
But ere the earliest violets bloom,
,"-.- You in his arms shall be s
So go to rest, my children dear.
And pray for nim and me."
The snow flakes reared their drifted mound,
1 They buried nntura deep,
Yet naught within that pnaooful home,
f Stirred the soft down of aleep. ' '
ror lightly, like an angel's dream
. The trance of slumber fell ' '. .
jvhere innocence and holy lovo
i" Entwined their guardian spell.
Another eve another scroll,.
'' ' Wot ye, what words it said I -t
Two words, two fearful words, it bore,
TkeAulland thtdcadU , .
1. The duel I and the deadhow dark . .
J t Was that young mother's eye, , ''
Ilow fearful hor protracted swoon '
. How wild her piercing cry ! , '
There's many a wife, whose bosom's lord, ;
it,-- IsJn his prime laid low -.,
F.ngulphed beneath the watery main, V ,
.While bitter tempests blow.
Clay and the U. S. Bank
--A speech ol the "great
Embodiment."
The federnl Editors need not complain that
we do not publish the speeches jof the "Mill Boy
of the Slashes," for we believe that we have pub
lished his opinions on the Tariff more at length
than has any federal Organ in the place. We
presume our readers are now pretty familiar with
Clay's views on the Tariff question at least his
opinions to suit the South. No doubt they look
upon hiin us still-lhering to the Compromise
Act, (which affords' no protection) and "more of
a Free Trade man than Mr. Van Burcn."
We shall now turn our attention to publishing
in the Sentinel, Mr. Clay's speeches on the Uni
ted States Bank. And fust we shall commence
with one triad a in I8ll. It's rather Democratic,
to be sure, but at the time it was delivered, Mr,
Clay was not a feed counsellor of that corrupt
institution. "Cases alter circumstances," as Tit
tlebat Titmouse used to say, and no doubt Mr.
Clav. had substantial and weighty reasons for
"jumping jim crow.
We hope our readers will peruse the following
speech carefully, and Ihcn hand it to their whig
neighbors. It is one of the best speeches ever
Clay made:
CLAY AND THE U. S. BANK.
As the words of the "Great Embodiment," are
thought more of by many of his followers, than
even those of "Holy Writ," we subjoin the fol
lowing from his speech ot 1811 on the U. fe
Bank. Read reflect and then decide
What is a corporation, such as the bill contem
plates? It is a splendid association of favored
individuals, taken from the mass of society, and
invested with exemptions and surrounded by im
munitics and privileges. The honorable gentle
man from Massachusetts (Mr. Floyd) has said,
that the original law, establishing the uauk, was
ustly liable to the obicction ot vesting in that in
stitution an exclusive privilege, the faith of the
Government being pledged that no other Bank
should be authorized during its existence, llus
objection he supposes is obviated by the bill un
der consideration: but all corporations enjoy ex
elusive privileges that is, the corporators have
privileges which no others possess. If you create
fifty corporations, instead of one, you have only
nil v privileged bodies, instead of one. 1 contend
that the States have the exclusive power to reg,
ulate contracts to declare the capacities and
incapacities to contracts and provide as to the
extent of responsibility of debtors and creditors.
If Congress have the power to erect an artificial
body, and say, it shall be endowed with the at
tributes of an individual if you can bestow on
this subject of your own creation the ability to
contract, may you not, in contravention of State
Rights confer upon slaves, infants, ttn&femmtx
coverte tho ability to contract? And if you have
the power to say, that an association of individu
als shall be responsible for their debts, only in a
certain limited degree, what is to prevent an ex
tension of a similar exemption to individuals?
Where is the limitation upon this power, to set. up
corporations? You establish one in the heart of
a State the basis of whoso capital is money.
You may erect others, whose capital shall consist
of land, slaves and personal estates, and thus the
whole property, within the jurisdiction of a State
might he absorbed by these political bodies. The
existing banks contend, that it is beyond the
power of Congress by chartering Companies, to
dry up all the sources of State Revenue. Geor
gia has undertaken, it is true, to levy a tax on the
branch within her jurisdiction but this law now
under a course of litigation, is considered as in
valid. The United States owes a great deal of
land iu the State of Ohio. Can this Government
for the purpose of creating an ability to purchase
it, charter a Company ? Aliens are forbidden, I
believe, in that State to hold real estate, l.ould
you in order to multiply purchasers confer upon
them the capacity to hold land, in derogation of
the legal law? I amagino this will hardly be in
sisted upon, and yet there exists a more obvious
connection between tho undoubted power which
is possessed by this Government to sell its land,
and the means of executing that power, by in
creasing the demand in the market, than there
is between this bank and the collection of a tax.
This Government has the power to levy taxes to
raise armies provide ammunitions-make war
regulate commerce coin money, &c. &c. It
would not bo difficult to show as intimate a con
nection between a corporation established for any
purpose whatever, and someone orother of these
great powers, as there is between the revenue &
the Bank ot the United estates.
Let us enquire into the actual participation of.
this Bank in tho collection ot the revenue. 1'rior
to the passage of the act of 1800, requiring the
collectors of these ports of entry at which the
principal Bank, or any of its oflices, are situated
to deposit with them the custom house bonds, it
had uot tho smallest ascendency in the collection
of the duties. During almost one moiety of the
period of which the existence of this institution,
was limited, it was in no wise instrumental in the
collection of that revenue to which it is now be
come indispensable! The collection pievious to
1800, was mado entirely by the collectors; and
even at present whoie thero is one port of entry,
at which this bank is employed, there are eight
or ten at which the collection is made, as it was
before 1800. And, sir, what docs this Bank or
its branches where resort is had to it? It does
not adjust with the merchant the amount of duty,
nor take his bond, nor if tho bond is not paid,
coerce the payment by distress or otherwise. In
fact, it has no active agency whatever in tho col
lection.,, Its operation is merely passive; that is,
if the obliged, after his bond is placed in the
Bank discharges it, all is well. Such is the migh
tv aid afforded by this tax gatherer, without
which (he Government cannot get along! Again
it is not pretended that the. very limited assis
tance which this institution does in truth render
extends to any plhcr than a single species of tax
that is, duties. In the collection of the excise
the direct and to her internal taxes, no aid was
derived from any Bank. It is true, in tho collcc.
tion of those taxes, the fanner did uot obtain the
same indulgence which the rnerchaut receives in
paying duties. But what ; obliges Congress to
give credit at all? Could it not demand prompt
payment of the duties? And, in facf.docs it not
so demand in many , instances? Whether credit
s given or not, is a matter of mere discretion.
If it be a facility to mercantile operations (as I
presume it is,) it ought to be granted. But I
deny the right to engraft upon it a bank, which
you would not otherwise have the powerto erect.
cannot curate the necessity of a Bank,
ant then plead that neceesitu for its establish
ment. In the administration of its finances, the
Bank acts simply as a payer and receiver. The
Secretary of tho Treasury lias money in New
York and wants it in Charleston: tho Bank will
furnish hiin with a check or bill, to make the re
mittance, which any merchant would do just as
wen.
l win now show, by tact, actual experience,
not rhetoric reasoning, but by the records them
selves of tho Treasury, that the operation of that
department may be as well conducted without as
with this Bank I he delusion has consisted in
tho use ofccitain high sounding phrases, dexter
ously used on that occasion "the collection of
the revenue" "tho administration of the finan
ces "the conducting ot the fiscal affairs of the
Government"- -the usual language of the advo
cates of a Bank to extort express assent, or awe
into acquicsciico, without inquiry or examination
into necessity. About the commencement of
this year there appears by the report of tho Sec
retary of the treasury, of the 7th January, to have
been a little upwards ot two millions and four
hundred thousand dollars in the Treasury of the
Lniteu mates; and more than one third ot this
whole sum was in the vaults of local Banks. In
several instances where opportunities existed of
selecting the Bank, a preference has been given
to the Stale Bank, at least a portion of the de
posits has been made with it. In New York, for
example, there was deposited in the Manhattan
Bank 188,670, although a branch Bank is in
that city. In this district, $115,000 were depos
ited with the Bank of Columbia, although here
also is a branch Bank, and yet the State Banks
are utterly unsafe to be trusted? If the money
after the bonds are collected, is thus placed with
these Banks, I presume there can be no difficulty
in placing the bonds themselves there, if they
must bo deposited with some bank for collection,
which I deny.
Again: one of the most important and compli
cated branches of the Treasury Department, is
tho management of our landed system. The
sales have, in some years, amounted to upwards
of half a million of dollars, are generally made
upon credit,and yet no Bank whatever is made
use of to facilitate the collection. After it is
made, the amount in some instances, has been
deposited with Banks, and according to the Sec
retary's Report, which I have before adverted to,
the amount so deposited was in January, upwards
of three hundred thousand dollars, not one cent
of which was in tho vaults of the bank of the
United Stales, or any of its branches: but in the
Bank of Pennsylvania, its branch at Pittsburg, the
Marietta Bank, and the Kentucky Bank. Upon
this point of responsibility, I cannot subscribe to
the opinion of the Secretary of the Treasury; if
t is meant, that the ability to pay the amount ot
any deposites winch the Government may make
under any exigency, is greater than that of the
State Bunks; that tho accountability of a ramified
nstitution, whose affairs are managed by a single
head, responsible for all its members, is more sim
ple than (hat of a number of independent and un
connected establishments. I shall not deny; but
with regard to safety, I am strongly inclined to
think it is on the side of the local Banks. The
corruption or misconduct of the parent, or any of
ts blanches, may bankrupt or destroy the whole
system, and the loss of the Government in that
event will be of the deposites mado with each,
whereas, in the failure of one State Bank, the loss
will be confined to the deposit in the vault of that
Bank. It is said to have been a part of Burr's
plan to seize on the branch Bank at. New Or
leans. At that period large sums, imported from
La Vera Cruz, alleged to have been deposited
with it, and if the traitor had accomplished the
design, the Bank of tho United States, if not ac
tually bankrupt, might have been constrained to
slop payment.
It is urged by the gentleman from Massachu
setts, (Mr. Loyd) that as this nation advances in
commerce, wealth and population, new energies
will be unfolded, new wants and exigencies will
arise and hence he infers, that powers must be
implied from the Constitution. But, sir, the
question is, shall we stretch the instrument to
embrace cases not fairly within tho scope, or shall
we resort to that, remedy, by amendment; which
the Constitution prescribed!
Gentlemen contend, that the construction
which ihey give to the Constitution has been
acquiesced in by all parties and under all adniiu-
strations; and they rely particularly on an act
which passed in 1801, for extending a branch to
New Orleans; and another act of 1807, for pun
ishing those who should forge or utter forged pa
per ot the Bank. ' With regard to the lust law,
passed no doubt upon the recommendation of the
Treasury Department, I would remark, that it
was the extension of a branch to a Territory over
which Congress possesses the power of legisla
tion almost uncontrolled, and where, without any
constitutional impediment, charters of incorpora
tion may be granted. A's to the other act, it was
passed no less for the benefit of the community
than the Bank to protect the ignorant and un
wary fvom counterfeit paper, purporting to have
been emitted by tho bank. When gentlemen
are claiming the advantage supposed to be dedu
ciblc from acquiesence, let me inquire what they
would have those to do, who believed the estab
lishment of a Bank an encroachment upon State
Rights? Wore they to have resisted, and how?
By force? , Upon the change of parties in 1800,
it must bo well recollected, that the greatest ca
lamities wore predicted as a consequence of that
event. Intentions were ascribed to the new oc
cupants of power of violating tho public faith; and
prostrating National credit. Under suchcircum-
stances, that they should act with great circum
spection, was quite natural, they saw in lull
operation, a Bank chartered by a Congress woo
had as much right to judge of their Constitution
al power as their successors. Had they revoked
the law which gave it existonce tho institution
would, inall probability, have continued to trans
act business notwithstanding. The Judiciary
would have been appealed to, and from the opin
ions and predilections of the Judges then com
posing it, they would have pronounced tho act of
incorporation, is in the natiuo ot a contract be
yond the repealing power of any succeeding leg
islature. And, sir, what a scene of confusion
would such a state of things havo presented an
act of . Congress, which was law in the statue
book, and a nullity on the judicial records! Was
it not the wisest to wait tho natural dissolution of
the corporation, rather than accelerate that event,
by a repealing law involving so many delicate
considerations?
When gentlemen attempt to carry this mea
sure upon the ground of acquiescence of pre
cedent do they forget that we are not in West
minster Hall f In courts of lustice, tho utility
of uniform decision exacts of the judge a con-
lormity to the adjudication of his predecessor.
In tho interpretation and administration of the
law, this practice is wise and proper and, with
out it, every thing dependant upon the caprice of
the Judge, we should have security tor our dear
est rights. It is far otherwise, when applied to
the source of legislation. Here no rule exists
but the Constitution, and to legislate upon the
ground merely that our predecessors thought
themselves authorized, under similar circumstan
ces to legislate, is to sanctify error and perpetu
ate usurpation. But if we are to be subjected
to the trammels of precedent, I claim, on the
other lifjiit, tho benefit of the restrictions under
which the intelligent Judge cautiously receives
them. Jt is an established rule, that to give a
previous adjudication any effect, the mind of the
Judge who pronouueed it must have been awa
kened to the subject, and it must havo been a
deliberate opinion formed afier full argument In
technical langnago it must have been a subslicn
tio. Now, the acts of 180-1 and 1807, relied
upon as pledge for the rccharteiiuc this compa
ny, passed not only without any discussions what
ever of the constitutional power of Congress to
establish a Bank; but, 1 venture to say, without
a single member having had his attention drawn
ro mis question, i nari the honor ol a seat in
the Senate, when the latter law passed, probably
voted tor it, and declare, with the utmost sincer
ity, that I never once thought of that point, and
I appeal confidently to every honorable member,
who was then present, to say if that was not his
situation.
This doctrine of precedents, applied to the
Legislature appears to be fraught with the most
mischievous consequences. The great advan
tage of our system of Government over all others
is, that we have a written Constitution defining
its limits and prescribing its authority and that,
however, for a time, faction may convulse the
nation, and passion and party prejudice sway its
functionaries, the season of re-election will recur
when, calmly retracing their deeda all aberrations
from fundamental principles will be corrected.-
But once substitute practice for principle the
exposition of the Constitution for the text of the
Constitution and in vain shall we look for the in
strument in the instrument itself. It will be dif
fused and intangible as the pretended Constitu
lion of England, and must be sought for in the
statue books, in the fugitive journals of Congress,
and in the reports ot the Secretary of the 1 reas-
ury. What would bo our condition if we were to
take the interpretations given to that sacred
book, which is, to be the criterion of our faith, for
the book itself? We should find the Holy Bible
buried beneath the interpretations, glosses and
comments of councils, synods and learned Di
vines, which have produced swarms of intolerant
and furious sects partaking less of the mildness
of their origin, than of a vindictive spirit of hostili
ty towards each other. They ought to afford us a
solemn warning, to make that Constitution which
we have sworn to support, our invariable guide.
I conceive then, sir, that we are not empower
ed by the Constitution, nor bound by any practice
under it, to renew the charter of the bank, and I
might here rest the argument. But as there are
strongobjectionstothe renewal, on the score of ex
pediency, and, as the distresses which will attend
the dissolution of the Bank have been greatly ex
aggerated, I will ask for your indulgence for a
tew moments longer. J hat some temporary in
convenience will arise, I shall not deny, but most
groiindlossly have recent failures in New York
leen attributed to the discontinuance ot this
Bank. As well nvght you ascribe to that cause
the failures of Amsterdam and Hamburg, of Lon
don and Liverpool The embarrassments of com
merce the sequestrations in France tho Dan-
sh captures in fine, the belligerent edicts, are
the obvious sources of these fiilnres. Their
immediate cause is the return of bills upon Lou
don drawn upon the faith of unprofitable ship
ments. Yes, sir, the protest of the notaries ol
London, not those of New York, have occasion
ed these bankruptcies.
The power of a nation is said to consist in the
sword and the purse. Perhaps at last all power
is resolvable into that of the purse; for, with it,
you may command almost every thing else. The
specie circulation of the United States is estima
ted by some calculations at ten millions of dol
lars: it it be no more, one moiety is in vault ot
this Bank. May not the time arrive when a con
centration of such a vast portion of tho circula
ting medium of tho country, in the hands of any
corporation, will be dangerous to our liberties?
By whom is this immense power wielded I By a
body who in derogation of the great principle of!
all our institutions, responsibility to the people,
is amenable only to a few stockholders, and they
chiefly foreigners. Suppose an attempt to sub
vert this Government.--Would not the traitor
first aim by force of corruption, to acquire the
treasure of this Company ? Look at it in another
aspect. Seven-tenths of US capital are in the
hands of foreigners, and these foreigners chiefly
English subjects. We are possibly on the eve
of a rupture with that nation. Should such an
event occur do vou apprehend that the Lnghsh
Premier would hesitate in obtaining the entire
control of this institution! Republics above all
other Governments, ought most seriously to
guard against foreign influence. All history
proves, that the internal dissensions, excited
by foreign intrigue have produced the downfall of!
almost every free government that has hitherto
existed; and yet gentlemen contend that we are
benefitted by the possession of foreign capital!
if wo could have its use, without its attending
abuse, I should be gratified also. But it is in
vain to expect the one without the other.
Wealth is power, and, under whatever form it
exists its proprietor, whether he lives on this or
the other side of the Atlantic, will have a pro
portionate influence. It is argued, that the pos
session of this foreign capital 1ms given us a
great influence over the . British Government
If this reasoning be sound, we had better
invoke the - interdiction as to aliens holding
and, and invite foreigners to engross the
whole ' property, real and personal, of the
country, We had better at onco exchange the
condition of independent proprietor's for. that of
stewards. We should, then ,be ablo to govern
nations, according to the reasoning of gcntlorncn
on the other side. But let us put asido tins the
ory, and appeal to tho decisions of oxnerienco
Go to the other side of the Atlantic, and see
what has been achieved for us there, by Eng-j
lishmen holding seven-tenths of the capital of
this Bank. Has it released from galling aud ig
nominious bondage one solitary American sea
man under British oppression? Did it prevent
unmanly attack upon the Chesapeake? Did it
arrest the promulgation, or has it abrogated the
orders in council these orders which have gi
ven birth to a new era in commerce? In spite
of all its toasted effect, are not the two na
tions brought to the very brink of war? Are we
quite sure that, on this side of the water, it has
ad no effect favorable to British interests. It
li.is often been stated, and although I do not
know that it is susceptible of strict proof, I bc-
icvc it to be a fact that this Bank exercised its
influence in support of Jay's Treaty, and may it
not havo contributed to blunt the public senti
ment, or paralyze the efforts of this nation a
gainst British aggression?
I he Duke ot Northumberland is said to be
the most consideiable stockholder in the Bank
of the United States. A late Lord Chancellor
of England, besides other noblemen was a large
stockholder. Suppose the rrinco of Essling,
the Duke of Cadore, and other French dignita
ries, owned seven-eighths of the capital of this
Bank, should we witness the same exertions (I
allude not to anv made in the Senate) to re-char
ter it f So lar from it. would not the danger of!
French influence be resounded throughout the
nation? I shall, therefore, give my most hearty
assent to the motion for striking out the first
section of the bill.
From. Vie Indiana Stale Sentinel. .
LETTEK FROM EIV. JACKSON.
The following letter from Gen. Jackson was
received a few days since by a citizen of this
county. At the request of several citizens to
whom its contents were communicated, we take
great pleasure in giving it to the public.
IlEiraiTAGE, June 21, 1814.
Sir: I am in receipt of your letter of the 11th
instant, and, though in bad health myself, can
not forego the pleasure of saying a few words in
reply to it.
You request my opinion of the nominations
recently made at Baltimore by the democratic
party. I am entirely satisfied with them, and
have no doubt, if tho gentlemen nominated are
elected, that the people will find their adminis
tration true to the old republican landmarks, and
every way worthy of their support.
Mr. Polk was raised in my neighborhood, and
wont into public life as a Jeffersonian democrat.
To the great principles of that illustrious refor
mer of our system ot government he has been
ever faithful; and has proved himself on many
trying occasions Ihe ablo advocate of popular
rights, and tho sagacious friend of the measures
which were necessary todeleat the machinations
t . t I 1 1 M' 11 .
oi me letierai party, ins moral character is
pure; his capacity for business great; and to ex
traordinary powers of labor, both mental and phy
sical, he unites that tact and judgment which
are so requisite to the successful direction of
such an office as that of chief magistrate of a free
people.
With Mr. Dallas I am not so intimately ac
quainted; but from what I knew of him when he
represented Pennsylvania in the Senate of the
United Slates, aud was charged with high pub-
I'C trusts in various other important stations at
home and abroad, it cannot be doubted that he
equally deserves the confidence and admiration
of the people. The favors that have been con
ferred upon him by the Keystone State, whose
citizens are distinguished for love of order, and
for the support only of what is calculated to
spread the blessings of equal laws, are proof that
he has all the characteristics which are needed
in a crisis like this, to rally tho sound feelings
of the country at large.
I thank you, sir, for the solicitude vou 1
expressed for my personal welfare. My race is
nearly run. 1 am now not able to attend to the
duties of correspondence without the aid of an
amanuensis: but 1 thank uod tor the privilege
yet accorded to mo of comprehending the de
signs ot the leueral party. As long as 1 live
I will warn my country against the dangers
which will attend the success of Mr. Clay's pro
position to establish anothor mammoth bank; to
break down the security which the people posses
ses in the veto power given to tho President by
the constitution; to change the system of taxa
tion under which we have so long prospered, by
admitting the principle claimed in his bill for
tho distribution ot the proceeds of the public
lands; and lastly, to prevent the annexation of
1 exas to the United Slates for it cannot be do
nicd that his position on this question is utterly
at win- with the true interests ot ins country. He
says viitually that 1 exas ought not to be admit
tud into the Union while there is a respectable
portion of our citizens opposed to it. On such a
condition it is obvious annexation can never take
place. British influenco had considerable and
respectable advocates in this country in our re
volutionary war, and in our second war with her
Will it ever be without them? Never. As long
as there arc fanatics in religion, as long as there
are diversities and differences in human opinion
respecting the forms of government and the
rights o! tho people, such advocacy will be found
resisting the advance of institutions like ours,
and laboring to incorporate with them the fea
tures of an opposite system.
ho does not see that tho people of the Uni
ted States are competitors with the people of
buglaud in tho manufacturing arts, and in the
carrying trade ol the world and that tho ques
tion is soon to be, it it be not already, whether
Texas and Oregon are to be considered as aux-l
iliaries to American or British interests? wheth
er these vast and fertile regions are to be set-'
tied and worked by our posterity, blessed by re
publican government, or are to become the thea
tre of Britiah enterprise, and thus odd another
ink to the vast colonial chain by which that
great monarchy upholds its lords and nobles,
and extracts from suffering millions the ear
nings of their labor. .
Nor is the question altered by tho alleged in
terest pf Mexico, in the Texas territory. As
far as treaties are concerned, good faith is not
involved in our decision. If the proposition
were to annex Mexico with her assent, Texas
could dot complain. But we al! know that the
treaty argument is not only inapplicabler hut in
capable of use in the determination of the ques
tion, either as it affects us, Mexico, or other pow
ers. , Texas is independent of Mexico made
so by tha power of her arms, in the same sense
that we became independent of Great Britain.
She is independent of Mexico in another sense ;
that is, in never having constituted a pajt ol
Mexico, except by a compact which the latter
has violated, and which compact would never
have been formed if the United States had pet-
formed its duty.
But, without pursuing this view of the subject,
it is enough for us to look at the question as it
is practically presented to us. Texas tells us
she is anxious to come into the Union. Being
originally a part of our Union, knowing that she
cannot exist happily as a State without the pro
tection of our laws, that her geographical posi
tion, as well as the character and interest of her .
citizens, necessarily attach them to our territory;
and feeling, as wo may well suppose she does,
a greater concern for the fate of our free institu
tions than she can for those of any monarchy,
she is desirous that her fertile lands and genial
climate should share the glorious instrumentali
ty of cherishing and maintaining the blessings of
freedom. Is this unnatural? Can it be wiso
for us to turn a deaf ear to her entreaty, because
Lord Aberdeen and Lord Brougham, as British
statesmen, choose, to withhold their consent, and
ndulgc in vague apprehensions respecting the
effect of the measure on this scheme of abolish
ing slavery? Shame, shame on such patriotism!
Shame ou the credulity which can be duped by
such flimsy pretence.
J he American people cannot be deceived in
this manner. They know that the real object of
Eugland is to check the prosperity of tho Uni
ted Stales, and lessen their power to compete
with England as a naval power, and as a grow-
ng, agricultural, manufacturing, and commer
cial country. They know that Lord Aberdeen,
in the midst of thousands and thousands of star
ving subjects of the British monarchy, is more ;
anxious, or ought to be, to relieve the wants of
those wretched people than he can be to alter
the relation subsisting between the white and
biack race of this country or Texas.
Ihe American people know this: and they
will disappoint me if they neglect, or rather if
they permit, those charged with the administra
tion of their national interests, to let slip the op
portunity now offered of cementing their Union,
md promoting the general causes of their pros
perity and happiness by the annexation of Tex
as. I am, very truly,
Y'our obed't servant,
ANDREW JACKSON.
From Vie Richmond (Fa.) Sentinel.
OlIK MARCH IS ONWARD.
A gentleman from below informs us, that in
the Accomac district the democratic leaven is
working with great effect. Iu that district,
which gave General Harrison a majority of
1,400, it is thought that Polk's majority will be
500 making a democratic gain in that part of
Virginia alone, of nineteen hundred! Williams-
i lork, and James city are revolutionized
indeed, the proceedings of the whigs of the lat
ter county exhibit much despondency. A rcso-
ution of Colonel Durfey admits that there "is a
change" in tiiat Congressional district; and dis
cusses the "ways and means" of counteracting
it.
From Harrison and (he northwest we hear
that republican stronghold is not at all shaken
by the apostacy of "Urate r Shinn," once a by
word with the whigs, but now, since his deser
tion, vouched to be an "able and influential
man." His accession to the whig cause has not
carried so much moral force as was expected by
the sanguine whigs.
We can assure our friends abroad, that thero
is no doubt cf Virginia. The prominent whigs
here give it up. A leading whig said, a few
days since, that "Virginia was all that the Dem
ocrats had gained by the nomination." We are
satisfied with this gain, as far as it goes. Do not
our friends iu Pennsylvania, New York, Ohio,
IMorth Carolina, Georgia, lennessee, Louisiana.
Maryland, &c. &c, believe that the Democracy
have gained their states, also, oy the nomina
tion? A gentleman who has just arrived in this city,
reports, that in his extended journey from New
Orleans up the Mississippi and Ohio, and by Bal-.
timorc, he found the Democracy full of the en
thusiasm, and confident of victory. From all
quarters we have the same cheering accounts.
But let us not relax one muscle let us not be
come supine on account of the words or the
actions of our opponents. They are "old
coons," and many wish to lull us into fatal secu
rity. While defeat is on their lips, they are
using every ellort to arouse their party. . Barbe
cues, toasts, &.c, are gotten up to cheer their
men ; and we should not trust to appearances, but
work manfully till the battle be won. Let the
people meet often, and listen to sound and
strong speeches, not buffoon songs. Let them
read documents stored with useful information.
Not quite four months are left for them to do
their duty to their country not one day should
be lost not one efforfleft untried, if they desire
to see victory perch upon the noble banner of
" Union, Texas, Polk, and Dallas."
Farmers, Ponder. You are compelled in con
sequence of the present tariff to pay from 25 to
50 per cent more for nearly every article you con
sume than you did this time last year; while the
prices of articles of your production have in tho
same proportion declined. Look at one single
staple wheat. The price at which it opened
last year $ 1,25 per bushel. This year it opened
at 00 cents, and is now selling at 871. Are you
still willing to be jdundcred in this way to add to
the overgrown fortunes of millionaire capitalists,
who are eriganed in cotton and woollen manu
factures, one company of whom (the Mefrnnac,
Mass.,) boasts of realizing $500,000 profits du
ring the past thirteen mouths, from a capital ot
$2,000,000. Nearly 25 per cent, gained in ve
ry little over one year. Can you, farmers, pon
der on theso facts without lending your aid to
the Democrats to lessen the duties of the pres
ent tariff, (which according to the showing of
tho whig organ, the National Intelligencer, will
bring into the Treasury $40,000,000 while th,e"
exponses of the Government will not, fxeced
$25,000,000 per year,) and reduce it to. the
REVENUE staudard, which is the only Consti
tutional, just and fxiUAi measure, Such as
every patriotic heart may desire, and such as
none but the mean and selfish ought Jo :vhject
to. Bali. Rep, . . , .-,-, .;,.,'
Mr. McDuffie never gave any intimation of re
signing his seat in the U- Senate, as the whig
prints have been so busy in asserting, '. , ;
7
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