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CV Jamil" Ncvoopapcr CVgrtcnltwvc, politics, Nctus, itcrotnrc, Cjistorn, Diogvapljn, iHccljanirs, .finds, IJoctrn, SVmuscmcnt. OL. XliT CADIZ, WEDNESDAY MORNING, JANUARY 7, 1846. NO. XLL 1 1 - L. HARPER, EDITOlt AND I'KOP HIETOR. TERMS OF THE SENTINEL. One dollar nail fifty cents per annum il paid In nd tTunce; two dollars if paid during the year; or two dol f'ars and fifty cents at the end of the year. No paper discontinued until nil nrrearaces are paid. QThose conditions will be strictly udhercd to. RATES FOU ADVERTISING: Ono square (12 lines or less) 3 insertions, $ 1 00 (Every subsequent publication, - 25 Ilionger advertisements charged in proportion. .Advertising by the year, with the privilege of chanirinj; at pleasure, - - 8 00 Medical Advertisements charged like all others. pr. m. stantov. - - - B. O. rtrPARD. ST.IXTOS .V PEPPAKO, Attorneys at Laic and Solicitors in Chenctry, WILL practice law in tho courtsofllnrison coun ty Business intrusted to them will receive t their united attention. Office opposite the Post Office. Cadiz, Feb. 2d, 1843. S. W. BOSiTWICK, .ATTORNEY COUNSELLOR JIT LAW, WILL continue to practice in Harrison and the adjoining Counties. Office opposite the public offices. Aug. 18, 1842 T. J i: W ETT, ATTORNEY AT LAW AND .SOLICITOR IN C1IANCFKY, CADIZ, OHIO. Office oppoiilr l'te Post Oyicc. Dec. 21, 1843 C. O iLA.VDO LOOMIS, ATTORNEY AT LAW, Office, Fourth street, ubove Smilhfield, jlv9-y Pittsburgh. ill. II. UIMllTUAHT, Attorney and Counsellor tit Law and Solicitor, OFFICE, on Warren street, In tho building recently occupied by Z. liayless Esq. Cadiz, April, U, 1845. B. S. Cjvvem, Sl.Clairsvillo. - J. Sharon, Cadiz COW EN & SHARON, Attorneys at Law and Solicitors in Chancery, CADIZ, OHIO. rTT'irc above partnership will extend to till cases in I Harrison court of common pleas, and supreme court, in which the parties are originally employed. All business entrusted to their euro will receive the prompt attention of the firm. July 12, 1815. jyl6-Gm. L. II A II VK IS, ATTORNEY AND COUNSELLOR AT LAW AND SOLICITOR A LL nrofussional business entrusted to mv care in counties of Harrison, Jefferson, Iielmont, itlonioe, Guernsey, Tuscarawas, Coshocton, Holmes, Carroll, Mark anil Wayne, will De laitntuily nttemieii to. frC7 ' ne 80! vices of John I ). ( "0101111118, Esq. will be secured, 11 desired by suitors. O1T oji Slcu')i:nr,ille Slrcet,nijinsilciublir buildings. 1) It. J. B. M'OREW TTAVING located in Cadiz for the purpose of prne JLJL tisins; Physic in its various blanches soliciisa share of public natronnire. Office on Mirket st., in tho room formerly occupied by Ur. W. II. M.emuoxs. April 16, 1845.-ly. RICHARD CRAWFORIl. ... JOHN LIST, JR, rKlWI'OStl) LIST, Wiroi.Rs.VLi: Grocers ami Dh.vlkrs in Puoduck Bridgeport, 0. "XltTfi arc determined to sell all articles in onrline V V it ns low prices as they can be obtained in Wheeling. June 4 .v ii. B. A. SAMPSON & CO., Wholesale Grocers, Commission Mer chants, And dealers in Pittsbtirerh Manufactured Articles, No. IB, Liberty street, opposite the head of bmiti field st. Pittsburgh, Pa. ol-Cm W. B. 1IAVS. A. STO.VHR W. B. HAYS & CO., Agents for Washington Cotton Factory. Wholesale and Retail Dealers in Gro ceries, Dry Goods, Hoots, Shoes, and Pittsburgh Manufactures, No. 220, Lib rty street, Pittsburgh, Pa. ol-Cm. J AM IDS BENNEY, .III., Wholesale and Retail Grocer, and Dealer in Produce, At W, Greer's old stand. No. 44. corner of Market and Liberty streets, Pittsburgh. Tho best groceries kept constantly on nana. ol-rm A. STUART, Rectifying Distiller, and Wholesale Dealer in Groceries, Wines nnd Liquors, No. 145, corner of Liberty street andlJrewcry alley, Pittsburgh, fa. ol-uin EWALT, MORRISON, & CO., Wholesale Grocers, Commission Mer chant?, And dealers in all kinds of Country Produce : Also. Iron, Nails. Glass, nnd Pittsburgh Manufactures ee- nerally, corner ol laborty and Hand streets, ntts hurgh, Pa. o1-6m J. C. KIMBALL, Wholesale Dealer in Dools, Shoes, and Morocco Leather, No. 70, Wood street, Pittsburgh. ol-0ni MERCHANTS' HOTEL, Ko-openod on Penn street, near the Canal, Pittsburgh. ol-3in B. WEAVER, Proprietor. II. LEE, WOOL MERCHANT, No. 124, Liberty street, Pittsburgh. N. B. Cash paid for all grades clean washed wool. ol-ly McGILL &, BUSI1F1ELD, Wholesale Grocers and Commission Merchants, And dealers in Pittsburgh Manufactures nnd Produce, No. 194, Liberty street, Pittsburgh, Pa. ol-Om CHARLES II. PAULSON, (Lnte Paulson & Gill,) Fashionable Hat& Cap Manufacturer, No. 83, Woo.! st., ono door above 4th, Pittsburgh. ol-3m FORWARDING AND COMMISSION. THE undersigned hnvine tnken the Ware House formerly occupied by Fleming nnd Manser, are prepared to receive find forward nil Kind of icoods ana country produce on the most reasonable terms. seplO DOYLEand DRICNNEN, Steubenville. DISSOLUTION OF PARTNERSHIP. nPIHE Partnership heretofore existing between G. J. . I MORGAN and H. J. BRUNOThnsbeen dissolved, and the undersigned no longer holds himself responsi ble for debts contracted by his late partner. Pittsburgh, Nov. 19. H.J. BRUNOT. TJAMILTON'S COUGH SYRUP, the best metli, ! I J. cine extant for coughs, colds, and all lune com plaint, for sale by JOHN HEALL. fmny 14, THE MUSES liOWE l. From Moore'1! Melodicr. THE TIME I'VE LOST IN WOOING. The time I've Inst in wooing, In watching nnd pursuing The lit,iit that lies In woman's eyes Has been my heart's undoing; Though wisdom ofi hassonsht me, I scorned the lore she brought me, My onlv books Were woman's Iooks, And folly's nil they've tnuglit me. Her smile when beiuty granted, " I hung with gize enchanted. Like him the sprite. Whom 111 lidsby tiilit Oft meetinglo'1 tint's li nrite l. Like liiin, too. Beauty won me. But while her eyes were on me, If onre their lay Was turned away, O! winds could not outrun mo. And are those fillies going 1 And is my proud heart growing Too cold or wise Fui biilliant eyes Again to s"t it glowing) No; vain, ulas'. the endeavor From bunds so sweet to sever. Poor Wisdom's chanco Against a glanco Is now ns weak as ever. CONGRESSIONAL. 'THE NATIONAL DEFENCE. , SPEECH OF HON. LEWIS CASS. An impottant debate commenced in tlio U. S Senate last Monday, on llio following resolutions moved by Me. Cass, Senator liom Aliclngaudatc Minisler to France: Resolved, That the committee on Naval Affairs be instructed to inquire into the condition of the navv of the United Status, and into the quantity and condition of the navy supplies now on hand; and whether an in crease of them is not necessary to the olficient opera tions of the navy, and to its preservation and augmen tation i and generally, into the capacity for defending our const and our commerce, anil lor any service the exigencies of the country may probably require. Resolvrd, That the committee on Military Affairs be instructed to require into It le condition 01 the national fortifications nnd their armaments, and wi ether othir defensive worksn.e necessary; and into the condition and quantity of the military supplies; and into th state of the means possessed by the government for the defence of the country. Retohed, That the committee on the Militia be in structed to inquire into tho present condition of that great branch of the public service, and into the state of the militia laws; and that they be further instructed to report su"h changes in the existing system as will give uioreexporicncc ami Hen iency to that arm ol (le. fence, nnd will place it in the best condition for pro tecting tne country, siiouluit DeexposcU to foreign in vasiou. ' Mr Ciisp, in support of the resolutions, said. Mr..PiiEsii)KXT: It is impossible to peruse I Jig President':! message, and lo observe die pro gress of public opinion in England, as this ;s indi rated in the declarations of her slulesmon in Parliament nnd in her daily journals, without be ing aware, thai a crisis is fast approaching in the intercourse belweoui lint coiuiM)' and ouis,which demand the serious consideration, and may re quire the cordial and active co-opniaton of the whole American people. The President has told ti? that the nenoiiiitions respecting Orcson, it they havo not reached a close, have, at any rate, reached a position almost equivalent to il The claims of the respective nations are utterly irreconcilable; and a compromise, by a voluntary sacrifice of a portion of their pretensions by one party, or by both, or a submission of the whole matter in controversy lo some power, seems the only alternatives by which peace can bo pre served. Our government has already declined to sub mit our riidits to foreign Arbitration. This is a process which, under equal circumstances, may well be adopted by independent nations to termi nate disputes which would oihcrwise seek the ar bitrament of war. It preserves the honor ol both parties, and ought to preserve tho just in terests ot both. It substitutes reason for force, and is therefore suited to the advancing opinions of the ngc, and to tiie duties and feelings of Christian communities, lint these equal circum stances do not exist in our present dispute with England. I here arc obvious considerations, inio which I need not enter here, growing out of the relative situation of that country and of ours, with those powers ot Europe trom whom an ar bitrator would almost necessarily be selected, nnd out of the influence she posse ses over their counsels, and, I may add, growing out of the na ture of our institutions, and the Utile favor these enjoy at present upon tho eastern continent, which may well have made the government hes itate to submit important interests, at this partic ular juncture, to uiicli a tribunal. It may well have thought it better to hold on to our right, nnd to hold 011 also to our remedy, rather than com mit both lo a royal arbitrator. War is a great calumny, anil ought to do avoided Dy all proper means; but there are calamities greater than war, and among those is national dishonor. I did not rise, sir, as will be seen, to discuss 111 whole or in part the question of our right to Or egon. Unit subject will come up in Ha own tune. 1 here may be some dillorence 0 opinion, as well in Congress as in the nation, respecting ho territorial extonl of that right; though 1 take this opportunity of expressing my entire and hearty concurrence in tho claim as advanced by the President. But I am sure there is no great tarty, ond I trust there are few individuals in this country, who are prepared, even in dn ex treme spirit of compromise, lo accept the most liberal oiler that England has yet made. Her pretensions and ours aro so widelj sop'jrated,that there seems no middle ground on which to meet. Our most moderate claim, and her most liberal olfer, leaves the parties asunder by sevon degrees of latitude, and by a largo portion of the territo ry in question. What, then, is our condition? Can we recede? Can we stand still? or must wo advance? As to receding, it is neither to be discussed nor thought of. I refer to it, but to denounce il a denunciation which will find a responso in every American bosom. Nothing is ever gained by national pusillanimity. And tho country which seeks to purchase temporary security by yielding to unjust pretensions, buys present ease at the expense of permanent honor and safety. 1 sows the wind to reap the whirlwind. 1 have snd elsewhere what I will repeal here, that it is belter to fight lor the first inch of national ter ritory than the last. It is better to defend the door-sill than the hearth-s one the porch, than the altar. National character is a richer treasure than gold or silver, and exercises a moral influ ence in the hour of danger, which, if not power itsell, is its surest ally. Thus far, ours is untnr- mshsd, and let us all join, however separated by ptrty or by space, so lo preserve it. It we cannot recede, can we stand still? No, Mr. President: in this, as in all tjie other ele ments of national power nnd greatness, our duty uid our destiny itre onwards. We mi t hi as well iltempl to slay the waves of the Puc'fic, as to slay the tide of nimirratiou winch is settling to w nds its shores. If this government had the disposition, it has not the power to arrest thishti- man current. But it bus neither neither the power nor tho disposition to do it. These are questions of public right, which may rest in n beyance; which are not cilled into d iily exer cise: and need be asserted, onlv when required. But such is not the right by which we hold Ore gon. We must maintain it, or abandon it. A vigorous and enterprisiii!; people are fast increas ing there, who will possess the country by the best of all lilies that of occupation and im provement; and if we do not provido tliem a gov ernment, they will provide one fur themselves. Already necessity h is compelled them lo organ ize their civil society, nnd lo make those arrange ments for llie preservation of order, without which no civilized community can ex st. Il is only a few days since they undo known to you, by a judicious and woll-writton memorial, their condition and their wants; and asked your inter position to remove tho serious difficulties with which they find themselves environed. And think yon, that if their prayer is unheard, and their grievances unredressed; and if tho present state of things continue, thiil you will find a dis tant coli my pitiently awaiting youi lardy move ments, nnd ready to admit your jurisdiction, when you may be ready to exercise it ? No, they will feel themselves neglocled, cast off, left to their own resources, llie victims of diplomatic chica nery, or of national pusillanimity, and they will seek their own security in their own power.-- I hat great truth, not applicable alone to rcpub Mean governments, hut common to all, and which lay at the foundation of our own revolution, that protection and allegiance are reciprocal, will soon be heard upon the hanks of the Columbiti, and will inspire the councils of the hardy pioneers who, while they have sought a new homo in distant country , have carried with them the sen timents of true liberty to the legions beyond the Rocky mountains. It is clearly impossible that the present state of things should continue, nor, I must couless, do 1 see how il is possible that a community, in hibiting ilia s imo region, and possessing the same right to every part of it, can hold a divided allegiance, and be governed at the same tune by two u 131 1 net. and distant sovereignties. When tho present auoui ilous provision was in ide, th country was unsettled; for the few humors who roamed over it could hardly be dignified with the name of settlers; nnd it probably never occurred 10 the negotiators, nor to their governinenls,lli:it 1 Ins arrangement would outlive the then existing siate of things, and would come to operate upon a civuized, a stationary, and a rapidly increasing community. But what kind of order can a double-headed government preserve? low areitsdcpnriments. legislative, executive and judicial, to bu adnnnis tcred? How are rights to be enforced, or wrongs to bo prevented or punished? Two neighbor living within hearing of each other, are respon sible to different tribunals, and governed by dif ferent codes of laws. An American killing an Englishman must be tried by an American court and by Ainortcati laws. Jsut now are English witnesses to be summoned, or English disturbers of the proceedings of tho court to ho removed or punished? Possessory rights ate to be judged by the courts of the party Inst getting possession Contracts are to be enforced by the conns of the party charged with violating them. A single American in tho midst of an English settlement, or a single Englishman in tho midst of an Ainer ican settlement, bears with hmi a charmed Ide. Ho may do what he will, and as he will; but he is heyonu tho reach 01 restraint, ana utmost 01 punishment. He is invulnerable; and tho arrows of justice cannot pierce even his heel. The nearest magistrate who has jurisdiction over him, may be hundreds of miles removed; and were he nearer, his national sympathies might natu rally bo excited in favor of his countrymen. There can be no regular grams of land none. m tact, ot those putiiic improvements essential to tho progress and stability of society. I pre sent merely the most general views on this sub ject; but they are sufficient to show how imprac ticable it would be to attempt to establish this louble jurisdiction. It would be easy to pursue the investigation much further were il neces sary. Who does not see that bitter disputes would soon arise? That each party would nccuso tho other of partiality and injustice? That violence nd .bloodshed would follow, and that an intestine war would establish tho ascendancy of one or oilier of these rival and national parties? All this is so plain that he who runs may read. And wo are warned by the surest instincts of our na ture not to trust our rights and our ciiuso, and the causo of humanity, to such a partition of au thority. If, then, Mr. President, we can neither retrace our steps, or check them, wo must go onward. And England has placed herself 111 the path that is before us; and if she retains her position, we must meet liar. If the last proposition sho has submitted is her ultimatum, it is effectively a dec- lralion of war. Its advent may be delayed a few months; but as soon as the notice expires, if ihe persists, as she will do, in her occupation of tho country, the struggle must commence. It is not the notice which is a belligerent measure for that is a treaty-right but it is thesiinsequont and immediate course tho parties will probably puisne that must lead to war. I hope or I ought rather to say I wish that England would awaken lo a sense of her injustice, and would yield whera she could yield honorably, and ought to yield ightfully. But will she do so? It is safest to believe she wiH not, and thii dictate of prudence I is fortified by every pnge of her history. .Whan did she voluntarily surrender a territory she once had acquired, or abandon a pretension she had once advanced? If a few such cases could be found in the record of her progress and acquisi tions, they would be but exceptions, which would render the general principle of her conduct only the more obvious. For my own part, I see no symptoms of relaxation in the claim she has set forth. And the declarations in Parliament of Ihe leaders of the two gieai parties that divide her government mid her people Sir Robert Peel and Lord John Rus-el show a union of opinion, and foreshow a union of action, should action he ne cessity, rarely lo be found in the political ques tions that ag tate her councils, nnd are llie index, if not the assurance, of nil equal unanimity in public sentiment. In the Loudon Morning Chronicle of April 5th, is llie report of the proceedings in Parliament of the preceding day, on Ihe receipt of the Presi dent's inaugural address. I bold the paper in my handjaud, as the discussion wasa pregnant one, and ought to be a warning one, I shull take the liberty of reading a poition of it. Here Mr. C. read extracts from the paper con taining the retnarksnf LcidJolin Rnssel,on what ho conceived the spirit of aggrandizement dis played by the government and people of the Uni ted bta'es, in their course respecting the annex ation of Texas. Mr. C. then continued: Here, sir, we find the lender of the great whig party, in his place in Parliament, in denouncing the course ol tho United Slates in the annexation of Texas, because it lends towards territorial aggrandize ment; and ihe eternal cant about British moder ation and philanthropy, and American injustice and ambition, is heard, nnd read, and believed in every part of the British dominions. I must con fess, sir, I am heartily tired of it. Were the sub ject and its consequences not so iinport:int,these declarations would excilo ridicule, as they now excite regret and surprise. They are not confi ned t') ordinary political discussions and lo llie journals of (he day. but they come from the h gh estmen, in the highest places. And hero is an eminent English statesman asking the ailminis trnijoii what course they intend to pursue in the altered policy of the United States, ns he term? it as though the voluntary union of two mile pendent people upon this continent were an in jury to England which demanded her immediate attention, mid might demand her armed interpo sition. And he tells us, he understands that communications have been sent to the United States, to Mexico, and to Texas, on the subject "f what he calls the new policy of the United states. And we know that those coinmuuic lions lo Mexico and lo Texas contained huge of fers to prevent annexation. Bui thanks to the onward course of our government, and to the feelings and determination of the Texan people this interposition was fruitless; ns was the com munication to Mexico, if this wi re designed to embroil us with that country. The well timei rebuke, administered by llie President in his mes sage, to the French government, for its interposi tion in our alKiirs with I ex.as, might with equa justice havo been administered to England; am I presume would have been so, had not iho Pre sident looked upon the course of the one power asnatuial, judging from past events, while the course of the other was unnatural, impolite and unexpected. But this whig lecture of Lord John Russell upon the ambition of the United Siales,-im! these perpetual eulogiums upon Ihe moderation of En gland, mo in strange contrast with the practical principles and the progress ol her empire. The moderation .t hngland, and tho Ambition of the United Slates! Why, sir, the world has never seen, since the fill of the Roman Empire, such it colossal power as England has built up. Sho has girded the earth with her fortifications, and covered Iho ocoan with her fleets. A compara tively nanow island, off the western coast oi" Eu rope, sho numbers as her subjects 153.000,000 ol people being more than ono-sixih pirt of ihe human race; and has reduced to her subjection 3,800,000 squaie miles inhabited by them, being one-eighth part of the habitable globe. And in the long series of her acquisitions f 0111 tho re duction of Ireland downwards, with the excep tion of her union with Sjtlnnd. and some recent discoveries in the South Sea, I believe all have been gained by the sword. And when has it hap pened in her history, that a people, or the small est fragment of a people, has voluntarily sought peace or protection under her sovereignty Hot unites and her (feels have too olieu been sent out wherever there was a people lo be subdued, or the fruits of their industry to bo secured. 1 have no pleasure indwelling upon this course of ambition. I have no pleasure in national crimi nation and recrimination. I had fir rather dwell upon all sho has done, nnd sho has done much, to command the gratitude of mankind, and much for the progress of civilization, of improvement, tod ol knowledge, lint we cannot shut our eyes to the fact that this country and its institutions enjoy little favor 111 England. That there is a systematic attack upon our character, and upon what wo are, and havo been, and upon our fu ture, so f ir ns it is given to foresee and to fear it. I confess, all this has produced a lasting impres sion upon me, and I feel little disposed, in any controversy with that country, to submit, to un just demands urgod in a spirit of unfriendliness, if not of menace. And if England is moderate,ve are ambitious! Why, sir, wo have made but three acquisitions of territory since we have been a nation. And these were not distant colonies, but contermi nous regions. And all three have been made peacefully, bloodlessly. Two were colonies be longing to European monarchies, where the as sent of the people to the transfer of their ollegi- nice could not be asked. But they bavo since shown their satisfaction by their patriotism, nnd their prosperity has been the reward of it. No where is the Union more prized, nor would it anywhere be more zealously defended. The third and last, and most glorious of these acqui sitions, is now in the progress of completion, by the voluntary action ol a neighboring people, who know the value of our institutions, and sought to pnrticipato in them, and who asked admission to our confederacy. And we shall receive them with open arms. And it is an encouraging spec tacle to the lovers of freedom through the wotld, and tho best tribute that could bo offered to its value. 1 said, Mr. Presidont, that this was tho latest, but 1 hope it will not be the List of our acquisi tions. While I would sacredly lespect the just rights of other nations, I would cheerfully extend the jurisdiction of our own, whenever circum stances may reqjire it, and wherever it can be done without injustice. I have no fear that an extension of territory will weaken our govern ment, or put in peril our institutions. We have an adhesive and a life-preserving principle, in the exercise of political power by the great body of ihe people, which is a surer bond of union and preservation than fleets, and armies, and central powers. If this administration could crown its aiior of acquisition and in what it has done, it has labored with not less ability than success by the peaceful annexation of California, it would secure imperishable honor for itself, and would command the lasting gratitude of the whole country. But I will again advert to the Morning Chron icle, to show tho spirit of the discussion in the British Parliament, and the views taken by the British statesmen of their own claims to Oregon and of outs. Lord John Russell said: "The President of the United Stales has made, an I have already read to the House, a peremptory claim lo the whole of this territory. He lias claimed the whole possession of it for the United States, and lias, in an unusual manner, called upon the peo ple of the United States, with their wives nnd t'h'ldren, to occupy tint territory. That district is becoming, on account of the forts on the Co lumbia river, more important every year. Aftei that statement of the President of the United States, I consider it impossible that her' Majes ty's government should not endeavor to obtain a speedy solution of this question. I am sure they will feel it impossible to allow the present unde fined and unsettled slate of relations between the 1 wo countries to continue without danger; that ihe people of the United States acting upon the suggestions of the President, may endeavor to disturb British subjects in rights which they hold in virtue ot existing treaties, and may piodiicc a slate of things dargerous lo the peace of the two countries. For my own pari, 1 will say in all moderation, thai 1 am not prepared to say thai this country ought to put forth any arrogant pre tensions. I do not pretend to define what it properly belongs to her Majesty's advisers lo de fine ihe diplomatic proposals that should be made. I will not pretend to say what line ought lo be laid down; but this I will say, that I do not think we can make any proposal which will be less than the proposal made by Mr. Canning, (1 lint was the line on the parallel of 40 dog. to the Columbia near its mouth,) with any regard for our own interest or our own honor. Cheers. 1 may be told lhat it does not mailer if this rocky and barren territory should bo claimed, or occu pied, or taken by the United Slates. Yes, sir, I must say it docs matter. Cheers. It cannot be a matter of indifference that a large territory, to which we have a juster and a better title, should be yielded to what I must call a bluster ing announcement on the part of iho President of the United States. It cannot be matter of in diffurenco that Ihe communication between thai country west of the Rocky mountains nnd Chi na, ihe East Indies, and tho whole of South A merica, should be surrendered at once to a fo reign power; but, above nil, it cannot be a matter "f indifference that the tone of the character of England should be lowered in any transaction wo may have to carry on with tho United Slates.'1 Sir Robert Peel said: "As this subject has been brought under discussion, I trust not im properly by tho noble Lord, I feel it my impera tive duty on the part of the British government, to slate in languago the most temperate, but at the same time, the most decided, that we consi der we have rights respecting the territory of Oregon, which are clear and irresistible. We trust still to arrive at an amicable adjustment of our claim; but having exhausted every eflort for the settlement, if our rights shall be invaded, we are resolved and we are prepared to maintain them." Loud and continued cheers from both sides of ihe house. Lord Clarendon said 111 the House ol Lords : "No assertion was, I believe, ever made with more truth than that our case is free from nil doubt." Lord Aberdeen, tho Foreign Secretary of Slate, said: "Should it be otherwise, I can only say that we possess rights, which in our opinion are clear and unquestionable; and by Iho bless ing of God, and with your support, those rights wo are fully prepared to maintain." Loud cheers from nil aides. j Under these imposing circumstances we may well ask of the watchman, what of tho night? We miy well inquire, what ought we to do? I lake it for granted we shall give the notice re commended by the President; for if we do not, wo shall leave the people of Oregon without a government, or with an impracticable one; and, in either event, Ihe country is lost to us, and the notice boing given, in twolve months, without an abandonment of a large portion of her claim, we shall find ourselves involved in a war with England. And it will be no common war, Mr. President; it will bo a war not merely of inter est, but of strong and stormy passions, growing out of the relative situation of the two nations, nnd out of the very points of resemblance, which will but render the separation of parlies the wi der, and the struggle the longer and the bitterer. It will do no good to shut our eyes to the pros- peel beforo us. Danger can neither be averted nor avoided by indifference, nor by presumption. Let us look our difficulties and our dunes fully in the face. Let us make preparation adequate to the conjuncture. Let us exhibit to England and to Europo the spectacle of an undivided peo ple, anxious lor peace, but ready for war. In the language of Mr. Madison, "let us put the United States into an armor, and an attitudo de manded by tho crisis, and corresponding with the national spirit and expectation.'1 One war has nlrondy found us unprepared. And what that condition of things cost in blood and treasure, and disaster, those of us who went through the struggle can well remember; and those who have come upon the stage of action since that period, may learn from the history of the times, And perhaps to a certain extent this must be so, snd always will be so. We aro all opposed to proat military establishments in time of peace. They are as dangerous as they are expensive. And they will therelore never bo engrafted into the permanent institutions of the country. But when war threatens, we should' commence our prepqrations,and press them with an energy and a promptitude commensurate wall the danger. The President has discharged his duty ably, " patriotically, fearlessly. Let us now discharge ours not by words merely, but by deeds. The best support we can give him is to respond to bis declarations by our actions. It is my firm con- victi in, and I do not hesitate thus publicly to a vow it, that the best, if not the only hope that we have of avoiding a war with England .is by exhi biting a public and united determination to pros ecute it, should it come, with all the energies that God has given us, and by an instant and se rious consideration of the preparations necessary lor such offensive and defensive measures ns may be required, and as prompt an adoption of them as a just regard to circumstances may demand. Our country is extensive. In many portions of it the population i sparse. 1 110 frontier, both Atlantic and inland, is long and exposed. Our defensive works are unfinished, and some of them are unfurnished. I do not know, but I fear that many important branches of supply are inadequate. Our navy, and especially the steam portion of it, is not upon a scale commensurate with our wants, if war is nlmust upon ns. The navy fought Itself inlo favor, nnd iis country into honor, in the seemingly unequal and almost des perate struggle into which it so gallantly went in the last war. And another contest would find it equally true to its duty, and to the public ex pectations. I trust the time will never again come, when it will be a question in ncrisis,whe ther the navy shall be dismantled and rot in our docks, or whether it shall be sent to gather ano ther harvest upon the ocean. It is the material for military and naval operations it is fiist necessary to procure. Men we have ready; and such is tho patriotism inherent in the American character, that they never will be found wanting in the hour of difficulty nnd of danger. Our militia requires .1 new mid efficient organization. It is a reproach to us that we have suffered this important branch of national defence to become so inefficient. It bus almost disappeared from the public view. Both the laws upon ibis subject nnd the admin stration of them require immediate and severe examination. For this is one of the great bul warks of the country in the hour of danger. It has shown its patriotism and valor upon many a bloody field, and the future, if it should need its services, will witness its devotion to the country, whenever and wherever, and however, it may bo tried. Many of the supplies required for tho operations of war, demand time and care for their collection and preparation; and we must remem ber that we have to do with a peojde whose arse nalsand dock-yaids arc filled to repletion; whose supplies aro upon n scale equal to any probable demand upon them; whose gigantic military and naval establishments announce their power and maintain it; and the structuie of whose govern ment is better fitted than ours for prompt and vi gorous and offensive action. It is in the spirit of these views that I have submitted the resolutions before the Senate, and in which I ask their concurrence. A great responsibility is upon us. We shall best discharge it by firmness and by a wise fore cast, which, while it steadily surveys tho danger, makes adequate provisions to meet it. By thus acting, wo shall give a practical approbation of. llie course of the President, we shall show to our constituents lhat their interests ore safe in our hands; we shall speak neither in a deprecating tone, nor in a tone of defiance, but of firmness, lo England; and we shall give to the nations of Europe a proof that republics are as jealous of 1 heir lights and honor, and as determined to maintain them, as monarchical governments. Correspondence of the Baltimore Sun. Washington, Dec. 26, 1845. The hopes excited, in New York, by the ru mors of a renewal of the Oregon negotiation here, have been suddenly prostrated, and with them, it seems that slocks havo also fallen in consequence of this disappointment. But, al though the negotiation has not been revived, as 10 the boundary, yet it is re-opened upon other points, and hopes are entertained, in intelligent and lesponsible quarters, that the whole question will soon be opened for n satisfactory adjustment. Mr. Pakcnhatn has declared, as I learn, that En gland will not strike the first blow; that she will not m ike war unless the United States will show a determination to provoke one. Mr. Pakenham has also said that he would go as far or farther than any one hero would to prevent any collision. Moreover, conferences aro going on between Mr. Pakenham and Mr. Buchanan, upon the sub ject of the moasures proposed now to be taken by Congress, for Uie protection of settlers in,and emigrants lo Oregon; for iho extension of our jurisdiction over them and the Indian tribes, and for the establishment of a territorial government over Oregon. Should the British government not take of fence at these measures, and too "Times'1 inti mates that it will not, then where will be the danger of war at least for some time to come. Mr. Pakenham himself does not regard any of theso measutes as cause of war, though he took exceptions lo some of them. He suggested that the provisions for building stockades and grant uig lands to settlers, might be offensive to the British Government, should they be deemed an assertion of exclusive sovereignty over tho Ter ritory. Benefit of Adver tiling. A fellow in onto" the cities down east, recently sdvorlised in morning paper for a wife, and before night eigh teen different men sent him word that he tnigh have theirs. , Not to funnv vfter I7.Tbree nice younff men were jugged at Brooklyn, on Saturday, for in ulging in the very funny recreation ot niting a drunken negro's ear with powder and blowing it off.