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VOLUME 29, NO 29. CAD12, OHIO, WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 19, 18G2. TERMS,-$JL5 1 r Cle Cabij Sentinel ltfuinrkuble Article from the , , New York Times, u Liucolai Or- From the New York World. Oct. 98. , th. hotwb, ths ovkbtubow or oca lib ' , - ERTIK3- ' ' Proofs perpetually thicken that tba radi " ctls accept the logical consequence of their principle and policy, and that it U their pur post to bring the country under the Rway of '' absolute despotism. We showed a Tew days ago, that the constant charges of treason tnade by the Times and other abolition organs .. against all who do not vo e lor the abolition candidates, is a scarcely disguised edvocacj ol ,the suppression or the regular elections. ' Grant that it is the duty ol the government to put down treason; grant further that it is - treason to vote against the abolitionists, and , it, logically follows that free elections should share the late of habeas corpus. It now sp pears that the radicals admit, this conse " qoenee of their strange principles, but they - have hit upon a mora artful and refined method of giving them practical effect. 1 hey have decidid ,to try their chances of success at the polls, and then, if they are ' beaten, prevent the officers elect front enter- 'inc on the discharir nf their tnlin Tha ,,: plan is clearly developed in the . following extMcl irom a letter honored witb a conspic uous place in tie Timet of Sunday: '" ''With European recognition, and con - slant efforts, open or secret, to aid the South, -the Government at Washington will need ; all the unity and efficiency contemplated in recent proclamations. Martial law over the entire North is a National necessity. If the (Sntermn-s nf (he Northern Wales manifest a facitiimt spirit, the I'rmist Aars'uils, it it pre . tamed, will linvs, the p toer to keep them in or der, , If 'he Stale Legislatures tltoiild under take tit interfere with the action of the general government, necessary to the prosecutrm of the war, ting mill a me under Vie art.imi of martial luio, and tf .lte action of , any p'Ailictl parly, shall threate i to change or paralyse the movements of the jrovSrnment, it will doubt Jess, be competent lor the I'rovost Marshal in any State (o susjiend political meeting and 2i'pmie elections, li the Oonst Million or the tJi.iud State is to be construed according to the necessities of a civil war of vast porpor lions, the conslilntiims of individual States ttmnvt be allowed to stand in the way of its VignrmiS proseciiti ' . ' "Englishmen are in groat tronblo at the illegal ty and iinconsiitu ionali.y ol the acts of 1'iesidcnt Lincoln. 'IV y have a great tenderness (or the constitution and the laws, and led very badly that the Northern people, while conquering the .South, should lose their own liberties. They tell us that the Presi dent cannot do this and that that his proc lauialions are only waste p iper. They ap pear to hive very little idea hat Ihe C m mahder in Chie of the United S a'es can (1 1. A man of firm and resolute will, with a million of men in arms to support him, cat do tircitii intirl as he nleascs. I he a ham hi learn lettij ht'Uli a he pleases r- . - - mit constitution auinunzeR, nut wnat is no- cessary to be done to make of thirty!otir Males and a vast territory one nation." ' It will be seen Irom these unb'.u.li ng avowals, that while it is the ultimate purpose of the radicals "to suspend political meet ings and postpone elections" when they tiud ihem-elves iii a clear minority, they prefer rrot to incur the odium and provoko the re sistance that would attend tuch high-handed proceedings,-so long as they have any hope til success lit the pol!s; but when they have lijoir ch iiieos in the election and failed, State governors, iStme legislatures, and Stale con ttilutions will not be allowed to stand in the ' I tho abolition policy- Their ulti male itliunce isoa ihe auljugalion of the President to their , purposes. That ofiij;r, "with a million of uieu ia arms to support In lit, can do pretty, much as be pleases." They are qiuo. willing that what they sneer ingly call "paper consti' ulioos" should bo laid soide altogether. 'i These abolitionists, with malice aford thought, are preparing the way lor Uisnion ftious military despoitsiu by their method )l conducting the canvas. .They iersistent ly strive to fasten the stigma of treason! on their political opponents they constantly harge that the success ol the opposition can liila(es would be hailed as a t'liimphty the (Southern TuJfMts. This blackening oi the characters of' honot able and lo.val men is meant as a prelude to their deposition from office at the point of ths bayonet, if ehcted, end as a justification in advance ol this Con tompULed outrage.. - The opposition voters are so numerous - that to proceed against them in tho mass would not be uite con venient, but the officer they may elect will be a smaller and more' manageable body. 'I lie odium of depriving the people ol the fruits of the elections will not be greater than that of Supposing tho elections them selves and the radicals still feerish some hopS'of success at the polls. Bat t they tail, their flan as to what they will do next is fully matured provided lhay can keep coo Irol of the President. '" They intend to justify a trampling down 'f the State fovemments and Htate consti tutions beneath the iron heel ' ol a u illlary despotism, on the pretext that the imminent danger 'ol foreign intervention requires stringent proceedings against traitors tnoining by traitors their political opponents. These fanatics have done all in their power to invite ioreign intervention, which they pretend to tear, by prociammg to Europe that intervention would be attended with no danger. The Emancipation Proclamation is a publio acknowledgment of military imbecili ty, ' Its chlmpions delend it on this ground that we can never conquer the Mouth unless we can detach the slates from their masters. Hut if our military energy is unequal to a succissiul contest with the South, is is pre posterous to think we can stand against Eu rope in arms. It is absurd to (appose that the amies and navies of France and Eng land will not over balance any advantage we ' may derive from Mr. Lincoln's piper procla-' mation. ' .This proclamation, we repeat, is notice io these powers that, whenever it suits their convenience to interfere, they may in-' tertere without danger. It is a confession of Military inferiority disgraceful for our govern ment to make, betokening as it does an, ig noble consciousness of weakness in an ad ministration which has wielded, mighty and unparalled resources to no purpose. - And now it is proposed that this imbecile admin istration shall reak the ihatue of its incom petency 6a the loyal people of the North by suppressing their elections, abolishing their legislatures, imprsioning their governors, and fcpiinging theii State Constitutions. Tbe people themselves will' have ' something to say before this nefarious scheme is iponsuna mated, ' - . 0O"Charles Ueidsick, the champaign mer chant whom ttea. Butler corked up at Ship Island far some treason, is said to1 be - tbe cause of loose "Important dispaiohei from tbe French Government." that piper constitutions, however convenient they result oi the recent elections will doubt may te, can be amended when necessary, sas leS3 icrej,sc ,lieir chogrill and bittcr pended, or lata aside altogether, and thai is no ( . longer a question in America what this or l1 toward the Executive and his ad AelHiiHie- (ration. We copy elsewhere from the Cincin nati Commercial an article with the suggestive title "Th Administration Destroying Itself;" We lay this arti cle before our readers, not because we approve all that is said in it, or even its general scope and tenor; but that they may see with what abuse and vir ulence the Republicans of yesterday- -Abolitionists of to-day are assailing the Administration of their own choice. According to the Commercial, the Ad ministration of Abraham Lincoln has, not only the blindness, weakness and imbecility, which it and papers of like politics have been in the constant habit of charging upon the Administration of James Buchanan, but it lias gone further, it has "added an assumption of powers," says the Commercial, ''not clearly delegated by the people, and exercised so blindly and extraordina rily as to give the act the appearance of despotism, which its enemies openly denounce as such, and which the pco pie are endeavoring to believe as such." Such langunge as this, coming from a Democratic editor, would a short time since have probably caused the suppression of his paper and his arrest and confinement in a military prison. Even a hint that the Administration was not s:tgacioas, able and faithful in all things to the solemn pledges of its Chief to the country, was sufficient to subject a Democrat cr Conservative man to wholesale denunciations, as a sympithisser with rebels, traitor, but ternut, copperhead, and such like epi thets, by those who seem to be desirous of reserving to themselves the exclu sive monopoly of assailing and abusing the Administration they so recklessly placed in power.- x ue Lcinmcrciai is hy no means alone among the journals of its party m its assaults upon the Administration. The fire is kept up by the more intense Radicals until they brought out the Emancipation proclamation, and the .... ...... vi.sers. .liven the more moderate men of the party will find it difficult to re strain their feelings of chagrin and disappointment, and join the radicals in their denunciations of the President and his Cabinet. They are unfortu nately linked with a class of men who cannot be pacified short of the utter ruin and destruction of the country and its institutions. It was thought the proclamation would satisfy these fuctionists; that upon its issue they would cease their assaults upon the Administration: but the contrary has proved to be the case they have only became more bold and malignant. - We shall content ourselves with a specimen or two out of a hundred that might be easily produced of the ma lignant nssaults upon the Administra tion by the radical press, to which we have referreed. The New York Inde pendent (Henry Ward Beecher's) a paper enriched by official patronage, has often expressed the same opinion as the Cincinnati Commercial, that the President is not equal to the task of conducting the Government at the present momentous crisis. Like the commercial, it thinks him honest, but weak and incapable. A short time since the independent expressed the following opinion of th President: We have no doubt whatever that Mr. Lincoln means well, and tasks himself to do well lor the country. He is an overmatched man. He cannot curry the Government in ill great exigency. We are being worsted on every side by an inferior foe. How comes that? Good materials make poor armies, and poor materials make good ones. A bad cause with skillful managers is gaining ground daily agaiust s good cause with well wishers and golden dreamers io manage! flow com-s that? Uluuie him? Does any man believe Mr. Lincoln less than honest? But affairs are too mighty for him. He wishes, he almost resolves, he turns back. He in augurates a policy.. Like snow, he melts in handling. His advisers clash. His Generals quarrel. He is half erased with persuasions ob this side and counter persuasions on that. - -A statement also appeared recently in the same paper, the Independent, to the effect that Governor Morton, of Indiana, shortly before the election in that State, privately informed the President that he expected a Demo oratic victory at the polls. . ;. He. was asked the reason for such a change in popular feeling, and teplied promptly, the Independent says, as follows! , They believe that the Administration has grossly mismanaged the war. They think that Irresolution, imbecility and dishonesty have ' characterized its management, and whether the faet be so or not, they bel'eve it; and smder such circumstances it will be almost impossible to carry the State for the Administration. "" V ' The Cincinnati : Gazette, soon after our State election, charged that Presi dent ' Lincoln' had made a "terrible failure" in the management of the Tbe Assailant of tbe war. The New York Times, which in former days had gained, like the Cin cinnati Gazette, some reputation for sober and moderate views, not long since expressed its opinion of the Ad ministration, and threatened its dis placement, as follows: An imbecile Administration has given in dispensible proofs of its incapacity to eondoct the war. Kven its own friends are constrain' ed to confess its Impotence, and are medita' ting its displacement by extra constitutional and revolutionary methods, tending to hope' less divisions in the 2jorth and general ao archy. Mr. Lincoln may not realize the fact, and none of his Secretaries probably will tell him of it, but the people look upon ths Gov ernment as actually fatting to pieces, and hy its weakness and incapacity offering usef prey to ths first strong hand that may venture to seize if. At a very recent date, the Times urged the President to establish a rril itary despotism the last resort of a weak, imbecile and unpopular Govern ment. So far have these Republican Abolition assailants of the President carried their war upon him that they have repeatedly urged himto resign We could multiply testimony by the column to prove that the worst enemies the Administration has are those who assume to be its exclusive supporters and defenders, and who abuse and ma lign their political opponents as sym pathizers with rebels and traitors Statesman. Grand Pow wow of Abolition Journeymen. A body of politicians, lawyers, con tractors, hotel and saloon-keepers, and mercantile and manufacturing firms of Pittsburg, some two hundred in num ber, have issned a call for what they denominate a "Grand Rally for Union, Liberty and Law,"'to take place in that city on the 25th day of the pros cnt month. Like the tinkers of Ephe- SU3, these gentry appear to dread that the source of their gains is in danger; and, like the same tinkers, the fear has awakened in their bosoms a fresh par oxi.sm of patriotic devotion: "The time has arrived when the true and earnest friends of civil and religious liberty in the New World should rally as a unit in support of the National Government, and all its measures for crushing nut rebellion, terminating tbe war and punishing (raitors." The idea of a party which suppress es newspapers, imprisons editors, and seizes and confines men upon suspicion of opinions which denies the right even to pray to God, unless the pray er is upon its side rallying in support of civil and religious liberty is exceed ingly good, and exhibits the force of language to surprising effect. These individuals appear to have al ready forgotten that there has just been a grand rally for Union, Liberty and Law a rally not of contractors, office holders and party politicians; but of the true Democracy of the land tho people, an uprising such as has not often occurred in the history of nations: a judgment of condemnation pronounced upon a corrupt and imbe cile dynasty, as true in fact as in man ner it is dignified and imposing a judgment in favor of Union, Liberty and Law, and against those who are determined to involve them all in com mon destruction. But they have not forgotten it. It is this solemn judgment of the people that they are devising ways and means to reverse. It is the herding together of the fearful and the panic, in tho hope to gain by contact that courage which, as individuals they have lost, in order still to prosecute their schemes for power and plunder and perpetual dominion. Let them meet and resolve. The, time is past when they can do rrore than sink themselves deeper in the slough in which their feet are al ready entangled. Cin. Enq. 15uThc Abolition letterwriters and special telegraph dispatches from Washington are taking a great deal of pains, since the recent elections, to as sure the world that Mr. Lincoln does not intend to change his Abolition Proelamation; and they go so far as to give us the Presidential words to that effect. All that proves nothing to our mind. One week before the Procla mation was issued, Lincoln gave to - a Committer that waited on him to urge him to do the act, the very best of reasons why he ought not to comply with their request; yet he committee had hardly got home to Chicago before the Proclamation they urged Mr. Lin coln to make, and which he declined doing, greeted their eyes in the public press. An intimation or positive state ment from Mr. Lincoln, that he will or will not pursue a certain line of polo icy, is not conclusive on the subject by any means. We suppose Mr. Lincoln will, like most statesmen, be governed in his policy by circumstances of a controlling character His Proclamao1 tion was a great mistake, to say the least of it, and was the prompting of an evil spirit instead of an emanation from the Deity. He may be convin ced of his mistake before January. Cin. Enq 13 ov. ftlorehcad of Ky., In Eng land He Details a llcuinrkn. ble Conversation with Ir evi dent Lincoln. Ex-Governor , Morehead, of Ken tucky was entertainel at a grand ban quet hy the "Southern Club" of Liv erpool, on the 13th ultimo, at the Adelphi Hotel, in that town. Mr. George W. Holt, brother of Hon. Jo seph Holt, the Solicitor of Mr. Lins coin's administration, presided, and the company numbered about fifty gen tlemen, members of the Club. Strong speeches were of course indulged in, and the Confederate flag played an important part in the decoration of the room. A few days before the banquet Mr. Morehead delivered a lengthy ad dress on American aflais before the members of the Southern Club. A REMARKABLE COKVUISATtON. In the course nf thia address, the ex-Gov ernor detailed Ihe eubstance of a private conversation between President Lincoln and the Representatives of the Border States. just after troops had been thrown into Fort sumter. Un that occosion, said Mr. More head, t said to him: I Mr. President, ou Sv TOO were accident- ly selected, and elected by a party. You were the candidate ol the party; but when you weie elected, sir, I thought I have taught to believe that vou were the Pres ident of the Union. 1 oppose vou, sir. I said to him, with all the zeal and energy of which I was master. I endeavored to ure- Vent your election, not because 1 had any personal fe'elinys of enmity toward you, but because 1 believed that it would lead to (he very result we now witness. I opposed you, sir, but you are my President: vou have been electVd according to the forms of the people of the United Stales, and I think some little deference is due to the opinions of ttiose wno constitute the majority, according to the vote that had been polled, of l.lOO.CXtO men in the United States. -. tie at once rath er briskly Raid, il he was a tninoiily Presi dent, he was not the first, and that, at all events, he had obtained more votes than we could muster foi any other man. I respond ed at once to him, that 1 did not intend to recall to hun that he was a minority Presi dent but simply to annouueo the bioad fact thai he was the President, not 61 the men who voted for him, but of the whole people of the United States. General Don ovan here interposed and piescnted three al ternative propositions to him. Firet, that be might remain perfectly idle and passive, ana let me aisintcprauons oi tne states co on as it nau gone on; secono, give guarantees such as were asked, and bung tbe whole power of his administration to bear in ob taming those guarantees; or, third, resort to coercion, and attempt to 'orce tbe seceding states into ODeaience. When the conversation had slackened i little, I ventured to appeal to him, in a man iter in which I never appealed to any other man, and never expect lodo strain. I raid that as to tho last proposition I desired to say one worn; that I ttuted and prayed to God that he would not resort to coercion; that tl he did, the history of his administratit n would be written in blood, and all the waters f the Atlantic CKean could never wash it from his hands. (U. ar, hear, and applause 1 tie asKea me wnat l would do, and if 1 meant by coercion the collecting of Ihe reve nue and ihe taking back of the forts which he said belonged to tho United States? I replied that that was the only mode in which it was possible that ha could under the Coo ssuution resort Io coercion by an attempt to collect tbe revenue and to take back the forts, lie had placed himself in a chair with rounds to it, with his feet upon the highest round a long, lanky uian, with very large ide whiskers, with his elbows upon his nees and his bands upon the tides of his face, in a listening attitude, and when he would speak drops bis bands and raises his head. Dropping his bands and raising his neau, ne sam ne wouia ten me a little anec-. dote which had happened when he first came to the bar. An old man, he said, had applied to him to bring a suit, and made out a capital case as he thought, but when the evidence was etailed before the jury it was the worst case (hat he had ever listened to, and whilst the evidence was going on the old man came listening to the evidence himself, and whis red in his ear, "Ouv it up." ( Laughter Now," said he, "Governor, wouldn't Ibis be guvin' it up?" I said to bim "Mr. Prexi dent, it may be said that it would be 'guvin' up,' out hadn't you better truv it up' with out bloodshed than drench this land witb blood, and then have to 'guv it up?" (Ap plause.) He said that he had sworn to see the laws faithfully executed, and addressing himself to me, he said, "I would like to know from you what I am to do with my oathoi officer' i said to htm that he had taken a solemn oath to see the laws faithfully executed, but that congress was then in ses sion, and application had been made to Con gress to give to the President of the United States the power to collect the revenue bv armea vessels outsue the portB, bow are you to collect it?'1 "Do you think you can send a collector to the port of Charleston, to tbe port ol Sa vannah, or of New Orhans, to collect the revenue there? ' Is it not impossiblity and does your oath bind you to do a thing that impossible r As to the forts, that is matter within your discretion, sir. You can withdraw the troops, il you please.' You are the toinmander-tn chief, and it belongs to you ettner to Keep them mere or to with draw them totally and prevent a collision, and consequently deadly and ruinous war." Well," said he, rising himself again, "1 will only answer you by telling you a little anec doth which struck me excuse me," said he, little anecdote which struck me as you were going on. It is from E-op's Fables. and doubtless in your schoolboy days you have read it. Esop, you Know," said be. illustrates great principles often by making ute animals speak and act, ana according to him there was a lion once that was des perately in love with a beautiful lady, and he courted the lady and the lady became enamored of him and agreed to marry htm, and the old people were asked for their coo sent. " They were afraid of tbe power ol, the lion with bis sharp claws and his tusks, and they said to him, 'We can have no objection to so respectable a personage as you, but our daughter is frail and delicate, and we hope that you win submit to nave your claws cut off and your tusks drawn, because thev might do very serieus injury to ber.' Ths lion submitted, being very much In love. Ills claws were cut eff and his tUsha drawn, and they tbok cluhs then and knocked hino on ihe head." (Laughter.) I replied, I think, about in substance this that it was an exceedingly interesting anecdote, and very apropos, but not altogether a Very satis factory answer to me. We had before that conversed sitting in a semi circle round the President; but Mr. Reeves rose from bis chair, and, with a dig nity and an eloquence I have seldom heard surpassed in the coume of my life, he appeal ed to him. He told him he was a very old man; but there never had been a throb in his heart that was not in favor of the perpet uation of the Union; that he came there with a hope and a wish to perpetuate it, and that all his efforts bsd been exerted in endcaver ing to procure such guarantees as would per petuate it; but that he desired to say to him, and be said it with a trembling voice, in or der that he might know-) and not say there after that he was not fully warned, that he agreed with every word I had said with re gara to the horrors ol this anticipated war, and that if he did resort to coercion, Virgin ia would join the seceding States. 'Nay, sir,' be ssid, "old as I am, and dearly as I have loved this Union, in that event I go, with all my heart and soul." (Hear, hear.) Mr. Lincoln jumped up from his chair, as Mr. Heaves was standing;; advanced one step toward bun, and said, "Mr. Keeves! Mr. Reeves! If Virginia will stay in, I will withdraw the troops from Fort Sumter." Mr. Reeves stepped back and said, "Mr. President, I have no authority to speak for Virginia; but if you do that, it will be oue of the wisest things you have ever done. do that, and give us guarantees, and I can duly promise you that whatever influence '. possess shall be exerted to promote tbe Uni on and to restore it to what it was." We then all of us got tip and were standing. He said, "Well, gentleman, I have been wondering very much whether, if Mr. Lou glas or Mr. Bell had been elected Piesident, you would have dared to talk to him as free ly as you have to me." I did not exactly hear the answer, but I am told Mr. Gut li no answered him in about this way: "Mr. President, if tren. Washington occupied the seat you will soon fill, and had it been ne cessary to talk to him a we have to ycu to save such a Union as this, I for one should talk to him as I have to jou." (lltar, hear.) There the conversation ended, and the deputation went awav with ihe impression that war was impossible. They weie, how ever, soon undeceived. The President "en tered upon the duties of his office with a declaration that if there was a collision it should not he his fault, at the very lime he was preparing an arrangement io New Yoik to reinforce Fort Sumter." The Confeder ates then, observed Mr. Morehead, choose to to fire first in self defense, and took the fort before the armament came there. Coining: and Oioiiic, r the Devi ates of ilir l'oliiicliiu. Greeley, in his last contributed ar ticle to the Independent Brother Beecher's organ very adroitly leads his Abolition brethren into the disunion pasture, by giving them a drink from the anti-slavery waters abundant there in. He presents them with two main propositions from which they must ne cessarily make choice: 1. The recog nition of the Southern Confederacy, with the certainty of the death of sla very therein; or, 2. The ascendancy of the Democratic party, and, withit, the continuance of the Union on the old basis of Constitutional protection of the status of slavery, by compromise. The idea he wishes to impress on the Abolitionists is that, if they want to secure the destruction of slavery, the best way to do it is to let the slave States go; for, argues he, if the Dem ocrats get the control of the Govern ment, they will restore the Union un der the eld guarantees of slavery, and slavery will thereby be protected and perpetuated, as of old. The Abolition philosopher is undoubt edly right in his second proposition. Had the Democrats the power, the Union would be restored and perpetu ated on the old basis. They appreci ate the Union, and with it, fraternal relations the brotherhood of interests, of feelings and of affections, of trade and commerce, of the oneness of a people, of the insignificance of the nc gro to the great humanity and sodality of the white race, that has been and is the only pioneer, constructor and de fender of civilization. The article we refer to, from the pen of Greeley, shows where he wish es to lead the Abolition mind. A res toration of the Union on the old basis he does not desire. lie prefers diunion to that. He, therefore, endeavors to make the Abolitionists believe that, if they want their anti-slavery views to succeed, they had better go in for a separation; and he himself prefers that course. There can be no doubt that, as the sole object of the Abolitionists, in supporting this war, is the freedom of the slavcsj and, finally, the putting of the liberated slaves on an equality with the whites, they prefer that the war be continued; but Greeley sees in the restoration of the Union the res toration of slavery, or negrodom as it was, and therefore prefers separation. We hope patriots, North , and South, will defeat the Abolitionists. Cim Enq, . ',; , JKiWe yield the first place under the editorial head of this page of to day's paper to an article from the New York World embodying a proposition in the New York Times, to suppress the ballot box at the North and to pa under military control all Governors and Legislatures opposed to the policy of the Lincoln administration. Our readers will see in these propositions a purpose on the part of Mr. Lincoln's supporters, to reduce the rightful sot kreiuns of this land into serfs un less they are willing to defend their liberties by an appeal toarms. Whilst this is the disposition of some of the President's supporters, we trust the day may be far distant when his own consent shall be given to measures which would never be tolerated by a people deserving to be free. From the Cincinnati Commercial Republican, fSor. 4th. The Adniluistrnlion Destroying uscir. The people are rightfully jealous of any encroachments upon their liberties. All his tory snows that tbe tendency of power is to increase its perogatives at the expense ol the individual, and to strengthen its claims by the usurpation of personal rights. The rights of the people have been conceded on ly after long and bitter struggles and there is none of them that has not been consecra led io blood. Having compelled an acknowl edgement ol them they seek by constitutional guarantees and a fair and equitable distribu tion ol po'itical power to preserve them in tact. "The spirit of liberty," says Webster, "is indeed a bold and fearless spiiit, but it is alsa a sharp sighted spirit; it is jealous o power, jealous ol man. It demands checks; it setks for guards; it insists on securities; it intrenches itsell bbind strong defenses. It seeks for duration and permanence, and, building on the experience of ages that are past, it labors dilligently for tbe beuefit ol ages that ate to come." When the present Administration ventuied upon a suspension oi habeas coriiiii in special cases, and the declaration of martial law in special and temporary exigencies a declara tion that arrests the action of the courts, the course of law, and tbe right of habeas'cor- pus loyal men everywhere acquiesced. The m.minent peril in Which the Government was placed, the bidden dangers which sur rounded it, and the treason and tteacherv that pervaded all its departments and all blanches ol the service,and tho consciousn.ss ol still greater perils that remained perdu, Io thwart every attempt to assert the authority of the laws and the supremacy of the Consti tution, justified such a step, and made what at any other tune, or in the presence of less momentous perils, would havo produced a revolution, a necessary piccaution antifa hopeful display of vigor, in the effort to Dte serve the aut hoi Ity of the Government and the existence of a great nation. Here and there some inaltcnant Point tainted with treason and sympathizing with traitors, was loud in denunciation of the ac tion ol the Administration, and construed what was but a necessary act in defense of the national ex stence, into a design to c. n tializo power and restrict tho liberties ol the individual. The peril, however, was ex trenie, and a resort to extreme measures was conceded to be a vital neces-ity. Wen who were covertly and actively co ODcratinir with the rebels were summarily seized and con fined in military prisons, and the act of the Goverrmont received the universal sanction of nil loyal people. htn, however, martial law was declared to exist over all the adhering States, the ne cessity of such a step was not so apparent. 1 lie expediency ol it was doubtful, and l lie tendency full of pernicious consequences. It seemed to us that the few bad men in the community, who were, and still are plotting lor tne overthrow ol the Uovernment, might safely bo left to the watchlul care of the htaio authorities and the civil courts. Still. had this extreme stretch of authonty on the part ol the Administration been judiciously and carefully exercised, it might bave been assented to by the voice of a majority of the people, who, jealous as they are upon the sufjectof persooal rights, Would have ac quiesced in their abndgeuier.t in cases of flagrant oflense. This, unfortunately, has hot been the cafe. While there has been a great show of vigor in making arbitrary arrests, there has been inexplicable delay in indicting punishment. Under whatever circumstances the citizen is arrested, whether by civil process or by the exercise ol martial authority, he is entitled to s speedy and fair trial. Where has I his been granted? Men have been seized and thiustinto military prisons, kept in confine', ment week after week, and month after month, and without being cotfromed witb their accusers, or made acquainted with the specifications of their guilt, have been re leased and permitted to go out into the community, with the taint oi suspicion st',11 upon them, and without the privilege 61 es tablishing their innocence. In what is this different trom the proceedings of the Star ChsmberV Il is repugnant to all ideas of justice. It is neither just to the Government nor the individual. Il is an arbitrary act that re quites a complete exposition of the causes that demanded its exercise to gain for it the approval of the people; and it should have been the first duty of the Government to see that such an exposition was had. Such a course would bave silenced complaint, and taken from those who desire nothing so much as to alienate the confidence of the people in the Administration, the opportuni ty which they are ever on the alert to seize, of denouncing it as despotic and tyrannical. The Administration, by the coursa it has pursued, and we say it with unleigned regret has given Its enemies just cause of complaint, ard enabled them to work the very mischief which the assumption of bower assumed. undoubtedly, from the best of motives, and, Tor the highest ol purposes was designed to prevent. Seeking to reduce the force and vitality of a baleful opposition to the asser tion of its constitutional authority, and ven turing upon the assumption ol extreme pow ers to do so, it has so mismanaged and misdirected its energies, ss to increase the dissatisfaction, stimulate distrust, multiply embarrassments, and weaken its hold upon the affections of the people. Il the Admin istration of Abraham Lincoln fails, it will not be became it is Republican, in its party elements not because it is an ti slavery in its moral and political texture-not because of its emancipation policy but because of it incapacity for publio affairs, and because It is wanting in the forecast, the sagacity, and the ability to use wisely and discreetly the pow ers vested in it by ths Constitution and laws, and such other powers ss the exigencies of the times justify it in assuming. The peo pie have loosed to it with faith and hope; they have given it a hearty support; men and money, sympathy and good will, have been lavished upon it. If it fails, then, it will be through its own acts and history will record it as a plain case of Administrative suicide. .'t " '" : 4,-' The' mismanagement that has character iced tbe prosecution of tbe war; tbe endless delays, the enterprise' ' without fruition, the hope disappointed these are tbe ekaoeeSJ of war not always to be avoided. - To -increase of the public debt, tbe resort to direct taxation, the paralysis of commerce, the de preciation ot public credit, a disorders J finance these are the almdst inevitable con comitants of fe wat asKoming the gigantic proportions of ths present ons. The policy of confiscation, of emancipation with. or without compensation of colonization these are schemes which may be productive of good or evil results, which have a moral in spiration and tend towaid that dimly feeA day of universal freedom which peete bave sung and prophets predicted; but when , to mismanagement, delay, increase of debt, and schemes which are likely to be cbaracteiMed as impracticable, because tbe ce!lenCa-, tf attention is not supported by a wise s ates manship, there is added an assumption of powers not clearly delegated by the people, and exeroisedso blindly and so extraordina rily as to give to the act the appearance of despotism, which its enemies . denounce openly as such snd which tbe are in danger oi coming to believe as such, where is ths Administration that has or etr will-exist that could sustain itself under , such over whelming burdens? Having organized the conditions of defeat, il should not eomplaiu whsa defeat overtakes it. , -,,,,.;, frJrThe following letter Irom Judge Kin ney was read at Ihe great Democratic cele bration atMillersburgh, Ohio: CmviiLAKD, Oct. SI, '-'1805?.' Mr Dear Strti A I anticipated might be the case when I saw you, 1 find that my erl gngemenis in the courts- will deprive me' of the pleasure of meeting; with tbe Democracy of Holmes County st their approaching cel ebration of our political victorias in this State and elsewhere I deeply regret the necessity which compels me to lorego this pleasure; but as 1 am so soon to be deprived ol tho right of pursuing my profession, I feel 'under very strong moral obliga'ions to those, who bave entrusted me with their in. uresis to do what lies in my power to meet their expectation!) until that time arrivnS. . , , ,,; If there ever was a time when hon st and patriotic exultation might be indulged in, this is that tiinr; and il any County in the State, for her past and present fidelity, is en titled to take a large share of praise to her self, it is the county of Holmes. Traitors, fanatics, and corruptionists have brought tbe country to the verge of ruin; and ihe most hopeful amongst us were oppressed with the fear that we were last approaching a bllgbi ing anarchy, or its fearful eounterparl, a military despotism. In this Stats ofdopres. sion, the people the honest farming and producing masses of our countrymen, regard less alike of unmeasured abuse and cow-, aidly threats for their personal salety,7,aw speken spoken in a voice which has carried courage and hope to every patriot heart, and dismay to every one who would mbvert the rich legacy bequeathed us by our lathers or speculate upon public distress. They have unmistakably declared, that Ihe ungrateful son who lifts a parricidal hand against the ' Temple ot Liberty, merits and shall receive just punishment. That it no more belongs to public servants than to traitors in arm ' to pluck stars from the congelation of States nor to annul those great Constitutional 'Sate guards of liberty snd secuiity, which bave been secured by the toil and blood, and treasure of our ancestors through centuries of time. That thi brave men who have left home and its comforts, for the battlefield and its perils, have not done so to overthrow and destroy, but to preserve and maintain, the Constitution and Union which Washing ton snd his compeers give us. And finally, the taxes collected from the hard earned sav ings of labor, are not yielded to be stolen or appropriated by corrupt officials or greedy contractors; but to be honestly anj faithfully applied for the pre.-orval.ion of the uni y and salety or the common country. I indulge the hope, and confident expecta tion, that the able gentlemen that vou have just honored with a seat in Congress, will be auto to do much for his District and the country, tie assumes the gravest ef respons ibilities, and will be railed to ac Upon ques tions vital to your in erosts. " If I might presume upon one word to hii : Constituents, U would be to exhort them, to let hun al ways leel that in doing right and doing it courageously, Ibey will make it -.heir business to sustain him. . In the present critical cou-t dilion of our country. It is Ihe duty ot every man, whether occupying a public position or not, to act with that enlarged patriotism which only asks" what is best lur the country. The west, wi'h her brood valleys and rapid ly developing resources, will be largely re sponsible for the future. She ought and must occupy the position of justice and im partiality; add It becomes us all, with a view to the great interests of ourselves, of our childten, and of mankind, to swear upon the altar of our country, that "Liberty regu. lated by law," shall now and (braver, ; pre vail WithiU her borders. Very Truly your fiiend, U i R. r.RANSF.Y, V slow tlic Soldiers Feel. . ,i We took the following extract from Jet tor dated Poolsville, Oct. 15th, which ap peered in the Cincinnati Gazette, lttpubli-' . .. :!..'(-r . "' , :"; s,There is One way this af cab h settled, ahd that in short order'. Lettlu soldiers fa the army vote on a settlement, arid a mode would be proposed that would .astonish the natives, it is beginning to be thought, and. the belief is quite universal, that this it at mere political war; that a few in position, and a few who are making money, are delaying, and shifting, and polly foxing to make all they can out of it and the soldiers are thor oughly disgusted. It is well known to them, that some officials are doing all they Can to McClollan, that they disobey his order, and throw obstacles in his way, and they, are. tired of this blowing hot and cold in the Same breath. .They want to fight or' tbsy want to go home. Which shall it be? If delay is to be the order; they will vote for a peace' to a man they'll do it., . It is thought there Was tnore truth than poetry in Major t Key's) remarks about ' settling I he war on old Dem ocratic principles,1' and tbey wsn to see it1 settled without any more palavering. ,.., There is another feeling the war has e veloped, and that is, an intense love of rttate' of local habitation. Do -we want for clothes 7i our repeated calls being unattended to, we call upon. our Governor, and the neoessa-1 ry clothing cornea. Is 'there a ' bsi tie? each It Governor proceeds to tbe battls field te car. rytbe soldiers to weloome firesides; aud this, too, they d la spite ef every obstacle ' thrown in their way by United States fa cials. They take them home te get well, ' and do not let them lay in filthy Sospitale ' and die. In every distress we look to cur r Governors and State, and tbe remedy comes. We are fighting for the Uaioa, beoaos' we have been taught to love it. But I ltavs , it lo any candid mind, if tbe bourse of .Uni- r ted States officers hat not a tendency to drive -the love of soldiers from tbe Union to the ( Stale. Talk about Suite rights. Indiffer ence of high official is driving men to State" love, and Stats, rights . too, asd, wsakeniogj their love for ths Union. Truly yours, 1 i . i: t?- t r ft n.