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The Cadiz Democratic sentinel. [volume] (Cadiz, Ohio) 1854-1864, November 19, 1862, Image 1

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VOLUME 29, NO 29.
r Cle Cabij Sentinel
ltfuinrkuble Article from the
, , New York Times, u Liucolai Or-
From the New York World. Oct. 98.
, th. hotwb, ths ovkbtubow or oca lib
' , - ERTIK3-
' ' Proofs perpetually thicken that tba radi
" ctls accept the logical consequence of their
principle and policy, and that it U their pur
post to bring the country under the Rway of
'' absolute despotism. We showed a Tew days
ago, that the constant charges of treason
tnade by the Times and other abolition organs
.. against all who do not vo e lor the abolition
candidates, is a scarcely disguised edvocacj ol
,the suppression or the regular elections.
' Grant that it is the duty ol the government
to put down treason; grant further that it is
- treason to vote against the abolitionists, and
, it, logically follows that free elections should
share the late of habeas corpus. It now sp
pears that the radicals admit, this conse
" qoenee of their strange principles, but they
- have hit upon a mora artful and refined
method of giving them practical effect.
1 hey have decidid ,to try their chances of
success at the polls, and then, if they are
' beaten, prevent the officers elect front enter-
'inc on the discharir nf their tnlin Tha
,,: plan is clearly developed in the . following
extMcl irom a letter honored witb a conspic
uous place in tie Timet of Sunday:
'" ''With European recognition, and con
- slant efforts, open or secret, to aid the South,
-the Government at Washington will need
; all the unity and efficiency contemplated in
recent proclamations. Martial law over the
entire North is a National necessity. If the
(Sntermn-s nf (he Northern Wales manifest a
facitiimt spirit, the I'rmist Aars'uils, it it pre
. tamed, will linvs, the p toer to keep them in or
der, , If 'he Stale Legislatures tltoiild under
take tit interfere with the action of the general
government, necessary to the prosecutrm of the
war, ting mill a me under Vie art.imi of martial
luio, and tf .lte action of , any p'Ailictl parly,
shall threate i to change or paralyse the
movements of the jrovSrnment, it will doubt
Jess, be competent lor the I'rovost Marshal in
any State (o susjiend political meeting and
2i'pmie elections, li the Oonst Million or the
tJi.iud State is to be construed according to
the necessities of a civil war of vast porpor
lions, the conslilntiims of individual States
ttmnvt be allowed to stand in the way of its
VignrmiS proseciiti ' . '
"Englishmen are in groat tronblo at the
illegal ty and iinconsiitu ionali.y ol the acts
of 1'iesidcnt Lincoln. 'IV y have a great
tenderness (or the constitution and the laws,
and led very badly that the Northern people,
while conquering the .South, should lose their
own liberties. They tell us that the Presi
dent cannot do this and that that his proc
lauialions are only waste p iper. They ap
pear to hive very little idea hat Ihe C m
mahder in Chie of the United S a'es can
(1 1. A man of firm and resolute will, with a
million of men in arms to support him, cat do
tircitii intirl as he nleascs. I he a ham hi learn
lettij ht'Uli a he pleases
r- . - -
mit constitution auinunzeR, nut wnat is no-
cessary to be done to make of thirty!otir
Males and a vast territory one nation."
' It will be seen Irom these unb'.u.li ng
avowals, that while it is the ultimate purpose
of the radicals "to suspend political meet
ings and postpone elections" when they tiud
ihem-elves iii a clear minority, they prefer
rrot to incur the odium and provoko the re
sistance that would attend tuch high-handed
proceedings,-so long as they have any hope
til success lit the pol!s; but when they have
lijoir ch iiieos in the election and failed, State
governors, iStme legislatures, and Stale con
ttilutions will not be allowed to stand in
the ' I tho abolition policy- Their ulti
male itliunce isoa ihe auljugalion of the
President to their , purposes. That ofiij;r,
"with a million of uieu ia arms to support
In lit, can do pretty, much as be pleases."
They are qiuo. willing that what they sneer
ingly call "paper consti' ulioos" should bo
laid soide altogether.
'i These abolitionists, with malice aford
thought, are preparing the way lor Uisnion
ftious military despoitsiu by their method
)l conducting the canvas. .They iersistent
ly strive to fasten the stigma of treason! on
their political opponents they constantly
harge that the success ol the opposition can
liila(es would be hailed as a t'liimphty the
(Southern TuJfMts. This blackening oi the
characters of' honot able and lo.val men is
meant as a prelude to their deposition from
office at the point of ths bayonet, if ehcted,
end as a justification in advance ol this Con
tompULed outrage.. - The opposition voters
are so numerous - that to proceed against
them in tho mass would not be uite con
venient, but the officer they may elect will
be a smaller and more' manageable body.
'I lie odium of depriving the people ol the
fruits of the elections will not be greater
than that of Supposing tho elections them
selves and the radicals still feerish some
hopS'of success at the polls. Bat t they
tail, their flan as to what they will do next
is fully matured provided lhay can keep coo
Irol of the President.
'" They intend to justify a trampling down
'f the State fovemments and Htate consti
tutions beneath the iron heel ' ol a u illlary
despotism, on the pretext that the imminent
danger 'ol foreign intervention requires
stringent proceedings against traitors
tnoining by traitors their political opponents.
These fanatics have done all in their power
to invite ioreign intervention, which they
pretend to tear, by prociammg to Europe
that intervention would be attended with no
danger. The Emancipation Proclamation is
a publio acknowledgment of military imbecili
ty, ' Its chlmpions delend it on this ground
that we can never conquer the Mouth unless
we can detach the slates from their masters.
Hut if our military energy is unequal to a
succissiul contest with the South, is is pre
posterous to think we can stand against Eu
rope in arms. It is absurd to (appose that
the amies and navies of France and Eng
land will not over balance any advantage we '
may derive from Mr. Lincoln's piper procla-'
mation. ' .This proclamation, we repeat, is
notice io these powers that, whenever it suits
their convenience to interfere, they may in-'
tertere without danger. It is a confession of
Military inferiority disgraceful for our govern
ment to make, betokening as it does an, ig
noble consciousness of weakness in an ad
ministration which has wielded, mighty and
unparalled resources to no purpose. - And
now it is proposed that this imbecile admin
istration shall reak the ihatue of its incom
petency 6a the loyal people of the North by
suppressing their elections, abolishing their
legislatures, imprsioning their governors, and
fcpiinging theii State Constitutions. Tbe
people themselves will' have ' something to
say before this nefarious scheme is iponsuna
mated, ' - .
0O"Charles Ueidsick, the champaign mer
chant whom ttea. Butler corked up at Ship
Island far some treason, is said to1 be - tbe
cause of loose "Important dispaiohei from
tbe French Government."
that piper constitutions, however convenient they result oi the recent elections will doubt
may te, can be amended when necessary, sas leS3 icrej,sc ,lieir chogrill and bittcr
pended, or lata aside altogether, and thai is no ( .
longer a question in America what this or l1 toward the Executive and his ad
We copy elsewhere from the Cincin
nati Commercial an article with the
suggestive title "Th Administration
Destroying Itself;" We lay this arti
cle before our readers, not because we
approve all that is said in it, or even
its general scope and tenor; but that
they may see with what abuse and vir
ulence the Republicans of yesterday- -Abolitionists
of to-day are assailing
the Administration of their own choice.
According to the Commercial, the Ad
ministration of Abraham Lincoln has,
not only the blindness, weakness and
imbecility, which it and papers of like
politics have been in the constant habit
of charging upon the Administration
of James Buchanan, but it lias gone
further, it has "added an assumption
of powers," says the Commercial, ''not
clearly delegated by the people, and
exercised so blindly and extraordina
rily as to give the act the appearance
of despotism, which its enemies openly
denounce as such, and which the pco
pie are endeavoring to believe as such."
Such langunge as this, coming from
a Democratic editor, would a short
time since have probably caused the
suppression of his paper and his arrest
and confinement in a military prison.
Even a hint that the Administration
was not s:tgacioas, able and faithful in
all things to the solemn pledges of its
Chief to the country, was sufficient to
subject a Democrat cr Conservative
man to wholesale denunciations, as a
sympithisser with rebels, traitor, but
ternut, copperhead, and such like epi
thets, by those who seem to be desirous
of reserving to themselves the exclu
sive monopoly of assailing and abusing
the Administration they so recklessly
placed in power.-
x ue Lcinmcrciai is hy no means
alone among the journals of its party
m its assaults upon the Administration.
The fire is kept up by the more intense
Radicals until they brought out the
Emancipation proclamation, and the
.... ......
vi.sers. .liven the more moderate men
of the party will find it difficult to re
strain their feelings of chagrin and
disappointment, and join the radicals
in their denunciations of the President
and his Cabinet. They are unfortu
nately linked with a class of men who
cannot be pacified short of the utter
ruin and destruction of the country
and its institutions. It was thought
the proclamation would satisfy these
fuctionists; that upon its issue they
would cease their assaults upon the
Administration: but the contrary has
proved to be the case they have only
became more bold and malignant.
- We shall content ourselves with a
specimen or two out of a hundred that
might be easily produced of the ma
lignant nssaults upon the Administra
tion by the radical press, to which we
have referreed. The New York Inde
pendent (Henry Ward Beecher's) a
paper enriched by official patronage,
has often expressed the same opinion
as the Cincinnati Commercial, that the
President is not equal to the task of
conducting the Government at the
present momentous crisis. Like the
commercial, it thinks him honest, but
weak and incapable. A short time
since the independent expressed the
following opinion of th President:
We have no doubt whatever that Mr.
Lincoln means well, and tasks himself to do
well lor the country. He is an overmatched
man. He cannot curry the Government in ill
great exigency. We are being worsted on
every side by an inferior foe. How comes
that? Good materials make poor armies,
and poor materials make good ones. A bad
cause with skillful managers is gaining
ground daily agaiust s good cause with well
wishers and golden dreamers io manage!
flow com-s that? Uluuie him? Does any
man believe Mr. Lincoln less than honest?
But affairs are too mighty for him. He wishes,
he almost resolves, he turns back. He in
augurates a policy.. Like snow, he melts in
handling. His advisers clash. His Generals
quarrel. He is half erased with persuasions
ob this side and counter persuasions on that.
- -A statement also appeared recently
in the same paper, the Independent,
to the effect that Governor Morton,
of Indiana, shortly before the election
in that State, privately informed the
President that he expected a Demo
oratic victory at the polls. . ;. He. was
asked the reason for such a change in
popular feeling, and teplied promptly,
the Independent says, as follows! ,
They believe that the Administration has
grossly mismanaged the war. They think
that Irresolution, imbecility and dishonesty
have ' characterized its management, and
whether the faet be so or not, they bel'eve
it; and smder such circumstances it will be
almost impossible to carry the State for the
Administration. "" V '
The Cincinnati : Gazette, soon after
our State election, charged that Presi
dent ' Lincoln' had made a "terrible
failure" in the management of the
Tbe Assailant of tbe
war. The New York Times, which in
former days had gained, like the Cin
cinnati Gazette, some reputation for
sober and moderate views, not long
since expressed its opinion of the Ad
ministration, and threatened its dis
placement, as follows:
An imbecile Administration has given in
dispensible proofs of its incapacity to eondoct
the war. Kven its own friends are constrain'
ed to confess its Impotence, and are medita'
ting its displacement by extra constitutional
and revolutionary methods, tending to hope'
less divisions in the 2jorth and general ao
Mr. Lincoln may not realize the fact, and
none of his Secretaries probably will tell
him of it, but the people look upon ths Gov
ernment as actually fatting to pieces, and hy
its weakness and incapacity offering usef
prey to ths first strong hand that may venture
to seize if.
At a very recent date, the Times
urged the President to establish a rril
itary despotism the last resort of a
weak, imbecile and unpopular Govern
ment. So far have these Republican
Abolition assailants of the President
carried their war upon him that they
have repeatedly urged himto resign
We could multiply testimony by the
column to prove that the worst enemies
the Administration has are those who
assume to be its exclusive supporters
and defenders, and who abuse and ma
lign their political opponents as sym
pathizers with rebels and traitors
Pow wow of Abolition
A body of politicians, lawyers, con
tractors, hotel and saloon-keepers, and
mercantile and manufacturing firms
of Pittsburg, some two hundred in num
ber, have issned a call for what they
denominate a "Grand Rally for Union,
Liberty and Law,"'to take place in
that city on the 25th day of the pros
cnt month. Like the tinkers of Ephe-
SU3, these gentry appear to dread that
the source of their gains is in danger;
and, like the same tinkers, the fear has
awakened in their bosoms a fresh par
oxi.sm of patriotic devotion:
"The time has arrived when the true and
earnest friends of civil and religious liberty
in the New World should rally as a unit in
support of the National Government, and
all its measures for crushing nut rebellion,
terminating tbe war and punishing (raitors."
The idea of a party which suppress
es newspapers, imprisons editors, and
seizes and confines men upon suspicion
of opinions which denies the right
even to pray to God, unless the pray
er is upon its side rallying in support
of civil and religious liberty is exceed
ingly good, and exhibits the force of
language to surprising effect.
These individuals appear to have al
ready forgotten that there has just
been a grand rally for Union, Liberty
and Law a rally not of contractors,
office holders and party politicians;
but of the true Democracy of the land
tho people, an uprising such as has
not often occurred in the history of
nations: a judgment of condemnation
pronounced upon a corrupt and imbe
cile dynasty, as true in fact as in man
ner it is dignified and imposing a
judgment in favor of Union, Liberty
and Law, and against those who are
determined to involve them all in com
mon destruction.
But they have not forgotten it. It
is this solemn judgment of the people
that they are devising ways and means
to reverse. It is the herding together
of the fearful and the panic, in tho
hope to gain by contact that courage
which, as individuals they have lost,
in order still to prosecute their schemes
for power and plunder and perpetual
dominion. Let them meet and resolve.
The, time is past when they can do
rrore than sink themselves deeper in
the slough in which their feet are al
ready entangled. Cin. Enq.
15uThc Abolition letterwriters
and special telegraph dispatches from
Washington are taking a great deal of
pains, since the recent elections, to as
sure the world that Mr. Lincoln does
not intend to change his Abolition
Proelamation; and they go so far as to
give us the Presidential words to that
effect. All that proves nothing to our
mind. One week before the Procla
mation was issued, Lincoln gave to - a
Committer that waited on him to urge
him to do the act, the very best of
reasons why he ought not to comply
with their request; yet he committee
had hardly got home to Chicago before
the Proclamation they urged Mr. Lin
coln to make, and which he declined
doing, greeted their eyes in the public
press. An intimation or positive state
ment from Mr. Lincoln, that he will
or will not pursue a certain line of polo
icy, is not conclusive on the subject by
any means. We suppose Mr. Lincoln
will, like most statesmen, be governed
in his policy by circumstances of a
controlling character His Proclamao1
tion was a great mistake, to say the
least of it, and was the prompting of
an evil spirit instead of an emanation
from the Deity. He may be convin
ced of his mistake before January.
Cin. Enq
13 ov. ftlorehcad of Ky., In Eng
land He Details a llcuinrkn.
ble Conversation with Ir evi
dent Lincoln.
Ex-Governor , Morehead, of Ken
tucky was entertainel at a grand ban
quet hy the "Southern Club" of Liv
erpool, on the 13th ultimo, at the
Adelphi Hotel, in that town. Mr.
George W. Holt, brother of Hon. Jo
seph Holt, the Solicitor of Mr. Lins
coin's administration, presided, and
the company numbered about fifty gen
tlemen, members of the Club. Strong
speeches were of course indulged in,
and the Confederate flag played an
important part in the decoration of the
room. A few days before the banquet
Mr. Morehead delivered a lengthy ad
dress on American aflais before the
members of the Southern Club.
In the course nf thia address, the ex-Gov
ernor detailed Ihe eubstance of a private
conversation between President Lincoln and
the Representatives of the Border States.
just after troops had been thrown into Fort
sumter. Un that occosion, said Mr. More
head, t said to him: I
Mr. President, ou Sv TOO were accident-
ly selected, and elected by a party. You
were the candidate ol the party; but when
you weie elected, sir, I thought I have
taught to believe that vou were the Pres
ident of the Union. 1 oppose vou, sir. I
said to him, with all the zeal and energy of
which I was master. I endeavored to ure-
Vent your election, not because 1 had any
personal fe'elinys of enmity toward you, but
because 1 believed that it would lead to (he
very result we now witness. I opposed you,
sir, but you are my President: vou have
been electVd according to the forms of the
people of the United Stales, and I think
some little deference is due to the opinions of
ttiose wno constitute the majority, according
to the vote that had been polled, of l.lOO.CXtO
men in the United States. -. tie at once rath
er briskly Raid, il he was a tninoiily Presi
dent, he was not the first, and that, at all
events, he had obtained more votes than we
could muster foi any other man. I respond
ed at once to him, that 1 did not intend to
recall to hun that he was a minority Presi
dent but simply to annouueo the bioad
fact thai he was the President, not 61 the
men who voted for him, but of the whole
people of the United States. General Don
ovan here interposed and piescnted three al
ternative propositions to him. Firet, that
be might remain perfectly idle and passive,
ana let me aisintcprauons oi tne states co
on as it nau gone on; secono, give guarantees
such as were asked, and bung tbe whole
power of his administration to bear in ob
taming those guarantees; or, third, resort to
coercion, and attempt to 'orce tbe seceding
states into ODeaience.
When the conversation had slackened i
little, I ventured to appeal to him, in a man
iter in which I never appealed to any other
man, and never expect lodo strain. I raid
that as to tho last proposition I desired to say
one worn; that I ttuted and prayed to God
that he would not resort to coercion; that tl
he did, the history of his administratit n
would be written in blood, and all the waters
f the Atlantic CKean could never wash it
from his hands. (U. ar, hear, and applause 1
tie asKea me wnat l would do, and if 1
meant by coercion the collecting of Ihe reve
nue and ihe taking back of the forts which
he said belonged to tho United States? I
replied that that was the only mode in which
it was possible that ha could under the Coo
ssuution resort Io coercion by an attempt
to collect tbe revenue and to take back the
forts, lie had placed himself in a chair with
rounds to it, with his feet upon the highest
round a long, lanky uian, with very large
ide whiskers, with his elbows upon his
nees and his bands upon the tides of his
face, in a listening attitude, and when he
would speak drops bis bands and raises his
head. Dropping his bands and raising his
neau, ne sam ne wouia ten me a little anec-.
dote which had happened when he first came
to the bar.
An old man, he said, had applied to him
to bring a suit, and made out a capital case
as he thought, but when the evidence was
etailed before the jury it was the worst
case (hat he had ever listened to, and whilst
the evidence was going on the old man came
listening to the evidence himself, and whis
red in his ear, "Ouv it up." ( Laughter
Now," said he, "Governor, wouldn't Ibis
be guvin' it up?" I said to bim "Mr. Prexi
dent, it may be said that it would be 'guvin'
up,' out hadn't you better truv it up' with
out bloodshed than drench this land witb
blood, and then have to 'guv it up?" (Ap
plause.) He said that he had sworn to see
the laws faithfully executed, and addressing
himself to me, he said, "I would like to
know from you what I am to do with my
oathoi officer' i said to htm that he had
taken a solemn oath to see the laws faithfully
executed, but that congress was then in ses
sion, and application had been made to Con
gress to give to the President of the United
States the power to collect the revenue bv
armea vessels outsue the portB, bow are
you to collect it?'1
"Do you think you can send a collector
to the port of Charleston, to tbe port ol Sa
vannah, or of New Orhans, to collect the
revenue there? ' Is it not impossiblity and
does your oath bind you to do a thing that
impossible r As to the forts, that is
matter within your discretion, sir. You
can withdraw the troops, il you please.' You
are the toinmander-tn chief, and it belongs
to you ettner to Keep them mere or to with
draw them totally and prevent a collision,
and consequently deadly and ruinous war."
Well," said he, rising himself again, "1 will
only answer you by telling you a little anec
doth which struck me excuse me," said he,
little anecdote which struck me as you
were going on. It is from E-op's Fables.
and doubtless in your schoolboy days you
have read it. Esop, you Know," said be.
illustrates great principles often by making
ute animals speak and act, ana according
to him there was a lion once that was des
perately in love with a beautiful lady, and
he courted the lady and the lady became
enamored of him and agreed to marry htm,
and the old people were asked for their coo
sent. " They were afraid of tbe power ol, the
lion with bis sharp claws and his tusks, and
they said to him, 'We can have no objection
to so respectable a personage as you, but our
daughter is frail and delicate, and we hope
that you win submit to nave your claws cut
off and your tusks drawn, because thev
might do very serieus injury to ber.' Ths
lion submitted, being very much In love.
Ills claws were cut eff and his tUsha drawn,
and they tbok cluhs then and knocked hino
on ihe head." (Laughter.) I replied, I
think, about in substance this that it was
an exceedingly interesting anecdote, and
very apropos, but not altogether a Very satis
factory answer to me.
We had before that conversed sitting in a
semi circle round the President; but Mr.
Reeves rose from bis chair, and, with a dig
nity and an eloquence I have seldom heard
surpassed in the coume of my life, he appeal
ed to him. He told him he was a very old
man; but there never had been a throb in
his heart that was not in favor of the perpet
uation of the Union; that he came there with
a hope and a wish to perpetuate it, and that
all his efforts bsd been exerted in endcaver
ing to procure such guarantees as would per
petuate it; but that he desired to say to him,
and be said it with a trembling voice, in or
der that he might know-) and not say there
after that he was not fully warned, that he
agreed with every word I had said with re
gara to the horrors ol this anticipated war,
and that if he did resort to coercion, Virgin
ia would join the seceding States. 'Nay, sir,'
be ssid, "old as I am, and dearly as I have
loved this Union, in that event I go, with all
my heart and soul." (Hear, hear.)
Mr. Lincoln jumped up from his chair, as
Mr. Heaves was standing;; advanced one step
toward bun, and said, "Mr. Keeves! Mr.
Reeves! If Virginia will stay in, I will
withdraw the troops from Fort Sumter."
Mr. Reeves stepped back and said, "Mr.
President, I have no authority to speak for
Virginia; but if you do that, it will be oue
of the wisest things you have ever done.
do that, and give us guarantees, and I can
duly promise you that whatever influence '.
possess shall be exerted to promote tbe Uni
on and to restore it to what it was." We
then all of us got tip and were standing.
He said, "Well, gentleman, I have been
wondering very much whether, if Mr. Lou
glas or Mr. Bell had been elected Piesident,
you would have dared to talk to him as free
ly as you have to me." I did not exactly
hear the answer, but I am told Mr. Gut li
no answered him in about this way: "Mr.
President, if tren. Washington occupied the
seat you will soon fill, and had it been ne
cessary to talk to him a we have to ycu to
save such a Union as this, I for one should
talk to him as I have to jou." (lltar,
There the conversation ended, and the
deputation went awav with ihe impression
that war was impossible. They weie, how
ever, soon undeceived. The President "en
tered upon the duties of his office with a
declaration that if there was a collision it
should not he his fault, at the very lime he
was preparing an arrangement io New Yoik
to reinforce Fort Sumter." The Confeder
ates then, observed Mr. Morehead, choose to
to fire first in self defense, and took the fort
before the armament came there.
Coining: and Oioiiic, r the Devi
ates of ilir l'oliiicliiu.
Greeley, in his last contributed ar
ticle to the Independent Brother
Beecher's organ very adroitly leads
his Abolition brethren into the disunion
pasture, by giving them a drink from
the anti-slavery waters abundant there
in. He presents them with two main
propositions from which they must ne
cessarily make choice: 1. The recog
nition of the Southern Confederacy,
with the certainty of the death of sla
very therein; or, 2. The ascendancy of
the Democratic party, and, withit, the
continuance of the Union on the old
basis of Constitutional protection of
the status of slavery, by compromise.
The idea he wishes to impress on the
Abolitionists is that, if they want to
secure the destruction of slavery, the
best way to do it is to let the slave
States go; for, argues he, if the Dem
ocrats get the control of the Govern
ment, they will restore the Union un
der the eld guarantees of slavery, and
slavery will thereby be protected and
perpetuated, as of old.
The Abolition philosopher is undoubt
edly right in his second proposition.
Had the Democrats the power, the
Union would be restored and perpetu
ated on the old basis. They appreci
ate the Union, and with it, fraternal
relations the brotherhood of interests,
of feelings and of affections, of trade
and commerce, of the oneness of a
people, of the insignificance of the nc
gro to the great humanity and sodality
of the white race, that has been and
is the only pioneer, constructor and de
fender of civilization.
The article we refer to, from the
pen of Greeley, shows where he wish
es to lead the Abolition mind. A res
toration of the Union on the old basis
he does not desire. lie prefers diunion
to that. He, therefore, endeavors to
make the Abolitionists believe that,
if they want their anti-slavery views
to succeed, they had better go in for a
separation; and he himself prefers that
course. There can be no doubt that,
as the sole object of the Abolitionists,
in supporting this war, is the freedom
of the slavcsj and, finally, the putting
of the liberated slaves on an equality
with the whites, they prefer that the
war be continued; but Greeley sees in
the restoration of the Union the res
toration of slavery, or negrodom as it
was, and therefore prefers separation.
We hope patriots, North , and South,
will defeat the Abolitionists. Cim
Enq, . ',; ,
JKiWe yield the first place under
the editorial head of this page of to
day's paper to an article from the New
York World embodying a proposition
in the New York Times, to suppress
the ballot box at the North and to pa
under military control all Governors
and Legislatures opposed to the policy
of the Lincoln administration. Our
readers will see in these propositions a
purpose on the part of Mr. Lincoln's
supporters, to reduce the rightful sot
kreiuns of this land into serfs un
less they are willing to defend their
liberties by an appeal toarms. Whilst
this is the disposition of some of the
President's supporters, we trust the
day may be far distant when his own
consent shall be given to measures
which would never be tolerated by a
people deserving to be free.
From the Cincinnati Commercial Republican,
fSor. 4th.
The Adniluistrnlion Destroying
The people are rightfully jealous of any
encroachments upon their liberties. All his
tory snows that tbe tendency of power is
to increase its perogatives at the expense ol
the individual, and to strengthen its claims
by the usurpation of personal rights. The
rights of the people have been conceded on
ly after long and bitter struggles and there
is none of them that has not been consecra
led io blood. Having compelled an acknowl
edgement ol them they seek by constitutional
guarantees and a fair and equitable distribu
tion ol po'itical power to preserve them in
tact. "The spirit of liberty," says Webster,
"is indeed a bold and fearless spiiit, but it is
alsa a sharp sighted spirit; it is jealous o
power, jealous ol man. It demands checks;
it setks for guards; it insists on securities; it
intrenches itsell bbind strong defenses. It
seeks for duration and permanence, and,
building on the experience of ages that are
past, it labors dilligently for tbe beuefit ol
ages that ate to come."
When the present Administration ventuied
upon a suspension oi habeas coriiiii in special
cases, and the declaration of martial law in
special and temporary exigencies a declara
tion that arrests the action of the courts,
the course of law, and tbe right of habeas'cor-
pus loyal men everywhere acquiesced. The
m.minent peril in Which the Government
was placed, the bidden dangers which sur
rounded it, and the treason and tteacherv
that pervaded all its departments and all
blanches ol the service,and tho consciousn.ss
ol still greater perils that remained perdu, Io
thwart every attempt to assert the authority
of the laws and the supremacy of the Consti
tution, justified such a step, and made what
at any other tune, or in the presence of less
momentous perils, would havo produced a
revolution, a necessary piccaution antifa
hopeful display of vigor, in the effort to Dte
serve the aut hoi Ity of the Government and
the existence of a great nation.
Here and there some inaltcnant Point
tainted with treason and sympathizing with
traitors, was loud in denunciation of the ac
tion ol the Administration, and construed
what was but a necessary act in defense of
the national ex stence, into a design to c. n
tializo power and restrict tho liberties ol the
individual. The peril, however, was ex
trenie, and a resort to extreme measures was
conceded to be a vital neces-ity. Wen who
were covertly and actively co ODcratinir with
the rebels were summarily seized and con
fined in military prisons, and the act of the
Goverrmont received the universal sanction
of nil loyal people.
htn, however, martial law was declared
to exist over all the adhering States, the ne
cessity of such a step was not so apparent.
1 lie expediency ol it was doubtful, and l lie
tendency full of pernicious consequences. It
seemed to us that the few bad men in the
community, who were, and still are plotting
lor tne overthrow ol the Uovernment, might
safely bo left to the watchlul care of the
htaio authorities and the civil courts. Still.
had this extreme stretch of authonty on the
part ol the Administration been judiciously
and carefully exercised, it might bave been
assented to by the voice of a majority of the
people, who, jealous as they are upon the
sufjectof persooal rights, Would have ac
quiesced in their abndgeuier.t in cases of
flagrant oflense.
This, unfortunately, has hot been the cafe.
While there has been a great show of vigor
in making arbitrary arrests, there has been
inexplicable delay in indicting punishment.
Under whatever circumstances the citizen is
arrested, whether by civil process or by the
exercise ol martial authority, he is entitled
to s speedy and fair trial. Where has I his
been granted? Men have been seized and
thiustinto military prisons, kept in confine',
ment week after week, and month after
month, and without being cotfromed witb
their accusers, or made acquainted with the
specifications of their guilt, have been re
leased and permitted to go out into the
community, with the taint oi suspicion st',11
upon them, and without the privilege 61 es
tablishing their innocence. In what is this
different trom the proceedings of the Star
Il is repugnant to all ideas of justice. It
is neither just to the Government nor the
individual. Il is an arbitrary act that re
quites a complete exposition of the causes
that demanded its exercise to gain for it the
approval of the people; and it should have
been the first duty of the Government to
see that such an exposition was had. Such
a course would bave silenced complaint, and
taken from those who desire nothing so
much as to alienate the confidence of the
people in the Administration, the opportuni
ty which they are ever on the alert to seize,
of denouncing it as despotic and tyrannical.
The Administration, by the coursa it has
pursued, and we say it with unleigned regret
has given Its enemies just cause of complaint,
ard enabled them to work the very mischief
which the assumption of bower assumed.
undoubtedly, from the best of motives, and,
Tor the highest ol purposes was designed to
prevent. Seeking to reduce the force and
vitality of a baleful opposition to the asser
tion of its constitutional authority, and ven
turing upon the assumption ol extreme pow
ers to do so, it has so mismanaged and
misdirected its energies, ss to increase the
dissatisfaction, stimulate distrust, multiply
embarrassments, and weaken its hold upon
the affections of the people. Il the Admin
istration of Abraham Lincoln fails, it will
not be became it is Republican, in its party
elements not because it is an ti slavery in
its moral and political texture-not because
of its emancipation policy but because of it
incapacity for publio affairs, and because It is
wanting in the forecast, the sagacity, and the
ability to use wisely and discreetly the pow
ers vested in it by ths Constitution and laws,
and such other powers ss the exigencies of
the times justify it in assuming. The peo
pie have loosed to it with faith and hope;
they have given it a hearty support; men
and money, sympathy and good will, have
been lavished upon it. If it fails, then, it
will be through its own acts and history will
record it as a plain case of Administrative
suicide. .'t " '" : 4,-'
The' mismanagement that has character
iced tbe prosecution of tbe war; tbe endless
delays, the enterprise' ' without fruition, the
hope disappointed these are tbe ekaoeeSJ
of war not always to be avoided. - To -increase
of the public debt, tbe resort to direct
taxation, the paralysis of commerce, the de
preciation ot public credit, a disorders J
finance these are the almdst inevitable con
comitants of fe wat asKoming the gigantic
proportions of ths present ons. The policy
of confiscation, of emancipation with. or
without compensation of colonization these
are schemes which may be productive of
good or evil results, which have a moral in
spiration and tend towaid that dimly feeA
day of universal freedom which peete bave
sung and prophets predicted; but when , to
mismanagement, delay, increase of debt, and
schemes which are likely to be cbaracteiMed
as impracticable, because tbe ce!lenCa-, tf
attention is not supported by a wise s ates
manship, there is added an assumption of
powers not clearly delegated by the people,
and exeroisedso blindly and so extraordina
rily as to give to the act the appearance of
despotism, which its enemies . denounce
openly as such snd which tbe are in danger
oi coming to believe as such, where is ths
Administration that has or etr will-exist
that could sustain itself under , such over
whelming burdens? Having organized the
conditions of defeat, il should not eomplaiu
whsa defeat overtakes it. , -,,,,.;,
frJrThe following letter Irom Judge Kin
ney was read at Ihe great Democratic cele
bration atMillersburgh, Ohio:
CmviiLAKD, Oct. SI, '-'1805?.'
Mr Dear Strti A I anticipated might be
the case when I saw you, 1 find that my erl
gngemenis in the courts- will deprive me' of
the pleasure of meeting; with tbe Democracy
of Holmes County st their approaching cel
ebration of our political victorias in this State
and elsewhere I deeply regret the necessity
which compels me to lorego this pleasure; but
as 1 am so soon to be deprived ol tho right of
pursuing my profession, I feel 'under very
strong moral obliga'ions to those, who bave
entrusted me with their in. uresis to do what
lies in my power to meet their expectation!)
until that time arrivnS. . , , ,,;
If there ever was a time when hon st and
patriotic exultation might be indulged in,
this is that tiinr; and il any County in the
State, for her past and present fidelity, is en
titled to take a large share of praise to her
self, it is the county of Holmes. Traitors,
fanatics, and corruptionists have brought tbe
country to the verge of ruin; and ihe most
hopeful amongst us were oppressed with the
fear that we were last approaching a bllgbi
ing anarchy, or its fearful eounterparl, a
military despotism. In this Stats ofdopres.
sion, the people the honest farming and
producing masses of our countrymen, regard
less alike of unmeasured abuse and cow-,
aidly threats for their personal salety,7,aw
speken spoken in a voice which has carried
courage and hope to every patriot heart, and
dismay to every one who would mbvert the
rich legacy bequeathed us by our lathers or
speculate upon public distress. They have
unmistakably declared, that Ihe ungrateful
son who lifts a parricidal hand against the '
Temple ot Liberty, merits and shall receive
just punishment. That it no more belongs
to public servants than to traitors in arm '
to pluck stars from the congelation of States
nor to annul those great Constitutional 'Sate
guards of liberty snd secuiity, which bave
been secured by the toil and blood, and
treasure of our ancestors through centuries
of time. That thi brave men who have left
home and its comforts, for the battlefield
and its perils, have not done so to overthrow
and destroy, but to preserve and maintain,
the Constitution and Union which Washing
ton snd his compeers give us. And finally,
the taxes collected from the hard earned sav
ings of labor, are not yielded to be stolen or
appropriated by corrupt officials or greedy
contractors; but to be honestly anj faithfully
applied for the pre.-orval.ion of the uni y and
salety or the common country.
I indulge the hope, and confident expecta
tion, that the able gentlemen that vou have
just honored with a seat in Congress, will
be auto to do much for his District and the
country, tie assumes the gravest ef respons
ibilities, and will be railed to ac Upon ques
tions vital to your in erosts. " If I might
presume upon one word to hii : Constituents,
U would be to exhort them, to let hun al
ways leel that in doing right and doing it
courageously, Ibey will make it -.heir business
to sustain him. . In the present critical cou-t
dilion of our country. It is Ihe duty ot every
man, whether occupying a public position or
not, to act with that enlarged patriotism
which only asks" what is best lur the country.
The west, wi'h her brood valleys and rapid
ly developing resources, will be largely re
sponsible for the future. She ought and
must occupy the position of justice and im
partiality; add It becomes us all, with a view
to the great interests of ourselves, of our
childten, and of mankind, to swear upon
the altar of our country, that "Liberty regu.
lated by law," shall now and (braver, ; pre
vail WithiU her borders.
Very Truly your fiiend, U i
slow tlic Soldiers Feel. . ,i
We took the following extract from Jet
tor dated Poolsville, Oct. 15th, which ap
peered in the Cincinnati Gazette, lttpubli-'
. .. :!..'(-r . "' , :";
s,There is One way this af cab h settled,
ahd that in short order'. Lettlu soldiers fa
the army vote on a settlement, arid a mode
would be proposed that would .astonish the
natives, it is beginning to be thought, and.
the belief is quite universal, that this it at
mere political war; that a few in position, and
a few who are making money, are delaying,
and shifting, and polly foxing to make all
they can out of it and the soldiers are thor
oughly disgusted. It is well known to them,
that some officials are doing all they Can to
McClollan, that they disobey his order, and
throw obstacles in his way, and they, are.
tired of this blowing hot and cold in the Same
breath. .They want to fight or' tbsy want
to go home. Which shall it be? If delay is
to be the order; they will vote for a peace'
to a man they'll do it., . It is thought there
Was tnore truth than poetry in Major t Key's)
remarks about ' settling I he war on old Dem
ocratic principles,1' and tbey wsn to see it1
settled without any more palavering. ,..,
There is another feeling the war has e
veloped, and that is, an intense love of rttate'
of local habitation. Do -we want for clothes 7i
our repeated calls being unattended to,
we call upon. our Governor, and the neoessa-1
ry clothing cornea. Is 'there a ' bsi tie? each It
Governor proceeds to tbe battls field te car.
rytbe soldiers to weloome firesides; aud
this, too, they d la spite ef every obstacle '
thrown in their way by United States fa
cials. They take them home te get well, '
and do not let them lay in filthy Sospitale '
and die. In every distress we look to cur r
Governors and State, and tbe remedy comes.
We are fighting for the Uaioa, beoaos'
we have been taught to love it. But I ltavs ,
it lo any candid mind, if tbe bourse of .Uni- r
ted States officers hat not a tendency to drive -the
love of soldiers from tbe Union to the (
Stale. Talk about Suite rights. Indiffer
ence of high official is driving men to State"
love, and Stats, rights . too, asd, wsakeniogj
their love for ths Union. Truly yours, 1
i .
i: t?-

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