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t,!UuJ ai-xi 1 -i ' . j CADIZ, OHIO, WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 19, 1863. TERMSS1.50 VOLUME 30, NO 15 j0 ! I fl Ifl IH H H I 1 j . - Th Tenchtloiic ot Democratic I Tnlb The Tlrffiala nnt Ken , tacky Resolutions of 1S. ' If there is a test of Democratic fi delity and faith, above all others, it is in adherence to the Constitution as construed by such men as Thomas Jefferson and James Madison, the fa thers of our organization. In every Democratic National Convention that was ever held, a resolution similar to this adopted by .the Cincinnati Con vention of 1856 was passed. It reads that the Democratic party should "faithfully abide by and uphold the principles laid down in the Kentucky nd Virginia Resolutions of 1798, and in the report of Mr. Madison to . the Virginia Legislature, in 1799, that it adopt thoso principles, constituting one of the main foundations of it3 po litical creed, and is resolved to carry them out in their obvious moaning and import." These resolutions thus re ferred to were passed during the Ad ministration of John Adams, the old Federalist, whose Alien and Sedition Ltw and other high-handed mcasu res indicated a dispotion to destroy liber ty, the rights of the States, and es tablish on their ruius a centralized despotism. The Kentucky Resolutions declare as follows. "Resolved, That the several States composing the United States of Amer ica, are not united on the principles of unlimited submission to the General Government; but that by compact un der the style and title of a Constitu tion for the United States, and of amendments thereto, they constitute a Goneral Government for special pur poses, delegated to that Government certain definite powers, reserving each State to itself the residuary mass of right to their own self government, nd that whensoever the General Gov ernment assumes undelegated powers, its acts are unauthoritive, void, and of mo force; that to this compact each State acceded as a State, nnd as an in tegral party; that this Government, created by this compact, was not made the exclusive or final judge of the ex tent of the powers delegated to itself; inco that would have made its dincrc tion, and not ' the Constitution, the measure of its powers; but, that as in all other cases of compact, among par ties having no common judge, each PARTY HIS AN EQUAL RIGHT TO JUDGE 1'OR ITSELF AS WELL OF INFRACTIONS AS OF. THE MODE AND MEASURES OF REDRESS." This and many other resolutions of . similar character were written by Thomas Jefferson, the author of the declaration of American Indepen dence. And here is the Virginia res olutions, framed by James Madison: "Resolved, That this Assembly (the General Assembly of the State of Virginia) does explicitly and percm torily declare that it views the powers of the Federal Government as re sulting from the compact to which the States are parties, as limited by tho plain sense and intentions of the in strument constituing. that compact no further valid than they are authors ized by the grants enumerated in that compact; and that in case of a delib erate, palpable and dangerous exercise of other powers not granted by the said compact, the State who are par ties thereto have the right, and are in duty bound, to interpose for arresting the progress of evil, and for maintain ing within their respective limits the authorities, rights and liberties apper taining to them." These resolutions constitute the theory of our Government as expoun ded by tho Fathers of our Republic. Our present troubles have been brought upon us because their purport has not been kept more steadily and constant" ly before the people, and they have ihus been inatteatire to the dangers of Federal centralization and consol idation. We can not preserve our liberties as a free people if we do not maintain the doctrines so ably and felicitously expressed by Mr. Jefferson And Mr. Madison, in a time of public Sanger, when they were menaced with (destruction. State rights is the great political spoke of our government sys tem. The States ereated the Federal Government. The former are the icroators and the latter the creature. Tho latter can only exercise tho pow ers that have beon expressly delegated to it all others being roserved to the States and the people Any unautho lied power exercised, by tho Federal (Government is void and of no effect The mass of power remains in the State Governments, tho prinoip ami not in the Federal Government, tho agent. , Such is the States right view of our Constitution and Government. Any Pemocrat who does not assent to it win, in the end, Sad himself with the opposition organization, for upon this principle of rights parties were foun ded originally, soon after the adoption i. '. 'J.'..IIJ.,-1 . .' '. '. 'I .' 1 of the Constitution, and all questions of policy, in the end, go back to this original difference of opinion of con stitutional interpretation. The Fed eral, or Strong Government Monar chist party desired a big central ad ministration, which should swallow up the States, make of them mere provin ces, and leave to the people but a small amount of liberty. This party did not constitute a ma jority of the States or the people, and was defeated in the adoption of the Constitution, which was not the instru ment they desired. Failing to get their ideas carried out openly, they them resorted to stealth and talse in terpretation. The Constitution was to be defeated by setting up a false construction, that made the federal Government omnipotent by its exer cising powers not delegated to it by the States. It was then that its bold and unauthorized assumptions of pow er were met by the celebrated Resolu tions of 1798 met and defeated, and a chart laid down for the Government, to which the Democracy will be faith ful to all time. Cin. Eng. The Clilcairo tenublicun Pint- form Mr. Lincoln's Acts iiut lite Line Kentucky Election Tho Republican Convention at a Chicago, which nominated Mr. Lin coln for President, laid down a plat form which he declared in his Inaugu ral Address "would bo a law to him." The fourth resolution was as follows: "Resolved, That while the Consti tution of the United States was or dained and established by the people in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic trans quillity, provide for the common de- tense, ana secure uie Diessings oi no erty, and contains ample provision for the protection of life, liberty and property of every citizen, the dearest Constitutional rights of the people of Kansas have been frauduently and violently taken from theni their Ter ritory has been invaded by an armed force spurious and pretended legisl ative judicial and executive officers have been set over them, by whose u surped authority, sustained by the mil itary power of the Government, ty rannical and unconstitutional laws have been enacted and enforced 'test oaths of an .entangling nature have been imposed as a condition of exercising the right of suffrage and holding office the right of the people to keep and bear arms has been in fringed the right of an accused per son to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury, has been denied the right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers and ef fects against unreasonable searches and seizures has been violated they lave been deprived of lite, liberty and property without due process of law the freedom of speech and of the press has been abridged' the right to choose their itepresentatives lias been made of no effect murders, rob beries and arsons have been instiga- ted, and the offenders have been al lowed to go unpunished that all these things have been done with the knowledge, sanction and procurement of tho present Administration; and that for this high crime against the Constitution, the Union and human ity we arraign the President, his ad visors, agents, supporters, apologists and accessories, either before or after the fact, before the country and before the world; and that it is our fixed pur pose to bring the actual perpetrators of these atrocious outrages and their accomplices to a sure and condign punishment hcreaiter. Much of that, so far as it refers to Kansas and Mr. Buchanan, was false; but how strongly the application to Mr. Lincoln's acts, and to the late election in Kentucky and other Bor der States? Not one solitary charge in the above resolution that we have quoted could fail to be proved against Mr. Lincoln in any Court of Justice, All the guarantees of the people enun ciated have been taked from them by his order; and in the language of the resolution, we arraign him and his ad visers as guilty of these outrages up on liberty. Whoever penned that resolution must have looked into the horoscope of fate, and drawn an accu- rate picture of the coming Adminis tration. Cin. Enq. Gov. Robinson and the Ken tucuy Election. The St. Louis Republican, a strong Union war paper, says: "Private ad7iccs from Kentucky represent that Governor Robinson is indignant at tho control exercised by military torces at the late election in that State, and that he will refuse to issue a single certificate of eleeton un der it. Most of the Democratic can didates for Congress will contest the seats of their opponents, and contes ted seats - in the State Senate and House of Representatives will be in numerable.". Should Governor Robinson pursue that course; it would be highly honor able to him, and would be well worthy of his previous character as a pure and honorable statesman. The Case Squarely Presented. Those who fail to read and . closely consider the following, will have tho misfortune to have neglected one of the most remarkable utterences of these eventful times: From the Mobile Register. "We think Qod from the depth of our hearts that the authorities at Washington snubbed Vice-President Stephens, in his late attempts to confer with them on inter national affairs, without form or ceremony. It has long been known here that this gen tlemen thought, if be could get to whisper into the ears of some men about Washing ten, the result might be terms of peace on some sort of union or reconstruction. He seemed to foreet that Douglas, with whom he used to serve, is dead, sod notwitnstand-1 ing his mantle has fallen, by dividing it into tour pieces upon uicnardson ana v oornees, Vallandigham and Pugh, still the Democrat ic party is not in power now, and we may thank God for it. The prospect looked gloomly to the Vice-President, whose infirmity of body no doubt casts a shadow over his spirits, and he said that one of two things must be done: either some terms mnst be made, or the whole militia ot the Con federacy must be called out and an immedi ate alliance proposed with foreign powers. President Davis gave him full power to treat on Jtonorable terms, and started him off to the Kingdom ol Abraham. But Father Abra ham told him there was an impassable gulf between them, and the Vice-President had to steam back to Richmond, a little top fallen. We hope this will put a stop forever to some croakers about here who intimate that there are people enough friendly to the South, in the North, toj-estore the Union as it was. And we also hope the govern ment at Richmond will not humiliate itself sny more, but from this time will look only to the one end of final and substantial inde jiendence. The North is not less set on a purpose of final separation than we are. The Republican party are not righting to re store the Union, any more than the old Romans fought to establish the independence of the countries they invaded. The Re publicans are fighting for conquest and do minion, we lor liberty and independence. "There is only one party in the North who want this Union restored, but thay have no more power, legislative, or judicial, than the paper we write on. It is true they make a show of Union and Btrength, but they have no voice of authority. We know that the Vallandigham school wants the Union restored, for he told us so when here in exile, partaking of such hospitality as we extended to a real enemy to out strug gle for separation, banished to our soil by another enemy who is practically more our friends than ho. And it Vallanuignan should, by accident or other cause, become Governor" of Ohio, we hope Lincoln will keep his nerves to the proper tension, and not allow him to enter the confines of the State. His administration would do more to restore the old Union than any o'hor power in Ohio could do, and therefore we pray that he may be defeated. Should a strone Union party soring up in Uhio, the intra Stale in the North in political importance, it might find a faint response In some south ern States, and give us trouble. But, as long as the Republicans hold power, they will think of conquest and dominion only, and we, on the other hand will come up in solid column for freedom and independence, which we will be certain to achieve, with such assistance as we may now (alter the refusal ot the Washington Cabinet to con fer) confidently expect, before the uemo crats of the North got iu power again, and come whispering in our ears, 'Union, recon struction, concession, and guarantees. Away with all such stuff ! We want separation. Give us rather men like Thadeus Stevens, nd Charles Sumner, They curse the old Union and demise it. and so do we. And we now promise these gentlemen that, as they hate the Union and the 'accursed constitu tion,' let them keep down Vallandigham and his party in the North; then they shall nev er be troubled by us with such whining about the constitution and Union as they are sending up." After reading the foregoing, which t is hoped every votor in Ohio will have the opportunity of doing, it is scarcely necessary to ask that it wlil be very maturely considered. The fear of a restoration of the Union, is tho ruling passion, the key to tho ac tion of tho radical elements both Aorth and South. At the South they are a3 much opposod to Mr. Vallandigham's election a3 at the North. We must have disunion final, irremediable sep aration is the demand of both wings. It is felt, keenly felt, iu the South, that the election of Vallandigham would bo "as a fire boll m the night" to all their hopes of separate national existence; that it would be the key note of reunion South as well as North. They both hope that in case of his election, Mr. Lincoln "will keep him out of the State." Both us men rather like Thad Stevens and Charles Sumner "THEY curse the old Union and despise it; so do we.' "Let them KEEP DOWN VALLAN DIGHAM AND HIS PARTY IN THE NORTH" is the cry, the ef fort, of ENEMIES OF THE UNION everywhere! , This other tribute to Mr. Vallan digham's earnest, holy devotion to the Union, should send a thrill through evcrv natriotio vein in the State: "His Administration would do more to re store the old Union than any power in Ohio could do. and therefore we pray that he may be defeated." "Should a strong Union party spring up in Ohio it might find a faint re sponse in some Southern States and give us trouble." There is the whole difficulty North as well as South. "A strong Union party is what is giving trouble all over the North; and the "vigorous prosecution of the war is about as muoh against this party here as at the South. The unwitting testimony of this ex tremo Southern editor, who we bclievo is no less & scholar and statesman than Hon. John Forsyth, former Minister to Mexico, and eon of the illustrious John Forsyth, and himself a man of name, power and fame his testimony clinches the whole matter. There niever has been anything else of it. kill who are intelligently in favor of the Union; of its principles; of the freedom and rights it was formed to secure; of its restoration are in favor of Mr. Vallandigham's election. All opposed to these, aro fighting Mr. tr.n 11 a- 1,:.. An.l T'LIa n'S' .-"" ul"" matter has got to De met squarciy oy the American people sooner or later it should be met now; for the saving of blood, the saving of treasure, the sa vin" of our once fair American name. All talk of Mr. Vallandigham's being in sympathy with the South of his advocating an acknowledgment of its separate independence, is the merest bosh, and known to be so by those who make it. All he wants is peace, in order that a respite shall be given for passion to cool; in order that what we are fighting tor shall be submitted to the cool judgment of the American people; in order that tho people may have an opportunity of securing their own liberties; in order that the princi ples which, lay at the basis of tho civil existence under which we have so long lived and prospered may be re-estab-jshed in all this broad land. But we must close for the present. The letter which precedes we have called a re markable one. It is certainly worthy of remark by every one. It struck our attention but our columns for the week were closed, and we will of ne cessity advert to it again. Meanwhile the people's thoughts will as naturally dwell upon its statements, as our own. Crisis. .. Party wild Country. In the speech of the Hon. Charles nderson, Republican candidate for Lieutenant Governor, at Mount Gilead, Ohio, he is reported in the Commer cial to have said: "It is a subject of deep grief and gloom that any portion of our people, in a time so critical, should be so estranged from that cause which is vual to our existence as a nation. But so it is; we can not control entirely the diversities of opinion among men. Mv feelings of respect lor my fellow countrymen are such that I have long hes itated to oolieve mat ineie were men in rat North who could lie so derecicl to duty and tn terest as to assume a position hostile to me Government. But concealment is no longer hone9t. It is necessary to know this danger that we may coniront and overcome it. A lame, mrtion of our countrymen, who while be lieving that tliey love their country as much as we do, prove iliat Viey love their party more. They more respect and worship the name of Democracv than patriotism. They are unconsciously enslaved to the superstition of party names and dogmas." The abovo is unworthy of Colonel Anderson it is unworthy of any man of sense. What authority has he tor the assertion that the Democratic par ty of the North which comprises one- half at least of all our people love their party more than country? Is it not a very gross, and unwarranted as sumption? Tho Democracy care no thing for party, except so far as it sub serves the interest of the country. They believe that the doctrines of their party and its views of public pol icy at the present crisis are demanded by the interests of the people. They believe the policy of the Admmistra- tion is ruinous to the country, and that if not arrested, it will involve us in a calamity that will appal the world! Hence they cannot operate with and sustain those who, in their judgment, are acting adverse to the interests of the whole people. The "superstition of party names and dogmas, which Colonel Anderson very charitably de clares influences the Democratic mass es, have nothing to do with it noth ing whatever and Colonel Anderson deserves no thanks for tho imputation. Colonel Anderson is as much a par ty man, is as violently attached to the principles of tho party whose standard bearer he is, as any Democrat in the land. He is as full ' of prcdjudice against the Democracy and their views as any one can possibly be. Every speech that he delivers proves that his party is more bitter and intensely hostile to thoso who differ with it "than tho Democracy are to their opponents; yes, far more so, will be the exclama tion of every honest man who is ac quainted with the public temper. No thing but the very acebrity of party feeling could induce Col. Anderson to so violently villify the Northern De mocracy. Ho said, not long since, that it would be better to have our arms defeated in the field than to have Val landigham elected Governor of Ohio! Does denunciation of party feeling come with a good grace from any gen tleman who will enunciate such scnti- mcnts? We have more right to say that he and his party love their organ ization and its principles better than they do the country; but we shall not thus wrong them. They are, in our judgment, fatally mistaken; their sen timents are abhorrent and obnoxious to the dictates of true patriotism and the public good; but they believe they are right They believe when they are destroying and immolating tho country they are assisting to save it! We pray Heaven to open their eyes, and deliver us from their deluded pre judices and blindness! Cin. Enq. TI1E JUISSSO OF A. II. STE- PI1EKS. A Letter of Historic Value. The following remarkable letter ap peared in the New York Tribune of the 3l8t ult., to the editor of which it was. addressed. It is reproduced on account of its intrinsic merits, its graphic eloquence, and its immense historic interest. Richmond, Va. July 16, W63. To the Glitor of the N. Y. Iribune: Sib: In the almost vain hope of helping to avert new horrors of" war which the soul of every Christsan citizen must shrink with the prayerful wish, racier tban witn tne ex pectations of saving your peopie and mine, your Government and mine, your cause and mine, from crimes political and military too terrible to contemplate without a shudder, I ask you to lay before your countrymen cer tain most grave facts, affecting at once their cbarater and existence as a nation, and com - ing home with a most kindly warning to "the businoss and bosom" of every man a mong you who has interests to appeal to, a conscience to rouse, or a heart to touch, And I ask Thb N. Y. Tbibukb thus to speak for the humane among us to the hu mane among you, lor. two reasons: nrst, De- cause that journal is the exponent of the doctrines of the Federal Administration, ol the dominant parly in the United States; and then because, abominable as those doc trines must ever be to us cruel a3 are your counsels, impracticable as is yuur language The Triuune has at least been irom tne beginning a consistent and courageous par- usan, a lair anu upcu luoucuuci oaiu nor eiving favors, playing no fantastic politi cal tricks, nor bidding lor all applause at once. How I came by the knowledge of the facts which, in the very eagesness of a patro tic fear, I take this extraordinary means of imparting to your party, your rulers, and jour people, is "neither here or there." Jjet it sulhce to assure you ana 1 Know you will believe me that my opportunities have been as sure as the use I make of them is pure. Let me comfort you with the assurance that I shall serv these facts to you in a form a; compact as possible, for, indeed, I have but little to hope from the chances of this letter's ever reaching you. As to the peril to myself that is nothing. On the 3d day of July, 1863, the Hon. Alexander H. Stephens, Vice-President of the Confederate States of America, ran down from Richmond in a Confederate steamer, under a flag ol truce, to the mouth of the James Kiver, where be had conference with Acting Rear-Admiral S. P. Lee, command ing your blockading squadron, as to certain matters of state. I ne d not occupy your space (or at least your time, Sir) with form al dilations. You know there was brief cor respondence between our Vice President and your Government. Mr. Stephens de sired audience for the purpose of presenting to the consideration of Mr. Lincoln certain propositions bearing upon the spirit and con conduct ol the war. Mr. Lincoln declined to confer with Mr. Stephens, and Mr. Steph ens returned to Richmond. Not to waste words in the controversy, that, Mb, 'J'ni bunk, was, I believe, the end of ihe expedi tion. But not the end o I speculation as to its real object. The guesses of your jour nals have been far more numerous than the possibilities. I propose to disenchant you Thereto! o this letter. The Vice-President of the Confederate States was sent to ask the Presideuce ot the United States to co-operate with the former Government in measures conducive to the cause of humanity, to the cultivation ol the most Christian shapes of wartare such measures; in the first place, as might be a greed upon between them to lighten the troubles of prisoners, and alleviate the pains of the wounded. And had Mr. Stephens been so fortunate as to procure the audience frankly and simply sought, I, for one, believe that the mercy of his errant would have met with proper recognition. This, however secondarily. ' The primary object of the Vice-Presi dent's mission was to protest, in the name of his Government and people, against tne mustering and arming of the blacks, which now constitutes almost tho only clear fea ture of your policy, lie came to implore you, in the name ol a people whose resources i . , t i . must navo surpisea you, oi a uuvbiuiubih whose ability you have trankly acknowledg ed, of soldiers whose courage and devotion and endurance you have felt, to this consum mation not to come at last, lie came to as sure you, on the good faith of his Govern ment, on the simple truth ol his fellow countrymen, that not one single regiment or corps of negroes lias ever been brought into ths Confederate service, to be turned armed a gainst you. lie came to remind you that such negroes as have from time to time been found on breastworks and in trenches have been caught with spades only or picks in their bands that such as have been found in regiments an insignificant number have been in all cases body servants, some times of officers, somefcuies of privates, who ol their own will, out of the love which you know they bear us, have chosen to lo'low their nasters to the death. And these you have found among your prisoners. He could have told you, if diplomacy permitted sentiment, (God save the mark!) of many such "chatties," some of them white haired, begging, stealing, fighting their way home again, to tho "ole missus" and the old place, with all that was left of the "young massa" a lock ot hair or a trioklet. But no matter for that. He came to talk to you of -elf-preservation, ol retaliation, and all that's shocking in the meaning of that word. He came to tell you of the native devil that has slept so long, to be awoke at last, in the bosom of a simple, dependent, afftctionate race. He came to implore you in the name of God not to do this abominable thing. Else he would have to fall back upon sta tistics and the grim phraseologies of war, and remind you that ths 4,000,000 of ne eroes that appear in the tablets ot your cen sus for I860 are the working hands of both sexes only. That number does not include the superannuted, or the infants. Out of these 4,000,000, at least 750,000 able bod ied fellows, lni ng and trusting their mas ters, and ready to follow them up to the mouths of vour cannon fahl do not continue " ' uu" h?""" can oe enrolled, armeu, tirineu, m months. They can be officered in every grade by their masters, those who have seen most service, and won most honor. They can be segregated, regiment by regiment, with the white troops. In all the depart ments, the ouartermasters, the commisra riar and the medical, white officers can ad- minister for them. Superior commands in I ,v.- Li"i. !lr:i.-.-i-m..i. ih. m-td , of Italian t service in the whi'e. In fine, the a o uimlhi i rLiiuv v entire system, as it operates in the Sepoy service in India, and as it has been modified j by distinguishing British officers at the re j quest ol our Government to meet Ihe pecu liarities which constitute incalculable advan tages, presenting, at they do; love and confi dence in place of hate and jealousy and sus picion can put in working order at once. This is what I tell you can be done. This is what the Vice-President of the Con federate States came to tell you wilt certain ly be done forthwith. Will you tell your people this? It is not for me to speculate upon the consequences of these new and dreadful ele ments, whirled into new forms of conflict and complication, to prolong and intensify the war. My mind, in striving to grasp the subject, lets go its hold, and shrink as from something at once terrible and loathsome. I cannot speak ot things which seem to cry aloud out of the future with the tonpues ol women and babes, with the contention of aneels and of fiends, of pity and fury. But I do see in all this a bidden mine of power in the South which your policy 1 may in one fatal moment spring upon the coun try, to bury all we once loved and were proud of in an undistinguishable monstrosity ol disgust and death. Rakbolph. It will surprise the reader, doubt less, how came to be admitted into the columns of the Tribune anything teeming with the getuine Jiumanity of this letter. It IS surprising. It will be gratifying, no doubt, to hear what Greeley had to say about it. Of course it would not be published without ed itorial Comments. II. G. admits that "it will be read with profound and general interest," and thus explains this reception of this ''remarkable let ter:". ' "We mnst premise that though dated 'Richmond. July 16, we have rrceived it through a Baltimore Secession channel, and we hare no doubt that it rece ved form and shape in the Monumental City. That its statements and representations, however, ail emanate, from high Secession circles in Rich mond, and that they embody and elucidate the views that impelled the recent attempt of Vice-PreBident Stephens to proceed on a Confederate embassy to Washington, we have ample reason to believe." After a revolting course interpella tion of the whole letter into a mere announcement of an intention to em bark in the "negro arming business" if we do not abandon it, Mr. Greeley diabolically comments, that "if pris oners of war shall bo executed on the plea of retaliation or otherwise, it will be nakedly because the Confeder ates dexy to Unionists immunities that WE freely concede to Rebels. And if executions shall thus be ren dered necessary, the precious blood so shed will weigh heavily on the souls of the master spirits of the Slaveholder's Rebellion." Negroes aro tho Unionists here spo ken of, of course; negroes are placed on an equality with anybody in the U. S. service. A dislike to many things done by the rebels" such as beating us in numerous battles, officering their ar mies with men educated at West Point, &c, is coolly proposed as an offset to the "Rebels'" dislike of our arming slaves. Then the right of tho Rebels to retaliate by arming their slaves is admitted but it is insisted that by arming them they must free them and if with the assistance of free negroes they even whip the North, they will have gained nothing really, for then with negroes all free, our Union again is a certainty, argues Mr. Greeley. I He then decides that "the Confederates then, will NOT arm .their slaves, be cause that would insure their defeat and overthrow in one way or another. If they arm those slaves without free ing them, they will bring their mus kets over to our camps as fast as pos sible; if they arm and free them, that will render certain the restoration of the Union, whether they succeed or fail." He concludes with a hypocriti cal appeal to the Confederates to "give it up." "In plain words, the Rebel lion has failed; persistence in it can largely increase the sum of carnage, devastation, and wretchedness, but that is all. We exhort you to look the facts in the face to bow to the fiat of Heaven, admit that the Union cannot be destroyed, act on the basis of stern realises, and let this distrac ted land have Peace!" We propose no comment. None is necessury. Crisis. (rWhat Republican since the war be gun hat spoken one word for the people? What Republican has said: Let tu not Us the people too heavily, or unnecessarily? Not one. Ail have said, Tax, Tax, Tax pile it on, the mors the betters fjrWhat Republican has spoken a word in riuianiw of the riirhta and libertios of the ceo- pie? Not one, The Main OMection to Vullnn digunnt. The objection that is now specialty urged to Vallandigham by editors who put themselves forward as leaders ih the Republican party is, that he wants a cessation of hostilitie? that he thinks enough blood has been Fpilled and that efforts, b.v negotiation and other peaceful afcehcies Fliouhl be made .... . , to restore the Lnion. Tins define on the part of Vallandigham is held up as an enormous crimt? What did President Lincoln say in bis inaugural nddrett? This is what he Enid: "Suppose you go to War, yotj can not fight always, and when, after much loss on both sides, is no gain on either, you cense fighting. TnE OLD IDENTICAL Qt'EI-TIONS AS TO TEEMS OF INTKRCOl'ltSE ARE AGAIN VPOS Y0U, If this statement is true, and ho one but a knave or fool will deny, it, then no matter how much longer the War shall be continued, "the old identical question as to terms of intercourse ure again upon us you." In view of this fact, the sooner we can get a dispassionate Consideration of the "question as to terms of inter course" the better for humanity, th better for the nation end the better for the Government. The President did not think, and Vallandigham docs not think, that "the questions as to tcrniB of intercourse" could or would be considered until there was a ceBsa tion of fighting. Evidently, there i no disagreement in this particular be tween Vallandigham and the Presi dent. : Western Opinion of Hie Couscrip lion Eastward. The "Chicago Tribune," though Abolition, setms to be behind the age in not comprehending New England wit, copacity, or adaptation .to the times: "The examining Fiirgeons are praC tically nullifying the Draft in the Eas tern States. The number of conscripts being obtained is insignificant. Fully three-fourths of all tliOBC drafted are being discharged by the examining surgeons on one pretext or another bribery, probably, is one active Cause of it. Of each hundred conscripts seventy-five got certificates of disabil ity, ten of the remainder present sub stitutes, half of whom desert immedi ately after being accepted, twelve of the remaining fifteen pay $300 and go clear, and three of the entire hundred stand the draft. Conscripts and sub stitutcs, together do not average ten rren out of each one hundred drafted men. If this thing continues, tho conscription for 300,000 men will not supply the army with 25,000, and the draft will be for practical good a com parative failure." "Wise men come from the East," ad the Scripture saith. Out West) the draft will doubtless yield more mem Loyally. We often hear of the utterance of "disloyal" sentiments and the treosori of the misguided "Copperheads," but the following language (so often quo tedj but not too frequently reproduced) spoken by the Chicago Tribune, is perhaps a little ahead of anything that has yet been uttered this side of Mason and Dixon's lines "Give cb A rebel Victory, le ou r armies be destroyed, maryland conquered, washington captured tre President exiled, and tuk Government destroyed; give us these, any other calamity that can re suit from Defeat and' ruin, Boonef than a victory with McClellan A3 a General" The Tribune is an Abolition journal of the Greeley school, and is, of course permitted to print as much treason hB it pleases. But had the same language appeared in a Democratic journal, the "magic bell" would have quickly done its work, and the hapless editor would at once have been confined within a military prisom A Suggested Difficulty nud tloif to Itenifdy It. . Prominent well-to-do Republican?, connected ih former times With Wide Clubs, and tiOw with Loyal leagues, ns well as Republican editors are ex pressing the opinion that the action of these Cohimon Councils, who arc pro . vidirg commutation funds for the use of poor laboring men, under the $300 clause of the Conscription Act, "will J prevent the Government getting the men heeded. . The Albany Argtis suggests if they arc sincere ih this apprehension, they have the remedy in their own hand!. As soon as the deficit is ascertained) let them at once Volunteer in sufficient numbers to make it up. This would be a certain remedy in ease the State quota is short, and if their loyalty and patriotism are equal, to tho superior1 pretensions they put forth, thcte ncod be no occasion for "Mpprehriwoii" in the matter. , .