Newspaper Page Text
fcjStE 61 DEKl'S MESSAGE.
fitted out from abroad against any portion oi urown country,, to ourn down , our pities, murder and plunder our people, and usurp cur government, we should call any power ott earth to the strictest account for not preventing such enormities. Ever since the Administration of Gon feral Washington, aots-of Congress have been id force to punish Rcveroly the crime bf settibg oh foot a military expedition Within the limits of tho United States, to proceed froiuthenco against a nation or Stale with whom we aro at peace. The present neutrality act of April 26th, 1818, la hutlittlo more than a collection of pre existing laws. Under this act the Presi. fleut is empowered to employ the land and naval foroo and militia " for tho purpose of preventing tho carrying cn of any stidh ex pedition or enterprise from the territories and jurisdiction of the United States," and the collector? of customs are authorized and required to detain any vessel in port when there is reason to believe alio is about to take part in suoh lawless enterprises. When it was first rendered probable that an aHempt'would be made to get up anotb fer uulawi'ul expedition against Nicaragua, the Secretary of State issued instructions to the marshals and distriot attorneys,whieh were directed by the Secretaries of War and the Navy to the appropriate army and navy officers, requiring them to bo vigilant, and to use their best exertions in carrying into effect tho provisions of the act of 1818. Notwithstanding these precautions, the expedition has escnpod from our shores.- Dtloh enterprises can do no possible good to the country, but have already inflicted much injury both cn its interests and its Character. They have prevented peaceful Emigration from the United States to the States of Central' America, which could not fail to prove highly beneficial to all parties looucerned. In a pecuniary point of View alone, our citizens have sustained heavy losses from the seizuro and closing of the Iran sit routo by San Juan between the two toceans, The leader of the roccnt expedition was arrested at New Orleans, but was discharg cd on giving bail for his appearance in the insumcient sum of two thousand dollars. I oemmend tho whole subject to -tho se rious attention of Congress, believing that our duty aad interest, as well as our na tional character, require that wo should adopt such measures as will be cffoclual io restraining our citizens from committing such outrages. I rogret to inform you that the Presi dent of Paraguay has refused to ratify the treaty between the United States and that State, as amended by the Senate, the sig nature of which was mentioned in the message of my predecessor to Congress, 'at the opening of the session in December, load. The reasons assigned tor this re fusal will appear in the correspondence bcre with submitted. It being desirable to ascertain tho fitness of tho river La Plata, tnd its tributaries for navigation by steam, tho United States steamer " Water Witch was sent thither for that purpose, in 1833. This enterprise was successfully carried on until February 1855, when, whilst in the peaceful prose oution of her voyage np tho Parana river, the steamer was tired upon by a Paraguay avan fort. Tho tiro was returned : but as the " Water Witch " was of small force, and not designed for offensive operation-, she retired from the conflict. The pretext upg,a which the attack was made, was a decree of the President of Paragury, of October, 1854, prohibiting foreign vessels of war-from navigating tho rivets of that 6tte. As Paraguay, however, was tho owner of but one bank of the river of that name, the othet belonging to Corrientcs, a State of the Argentine Confederation, the right of its government to expect that such a decree would be obeyed, cannot be ac knowledged. But the "Water Witch" was not, properly speaking, a vcsscl-of-war. She was a small stoanler, engaged in a sni. entitle enterprise intended for the advantage of. commercid States generally. Under tbese circumstances, I am constrained to oonsider'the attack upn-hcr ai nnjustifli ble, and as calling far satisfaction from the Paraguay aa government. Citizens of the United Statag, also who Vere established in busiues in Paraguay, have bai their property seized and taken from them, and have otherwise been treated by the authorities in an insulting and arli trary manner, which requires redress. A demand for these purposes, will be made in a firm tot conciliatory spirit. This will tho Lore probably be granted if tho Executive shall have authority to use other means in tho event of a refusal. This is accordingly recommended. It is unnecessary to state in detail tho alarming condition of tho Territory of Kansas at thojtimo of my inauguration. The opposing parties then stood in hostilo array against each other, and any accident might have relighted the flames of civil war. Besides, at this critical miraunt, Kansas was left without a governor, by the resignation of Gov. Geary. - On the 19th of February previous, the territorial legislature had passed a law pro-, vidiug for tho election ef delegates on tho third Monday of June, to a ccaveition to meet on the first Monday of Septcniber,for the turposo of framing a constitution pre paratory to admission into the Union. This law was in the main fair and just; and it is to be regretted that all the qualified elec tors had not registered themselves and vo ted under its provisions. ' At the timo of the election for delegates, an extensive organization existed in the Territory, whose avowed object it was, if need be. to Dutdown the lawful government by force, and td establish a government of ' tbair own, under the so called Topeka Constitution. ,Tbe persons attacneu to tnis Revolutionary organization busimjuvu inor anv rvart in tho election. Tho aot of the territorial legislature bad omitted to provide for stbmitting to the people, tho Constitution which might bo framed by the Convention, and in the ex- 'cited state ot pumro ieenng tnrouguoui ; Kansas, an apprehension extensively pre ' Vailed that a design existed tp force upon " Uem a constitution in relation to slavery ' "against their will. In this emergency it Warne my duty, as it was unquestionably ' toy Tigh't, having in view tho union of ill ' cobd citizens, in support of tho territorial laws, to expTOSS an opinion on the truo . "obstruction of the provisions concerning . Slavery contained in the organio aot of . "Congress of the 30th of May, 1854. Co'DgreBS declared It to be " the true intent , Wei leaning of this aot not to lcgisluto slavery into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom, but' to'leave the people, thereof perfectly free to., form and regulate their do testio institutions io their own way." Under it Kansas, "when ad mitted as a State," was to . ." be received into the Union, with or without slavery, as their Constitution may prcsoribe at the time of their admission.". Did Congress mean by tSisnguae that the delegates elected to framo a constitu tion should have authority finally to decide the'question of slavery, or did they intend by leaving it t) tho people that the people of Kansas themselves should decide this Suestion by a direct vote? On this subject confess I hud never entertained a serious doubt, and, therefore, in ay instructions to Governor Walker of the 28th of March last, I merely said that when " a constitu tion snail bo submitted to the people ot toe Territory, they must bo protected in the extrciso of taeir right of voting lor or against that instrument, and the fair ex pression of tho popular will must not be interrupted by fraud or violonoo." In expressing this opinion it was tar from my intention to interfeio with the decision of the people of Kansas, either for or against slavery. From this I. have al ways carefully aostained. Entrusted witn the duty of taking care " that tho laws bo faithfully executed," my only desire was that the people of Kansas should furnish to Congress the evidence required by tho or ganic act, whether for or against slavery ; and in this manner smooth their passage into the Union. In emerging from the condition of territorial dependence irto that of a sovereign Stato, it was their duty, in my opinion, to make known their will by the votes of the majority, on tho direct quotton whether this important domestic institution should or should not continue to exists Indeed, this wa3 tho only posni ble modo in which their will could be authentically ascertained. Tho election of delegates to a convention must necessarily take place in separate lis triots. From this cause1 it may readily happen, as has often been the case, that tho majority of tho people of a State or Ter ritory are on 'one side of a question, whilst a majority of the repiesentativcs from tho several districts into which it is divid may De upon tlio other side. Una arises from the fact that in some districts delegates may be elected by small majorities, whilst in others those ot different sentiments may roecivo majorities sufficiently great not to overcome the votes given' for the former, but to leave a large majority of tho whole people in direct opposition io a majority of the Delegates. Beidcs, our history proves that lnnueuce may bo brought to bear on tho representative sufficiently powerful to induce him to disregard the will of his constituents. The truth is, that no other authentic and satisfactory mode exists of ascertaining the will of a majority of the peoplo ot any Stato or Territory on an lm portant and exciting question like that o slavery in Kansas, except by leaving it to a direct vole. How wise, then, was it for Congress to pass over all subordinate and interraeJhte agencies, and proceed directly to the source of all legitimate power under our institutions. .How vain would any other prirciple prove in practice ! This may bo illustra ted by the case of Kansas. Should sho bo admitted into the Uuion with a constitu tion cither maintaining or abolishing sla very, against the sentiment of tho people, this could Lave no other c fleet than to con tinue and to exasperate tho existing agita tion during tho brief period required to make tho Constitution conform to the irre- sistiblo will of the majorty. 1 lie t riends and supporters of the Kan sas and Nebraska act, whenstruggling on a recent occasion to sustain its wise provis ions before the great tribunnlof the Amer ican people, never differed about its true meaning on this subject. Everywhere throughout tho Union they publicly pledged their tiiith and their honor, that they would cheerfully submit the question of slavery to the decision of the bona fide peoplo of Kansas, without any restriction or qualifi cation whatever. All were cordially united upon thd great doctrine of popular sover eignty, which is the vital principle of our free institutions. Had it then been insin uated from any quarter that it would he a sufficient compliance with ihe requisitions of the organic law for the members of a convention, thereafter to be elected, to withhold the question of slavery-from the people, and to substitute their own will for that of a legally ascertained majority of all their constituents, this would have been instantly rejected. Everywhere they re mained true to tho resolutions adopted on a celebrated occasion recognizing "die right of tho people of all Territories including Kansas anil Nebraska acting through tho legally and fairly expressed will ot a ma jority of actual residents, and whenever the number ot their inhabitants justines it, to form a Constitution, with on without sla very, and be admitted into the Union upon terms of perfect equality with the other States." The Convention to frame a Constitution for Kansas met on the first Monday of Sep tember last. They were called together by virtue of an act ofthe Territorial Legis lature, whose lawful existence had been recognized by Congress in different forms and by ditTerciit enactments.' A large pro portion of the citizens of Kansas did not think proper to register their names and to vote at the election for delegates: but an opportunity to do this-having been fairly afforded, their refusal to avail themselves of their tight coold in no manner affect the legality of tjie Convention. The settlers then proceeded to tramo a constitution for Kansas, and finally ad journed on the 7th day of November. Hut little difficulty occurred in the convention except on the Subject of slavery. The truth is that tho general provisions of our recent State constitutions are so similar and, I may add, so excellent that the dif ference between them is not essential. Under tho earlier practice of the govern ment, no constitution framed by the con vention of a Territory preparatory to its admission into the Union as a State, had been submitted to the people. I trust, howover, the example set by the last Con gress, requiring that the Constitution of Minnesota "should be subject to the appro val and ratification of the people ot the proposed State," may be followed on future occasions. .1 took it for granted that the convention of Kansas would act in accor- dance with this example, founded, as it is, on correct principles, and hence my in structions to Governor Walker, in favor of submitting tho Constitution to, the people, were expressed in general and unqualified terms'. ' In the Kansas and Nebraska bill, how ever, this requirement, as applicable to the whole Constitution had not been inserted, nd the convention was not bound by its terms to submit any portion of the instru ment to an election, except that which ro- latis to the u domestic institution " bf sla very. ' This will bo . rendered .'clear by a simple referenoe to its language. It was not " legislate slavery into anv new Terri tory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave tho peoplo thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic in stitutions io their own way." According to tho plain construction of tho ' sentence, the words " domestio imtitutions have a direct, ss they have an appropriate, refer ence to slavery. ''Domestio institutions" are limited tp tho family. The relation bo twc.cn master and slave and a few others are " domestic institutions," and are en tirely distinct from ins.i:utioo3 of a polu tical character. Besides, .there was no question then before Congress, nor indeed has there since been any serious quo ition before the people of Kansas or the coun try, except that which refers to the "do mestio institution" of slavery. . a. he convention, after an anpry and exci ted debate, finally determined, by a major ity of only two, to submit tho question ot slavery . to tho people' though at the last forty-three ot the fifty dologates present affixed their signatures to the constitution. A large majority of the Convention were in favor of establishing slavery in Kansas. The'y accordingly inserted an article in the Constitution for this purpose similar in form to those which had been adopted by other territorial conventions. In the schedule, however, providing for the tiansition from a territorial to a State government the question has been fairly and . explicitly referred to' the people, whether thev will have a constitution "with or without slavery." It declares that before the constitution adopted by the convention ''shall be sent to Congress for admission into the Union as a State, an election shall be held to decide this question, at which all the white male in habitants of the territory above the age of twenty-one are entitled to vote. I hey are to vote by ballot : and the ' ballots cast at said election shall be endorsed 'Consti'u tion with Slavery,' and 'Constitution with do Slavery.' " If there be a majority in favor of the "Constitution with Slavery, then it is to be trausmitled to Congress by ihe President of the Convention in its original form. If, on the contrary, iheie shall be a majority in favor of the "Con slitution with no Slavery," then the article providing for slavery shall be .stricken from the Constituiion by the President ol the Convention," and it is expressly de clared that "no slavery shall exist in Kansas, except that the light of property in slaves now in the territory shall iu no manner be interfered with," and in that event it is made his duty to have the Con stitution thus ratified transmitted .to the Congress of ihe United States for the ad mission of the State into the Union. At this election every citizen will have an opportunity of expressing his opinion by his vote "whether Kansas shall be received into the Union with or without slavery," and thus this exciting question may be peacefully settled in the very mode required by the organic law. The election will be held under legitimate authority, aud if any portion ofthe inhabitants shall refuse to vote, a fair opportunity to do so having been presented, ihis will be their own voluntary net, and they alone will be responsible for the consequences. Whether Kansas shall be a free or slave State must eventually, under some author ity, be decided bv an election ; and the question can never be more clearly or dis tinctly presented to the people than it is at tho present moment. Should this oppor tunity be rejected, she may be involved for years in domestic discord, and possibly in civil war, before she can again reach the point she has already .attnined. Kansas lias for some years occupied too much of the public attention. It is high time this should be directed to far more important objects. When once admitted into the Union, whether with or without slavery, 1'ie excitement beyond her own limits will speedily pass away, and she will then for the first time be left, as she ought to have been long since, to manage her own affairs in her own way. If her constitution on ihe suSject of slavery, or any other subject, be displeasing to a ma jority ofthe people, no human power can prevent them from changing it within a. brief period. Under these circumstances, it may well bo questioned whether the peace and quietness of the whole country are not of greater importance than the mere temporary triumph of either of the politi cal parties in Kansas. Should the constitution without slavery be adopted by the votes of the majority, the rights of property in slaves now in the territory are reserved. The number of these is very small ; but if it were greater ihe provision would be equally just and reasonable. These slaves were brought into ihe territory under the constitution of Ihq, United States, and are now the prop, erty of their masters. This point has at length been finally decided by the highest judicial tribunal of the countryand this "upon tho plain principle that when a con federacy of sovereign States acquire a new territory at their joint expense, both equa lity and justice demand that the citizen of one and all of them shall have the right to take into it whatsoever is recognized as property . by the common constitution. io have summarily confiscated the prop erty in slaves already in the territory, would have been an a6t of gross injustice, and contrary to the practice of the older states of the Union which have abolished slavery. A territorial government was established for Utah by act of Congress approved the Oth September, 1850, and the Constitution and laws of the United States were there by extended over it "so far as the same or any provisions thereof, may be appli cable. I his act provided for the ap pointment by the President, by and with the advice and consent of ihe Senate,. of a Governor; wbo was to be ex-oiTicio super intendent of Indian affairs, a Secretary, three Judges of the ' Supreme Court, a Marshal and a District Attorney. 1 Subse quent acts provided for the land and our Indian system over the Territory. Brig ham Young wis appoinled ihe first Gov ernor on the 20th September, 1850, and has held the office ever since. Whilst Governor young has been both Governor and Superintendent of Indian Affairs throughout this period, he has been at the same time the head of the chiirch called the Latter Day Saints, and professes to govern its members and dispose of their property by direct inspiration and authority from the Almighty. His power has been, therefore, absolute over both Church and Stale. ,:: , -' The people of Utah, almost exclusively. belong to this church, and believing witn fanatical spirit that , he is Governor of the Territory by Divine appointment, they obey his commands as if these were direct revelatipns from Heaven.' If, therefore, ha chooses that his government shall come in collision with the Government of the United States, the membeis of the Mor mon Church will yield implicit obedience to his will. Unfortunately, existing facts leave but littlo doubt that such js his de termination. Without entering into a minute history of -occurrences, il is suffi cient to say' that all the officers of the United States, judicial and executive, with the single exception of two Indian agents, have found it necessary for iheir own per sonal safety) to withdraw from the terri tory, and there no longer remains any gov ernment in ' Utah but Ihe despotism of Brigham Young. This being the condi tion of affairs in the Territory, I could not mistake the path of duty. As Chief Mag istrate, I was bound to restore the supre macy of the Constitution and laws within its limits. In order to effect this purpose, I appointed a new Governor and other federal officers for Utah, and sent with them a military forco for their protection, and to aid as a posse comilains, in case of need, in the execution of the laws. . Wilh the religious opinions of the Mor mons, as long as they remained mere opin ions, however deplorable in themselves and revolting . to the moral and religious sentiments of all. Christendom, I had no right to interfere. Actions alone, when in violation of the Constitution and laws of the United States,, become the legitimate subjects for tlie jurisdiction of the civil magistrate. My instructions to Gov. Gum ming have there.fore. been framed in strict accordance with those principles. At their date a hope was indulged that no neces sity might exist for .employing the milita ry in restoring and maintaining the author ity of tho law ; but this hope has now vanished. Governor Young has, by pro clamation, declared his determination to maintain his power by force, nnd has al ready committed acts of hostility against the United 'Slates. Unless he should re trace his steps ihe territory will be in a stale of open rebellion. He has commit ted these acts, of hostility notwithstanding Major Van Vleit, an officer of the army, sent to Utah by the commanding General to purchase provisions for the troops, had given him the strongest assurances of the peacelul intentions ot the government, and that the troops .would only be employed as a posse comitalus. when called on by the civil authority to aid in the execution of the laws. There is reason to believe that Gov. Young has long, contemplated this resnlt. He knows that the continuance of his de spotic power depends upon tlio exclusion of all settlers from the Territory except those who will acknowledge his divine mission and implicitly obey his will ; and that an enlightened public opinion there would soon p.rostiate institutions at war with the laws. of both God and man. He has, therefore, for several- years, in order to maintain his independence, been indus triously employed in collecting and fabri cating, arms and. munitions of war, and disciplining' the jVJprmons for military ser vice. As superintendent of Indian Affairs be has had an opportunity of tampering with the Indian tribes, and exciting their hostilo feelings against the United States. This according to our information, he has accomplished, in regard to some of these tribes, while gibers have remained true to their allegiance, and have communicated Ilis intrigues to our Indian agents. He has laid in a store of provisions for three years which iji case of necessity, as he informed Major Van Vleit, he will con ceal, "and then take to the mountains. and bid defiance to all the powers of gov ernment." A great part of this may be idle boast ing, but yet no wise government will light ly estimate the efforts which may be inspired by such phrensicd fanaticism as exists among the Mormons of Utah. This is the first rebellion which has existed in ourTenitories; and humanity itself re quires that we bhould pufit down in such a manner that it shall bo the last. To trifle wilh it would be to encourage it and render it formidable. We ought to. go there with such an imposing force' as to convince these deluded people that resist ance would be iu vain, and thus spare the effusion of bl;od. We can in this man ner best convince them that we aro their friends, not their enemies. In order to accomplish this object it will bo necessary, according to the estimate of the War De partment, to raise four additional regiments and this I earnestly recommend to Con gress. I recommend to Congress the estab lishment of a territorial government over Arizonia, incorporating with U such por tions of New Mexico as they may deem expeuient.. i peea scarcely auuuce argu ments in support of ihis recommendation. We are bound to proteetthe lives and the property of our citizen inhabiting Arizona, and these are now without any efficient protection. J heir present number is al ready considerable, and is rapidly increas nig, notwithstanding the- disadvantage under which they labor.- 'Besides, the pioposed Territory is believed to be rich in mineral and agricultural resources, es pecially in silver and copper. The mails of the United States to California are now tarried over it throughout its whole ex tent, and this route is- known to be the nearest, and believed to be the best to the Pacific. Lone experience has leeply convinced me that a strict construction of the pow ers granted to Congress is tho only true, as well as the only eafe, -theory of the Constitution. Whilst -this principle sha guide my public conduot, 1 consider it clear that under the war-making power Congress may appropriate money for the construction of a military-road through tho territories of tlw United-State, when this is absolutely necessary for the defence of any of ihe States against foreign invasion. The Constitution has cdnferred upon Con gress power to declare' -'war," "to raise and support armies,'.'' "to 1 provide and maintain a navy,"-and to call forth the mlluia to "repel invasions. I nese uigt sovereicn Dowers necessarily involve ira portant and responsible 'public duties, and among theni there is none so sacred and so ! . I a VL.I .r MMM!nM mi. anil imperative as jik j"" ""6 "UI ou from the invasion of a foreign enemy. Tho constitution has, therefore, left noth ing on this point to construction, but expressly requires that " the United States shall protect each of therri (the Statos) against Invasion." Now, if a military road over our own Ten. ritories be indispensably necessary to enable us to meet and repel the invader, it follows as a necessary consequence not only that we posses the power, but that it is our imperative duty, to construct such a road. It'would be an absurdity to invest a government with the "unlimited power to make and Conduct war, and at the same time deny to it the only means of reaching and defeating the enemy at the frontier. Without such a road it is quite evident we cannot ''protect" California and our Pacific possessions "against invasion." We cannot by any other means transport men and munitions of war from the At lantic States in sufficient time successfully to defend these remote and distant portions of the republic. Experienco has proved that the routes across the Isthmus of Cen tral America are at best but a very uncer tain and unreliable mode of communica tion. But even if this were not the cise, they would at once be closed against us in the event of -war with a naval power, so much stronger than our own as to enable it io blockade tho ports on either end of these routes. After all, therefore, we can only rely on a military road through otir own territories ; and ever since the origin of the government Congress has been in the practice of appropriating money from the public treasury for the construction of such roads. The difficulties and expense of construc ting a military railroad to connect our At-1 lantic and Pacific States have been greatly exaggerated. The distance on the Arizo nia route near the 32d parallel of north latitude, between the western boundary of Texas on the Rio Grande and the eastern boundary of California on the -Colorado, from the best exploration now within our knowledge, does not exceed 470 miles, and the lace of the country is, iii the main, favorable. For obvious reasons government ought not to undertake tho work itself by means of its own agents. This ought to be committed to other agencies, which Congress might assist either by grants of land or money or by both, upon such terms and conditions as they may deem most beneficial to the country. Provision might thus be made not only for the safe, rapid and economical transportation of troops and munitions of war, but also of the pub lic miils. The commercial interests of the whole country,- both east and west, would tie greatly promoted by such a road ; and, above all, it would he a powerful addition al bond of union. And although advanta- ges of this kind, whether postal, commer cial or political, cannot confer constituiion- l . 1 1 i f ' I. '1? ai power yei iney inigiit lurnisn auxiliary guments ui favor ol expediting a work which, in my judgment, is-clearly embra1 ced'wiihiti the war making power. for these reasons I commend to the friendly consideration of Congress the subject of the Pacific Railroad, without finally committing myself to any particu lar route. The report of the public finances and of Ihe 1 reasury will furnish a detailed slate meat of the condition ofthe public finances and of the respective branches ofthe pub lic service devolved upon that departmenl of the government. By this report it ap pears that the amount of revenue received from all sources into the treasury during the fiscal year ending ihe 30th of June, 1857, was sixty-eight million six hundred and thirteen dollars and sixty -seven cents, (G8,613,513(07 ) which amount, with the balance of nineteen million nine hun dred and one thousand three hundred and twenty-five dollars and forty-five cenls, ($19,001,325,45) remaining in the treas ury at the commencement of the year, made an aggregate for the service of the year of eighty-eight million five hundred and thirty-two thousand eight hundred and thirty-nine dollars and Iwtlve cents, ($88,532,839,12.) 1 he public expenditures tor the fiscal ear ending 3i)ih June, 1857, amounted to seventy million eight Hundred and twenty-two thousand seven hun dred and twenty-four dollars and eigh ty-five cents, ($70,82,2.824,85) of which five million nine hundred and lorty-three thousand eight hundred nnd ninety six dollars and ninety-one cents, ($5,743,896, 91) were applied to the redemption of the public debt, including interest and premi urn, leaving in the treasury at the com raencement of ihe present fiscal year, on Ihe 1st July, 1857, seventeen million seven hundred and ten thousand one hun dred and fourteen dollars and twenty-sev en cents, ($17,710,114,27.) 1 he receipts into the treasury for the first quarter of the present fiscal year, co'm'mencing 1st July, 1857, were $20,- 929,819,81, and the estimated receipts of the remaining three quarters, to the 30. Ii June, 1858, are $30,750,000, inakin with inn balance oeioro Btaled an aggre gate of $75,339,934.03, for the service of the present fiscal year. 1 he actual expenditures during the first quarter of tho present fiscal year were twenty-three million, seven hundred and fourteen thousand, five hundred and twen ly-eight dollars and thirty-seven cents, (23,714,528 37.) of which three million, eight hundred and ninety five thousand, two hundred and thirtv-two dollars an, thirty-nine cents,(3,89o.232 39) were ap plied to the redemption ofthe public debt, including interest and premium. . The probablo expenditure of the remain ing three-quarters, Io 30th June, 1858, are fifty-one million two hundred and for ty-eight thousand, five hundred and thirty three dollars and four cents, (51,2 18, 530, 04) including interest qn public debt, ma king an aggregme of seventy-four millions nine hundred and sixty-three thousand fifty-eight dollars apd forty-one cents, (74, 908 953 41) leaving an estimated balance in the treasury at the close of the- present hscal year of four hundred and twenty six thousand eight hundred and seventy five dollars and sixty seven cents, (426, 875 07. The amount of the public debt at the commencement of the present fiscal year was twenty-nine millions, sixty thousand three hundred and clghiy six dollars and ninety cents (29,009,380 90). The amount redeemed since the first of July was three million, eight hundred and ninety live inrusana, two nunarea and thirty two dollars and thirty nine cents J he umount of estimated expenditures for the remaining-three quarters of the present fiscal year, will in all probability be increased from the causes set forth in the report of the Secretary. His sugges tion, therefore, that authority should be given to supply any temporary deficiency by the issue of a limited number of Treas ury notes, is approved, and I cordially re commend the passage of such a law. As stated in the report of ihe Secretary, the Tariff of March 3d, 1857, has been in operation for so short a period of time, and under circumstances ao unfavorable to a just development of its results as a reve nue measure that I should regard it as in expedient, at least for the present, to un dertake its revision. I transmit herewith the rpports made to me by the Secretaries of War, Navy, of the Interior and ofthe Post Master Goner al. .They all contain valuable and impor. tan.t information and suggestion which I commend to the favoral consideration of Congress. I have already recommendod the raising of four additional regiments, and thejre port of the Secretary of War picsents very strong reasons proving this increase of the army, under existing circumstances, to be indispensable. ... I would call the especial attention of Congress to the recommendation ofthe Secretary of the Navy to the" construction of ten small war steamers of light draught. For some years the Government has been obliged on many . occasions to hire such war steamers from individuals to supply its pressing wants. At ihe pres ent moment we have no armed vessel in the Navy wbioh can penetrate tho rivers nf China; We have but few which can enter any of the harbors south of Norfolk, although many millions of foreign and do mestic commerce annually pass m and out of these hatbors, Some of our most valuable interests and most vulnerable points are thus left ex posed. This class of vessel of light draught, great speed, and heavy guns, would be formiable in the coast defence. The cost of their construction will not be great, and they will require but a compar atively small expenditure to keep them in commission. In time of peace they will prove as effective as much larger vassels. and often more useful. One of them should be at every station where we maintain a squadron, anil three or four should be constantly employed on our Atlantic and Pacific coasts. Economy, uttility and efficiency combine to com mend them as almost indispensable. Ten of these small vessels would be of incal culable advantage to the naval service) and the whole cost of their construction would not exceed 32,300,000, or $230,000 each. The report of the Secretary of the In terior is worthy of grave consideration. It treats of the numerous imporlantj'and diversified branches of domestio aduiin's tralion intrusted to him by law. Among tl ese, the most prominent are the public lands and our relations with the Indians. Our system for the disposal of the pub lic lands, originating with the fathers of there public, has been improved as experi ence pointed the waj, and gradually adapted to the growth and settlement of our western States and Territories. It has worked, well in practice. Already thirteen Stales and seven Territories have been carved out of thes6. lands, and still more than a thousand millions of acres remain unsold. What a boundless prospect, ihis presents to our country of future pros perity and power ! We have heretofore disposed of 363.802, 404 acres of public land. ' Whilst the public lands as a source of revenue are of great importance, their im portance rs far greater in furnishing homes for a hardy and independent race of hon est and industrious citizens, who desire to subdue and cultivate the soil. They ought to be administered mainly wilh a view to promote this wise and benevolent policy. In appropriating them for any other pur pose, we ought to use even greater econo my than it they had been converted into money and the proceeds were already iu the public treasury. Io squander away tins richest and no blest inheritance which any people have ever enjoyed upon objects of a doubtful constitutionality and expediency would bo to violate one of tho most important trusts ever committed to any people. Whilst I do not deny to Congress the pqwer, when acting bona fide as a proprietor, to give away portions of them for the purpose of increasing the value of tho remainder, yet, considering the great tomptation to abuso of this power, we cannot be too cautious in its exercise. Actual settlers under existing laws aro protected against other purchasers at the public sales, in their right ot pre-emption to tbo extent of a quarter section, or 100 acres of land. 1 ho remainder may then be disposed of at public or entered at private sale in unlimited quantities. Speculation has of late years prevailed to a great extont in tho public lands. The consequence has been that largo portions of them have bocoine the property o indi vicluals and companies, and thus the price has already enhanced to those who desire ta purchase for actual settlement. In or- liurtO lilrrtftho area of speculation as much as possible, the extinction of the Indian title and tho extension of the public sur veys ought only to keep pace with the tide ot emigration. If Congress should hereafter grant alter nate sections to States or Companies, as they have done heretofore, 1 recommend that the intermediate sections rotained by mo uovernmenc snouid bo- subject to pre empiion by 'actual settlers. It ought ever to be our cardinal policy to reserve our public lands as much as may be for actual settlers, and this at mod- orate prices. We shall ihus not only best promote the prosperity of the new states and territories and the power ofthe Union, but shall secure homes for our posterity lor many generations, The extension of our limits has brought wiuiui our jurisuiciion many auuiuonai and populous tribes of Indians, a large portion of which are wild, untractable, and difficult to control. Predatory and war like in their disposition and habits, it is impossible-altogether to restrain them from committing aggressions on each other as well as upon our frontier citizens, and those emigrating to our distant states and territories. Hence expensive military ex pedilions are frequently necessary to over awe and chastise the more lawless and hostile. . . The present system of making them valuable presents to influence them to re main at peace has proved ineffectual. It is believed to be the better policy, to col onize them in suitable localities where they can reoeivo the rudiments of educa tion and be gradually induced Id adopt habits of industry. So far as the :experi ment has been tried it has worked well in practice, and it will doubtless prove to be Jess expensive than the present eys-tem. The length of post road in 1827 was 105,338 miles; in 1837 141,242 miles ; in 1847, 183,816 miles; and in the year 1857 there were 242,601 miles, of postroad, in cluding 22,580 miles, of railroadoh which the mails are transported. The expenditures for the department for the fiscal year ending on the 30th June 1857, as adjusted by the Auditor amount ed to 11,507,670. To defray these ex penditures, there was to the credit of the department on the 1st July, 1850, the sum of $789,599, the gross revenue of the year", Including the -annual allowances for the" transportation of free mail matter,, produ- " ced $8,053,951, and the remainder : was" supplied by the appropriation frorn the treasury of $2,250,000 granted by tlie act of Congress approved August 18,1856, and by the appropriation of $606,883, made by the actorMarch 3, 1857, leaving $252,763 to be carried to the department in the accounts of the current year. I commend to your consideration the report of the department in relation to the estab lishment of the overland mail route from" tho Mississippi river to . San Franciscdi California. The route was sslected with my full concurrence as the one, in m? judgment, beRt calculated to attain the im portant objects contemplated by Congress The late disastrous monetary revulsion may have one good effect should it cause both the government and the people to re turn to ihe practice of a wise and judicious economy both in public and private expen ditures. An overflowing treasury has led to hab its of prodigality and extravagance in our legislation. It has induced Congress to make some large appropriations to objects for which they never would have provided had it been necessary to raise the amount of revenue required to meet them by in creased taxation or by loans. We aro now compelled to pause in our career, and to scrutinize our expenditures with the utmost vigilance ; and in performing this duty, I , pledge my co-operation to the extent of my constitutional competency. It ought to be observed, at' the same time, that true public economy does not consist in withholding the means necessa ry to accomplish important national objects intrusted to us by the constitution, and especially such as may be necessary for common defence. In ihe present crisis of the country it is our duty to confine our appropriations to objects of this character, unless in cases where justice to individu als may demand a different course. In all cases, care ought to be taken that the mon- ii i tils t . i ey granted by ijongress snail oe latin- fully and economically applied. Uiuer the federal Constitution every bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives nnd the Senate shall before it becomes a law, be approved and signed by the President; and, if not ap proved, he shall return it with objections to that House in which it originated." In order to perform this high and respon sible duty, sufficient lime must be allowed the President to read and examine every bill presented to him for approval. .Unless this be afforded, ihe Constitution becomes a dead letter in this particular; and even worse, it becomes a means of deception Our constitutents seeingnhe President's approval and signature attached to each act of Congress, are induced to believe that he has actually perfotmed this duty, when, in truth, nothing is, in many cases, more unfounded. From the practice of Congress, such art examination of each bill as the Constitu tion requires, has been rendered impossi ble. The most important business of etch session is generajly crowded into its last hours, and the alternative presented to the President is either to violate the Uonsti tuitonal duty which he owes to the people, and approve bills which, for want of time, it is impossible he should have ex amined, or by his refusal to do that, sub ject the country and individuals to great loss and inconvenience. Besides, a practice !has grown up of1 late years to legislate in appropriation bills at the last hours of tho session, on new and important subjects. This prac tice constrains the President either to suf fer measures to become laws which he does not approve, or to incur the risk of stopping the wheels of the government by vctoting an appropriation bill. Formerly such bills were confined to specific appropriations for carrying into effect existing laws and the well establish" ed policy of tho country, and little time was then required by the President for their examination. . ' ' For my own part, I have deliberately determined that I shall approve no bill, which I have not examined, and it will be a case of extreme necessity which shall ever induce me to depart from this rule. I therefore, respectfully, but earnestly rec ommend that tho two Houses would allow tlie President at Jeast two days jirftiiicBI'" to the iiju.Kout of each session within which no bills shall be presented to him for approval. Under the existini; joint rule one day is allowed ; but this rule has hitherto been so constantly sus pended in practice, tba.t important bills continue to bo presented to him up till the very last moments of the session. In a large majority of cases no great public inconvenience can arise from the want of time to examine their provisions, because the constitution has declared that if a bill be presented to the President with in the last ten days of the session he is not required to return it, either with ap proval or with a veto, " in which case it shall not bo a law." It may then lie over and be taken up and passed at the next session. Great inconvenience would only be experienced in regard to appropriation . bills; but fortunately, under the late ex cellent law allowing a salary, instead'of a pel diem, to members of Congwss, the experienco and inconvenience of called session will be greatly reduced. . ., I cannot conclude without commending' to your favorable consideration the inter ests of the people of this Pistrict,r j -.Without a representative on the : floor df Con- Press, thev li.ivn fnr 111 in VPTV f 60n P6 culiar claimx unnnour lust regard. To this I know, from my lorig acquaintance with fhera, they are eminently entitled. JAMES BUCHANAN. Washington, Deo. 8, 1857. ; S. ROTIIACKEIL Richmond Jefferson County, Ohio.