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fa J. CASKET, Editor and Proprietor. OFFICE Washington Street, Third Door South of Jackson. TERMS One Dollar and Fifty Cents in Idranco VOL.5. MILLERSBURG, HOLMES COUNTY, OHIO, THURSDAY, JANUARY 24, 1861. NO. 23. jtw r7 j ill i w lsr vv nr a w jxlaAv un v CRISIS OF THE UNION. THE GREAT SPEECH THE GREAT SPEECH OF WM. H. SEWARD, OF NEW YORK. in the January 12th 1861. Mb. President: Congress adjourned last summer amid auspices of national abundance, contentment, tranquility and happiness. It was re-assembled this win ter in the presence of derangement of bust Dees and disturbance of public as well as private credit, and in the face of seditious combinations to overthrow the Union. The alarm is appalling: for the Un on not more the body than Liberty is the soul of the nation. The American citizen Las been accustomed to believe the Repbuf immortal. He shrinks from the sight of convulsions indicative of its sudden death. The report of our condition has gone over the sens, and we who have so long ana with so much complacency studied the endless notations of society in ine urn World, believing ourselves exempt from such disturbances, now, in our turn, seem to be falling into a momentious and disas trous revolution. . I know how difficult it is to decide, amid so msnv. and such various counsels, what ought to be and even what can be done. Certainly, however it is time for every Senator to declare himself. I, therefore, following the example of the noble Sena tor from Tennessee, (Mr. Johnson) avow my adherence to the Union in its integrity and with all its parts, with my friends, with my party, with my State, with my country, or without either, as " they may determine, in every event, whether of peace or of wnr, with every consequence ot don or or dishonor, of life or death. Although I lament the occasion, I hail with cheer fulness the duty of lifting up my voice among distracted debates for my whole country ana lis inesuinaiiie uuiun. Hitherto the exhibitions of spirit and rosolution here, as elsewhere, Iiave been chiefly made on the side of disunion. J do not regret this. ' Disunion is so unex peeled and nnnalural that it must plainly reveal itelf before its presence can be re alized. I like best, also, the courage that rises slowly under the pressure of severe provocation. If it be a Christian duty to forgive to tbe stranger even seventy tunes rp - - .i i i . :..: seven oneuses, 11 is ine ingnesi patriotism to endure without complaint the passion ate waywardness of political brethren so long as there is hope that they may come to a better mind. I think it is easy to pronounce what mea sures or conduct will not save tne union. I agree with tbe honorable Senator from North Carolina (Mr. Clingman) that mere eulogium8 will not save iL. let 1 think that as prayer brings us nearer to God, though it cannot move him toward us, so there is healing and saving virtue in every word of devotion to tbe Union tbat spoken, and in every sigh that its danger draws forth. 1 know, at least, that, like virtue, it derives strength from every irrev e rent act that is committed and every plas- pbemous phrase that is uttered against it. The Union cannot be saved by mutual eliminations concerning our respective share of responsibility for the present evils. lie whose conscience acquits nun will nat urally be siow to accuse others whose co operation he needs. History only can ad just the great account. - ; A continuance of the debate on the con stitutional power of Congress over tbe subject of tbe Territories will not save tbe Union. Tbe opinions of parlies and sec tions oo tbat question have become dog matical, and it is this circumstance that bas produced tbe existing alienation. A truce, at least during tbe debate on tbe Union, is essential to reconciliation. ' The Union cannot be saved by proving that secession is illegal or unconstitutional. Persons bent on that fearful step will not slaml locg enough on forms of law to be dislodged; and loyal men do not need such narrow grouud to stand upon. ' ' I fear that little more will be gained from discussing the right of the Federal Government to coerce seeding Slates into obedience. If disunion is to go on, this question will give place to the more prac tical one, whether many seceding States have a right to coerce H e remaning mem bers to acquise in a dissolution. I dread, as in my inermost soul I abhor, civil war. I do not know what the Union would be worth if saved by the use of the sword. Yet, for all this, I do not agree with those who, with a desire to avert that great calamity, advise a- conventional or unopposed separation with a view to what they call a reconstruction. It is enough for me, first, that in this plan, destruction goes before reconstruction; and secondly, that the strength of the vase in which the hopes of the nation are held consists chief ly in its reroaing unbroken. Congressional compromise are notlikely to save the Union. I know, indeed, that tradition favors this form of remedy. But it is essential to its success, in any case that there be found a preponderating mass of citizens, so far neutral on the issue which separates parties, that they can in tervene, strike down clashing weapons, and compel an accommodation. Moderate con cessions are not customarily asked by ' a force with its guns in battery, nor are Jib , eral concessions apt to be given by an" op posing force not Lsa confident of its own right and its owa strengih. I think, also, there is a prevailing couviclion that legis lative compromise which sacrifice honestly cherished principles, while they do not as sume extra constitution! powers, are less ore to avert imminent evils than they are certain, to produce ultimately even greater dangers.'' Indeed, Mr. President, I think it will be wise to discard two prevalent ideas or prejudices, namely, first, that the Union is to be saved by somebody in particular; nd secondly, that it is to be saved by some cunning and insincere compact of pacifica tion. If I remember rightly, I said some thing like this here so long ago as 1850, and afterwards in 1854. Tbe present danger discloses itself in this form. Discontented citizens have ob tained political power in certain Slatos, and they are using this authority to over throw the Federal Government They de lude themselves with the belief that the State power they have acquired enables tbem to discbarge themselves of allegiance to tbe whole Republic. The honerable Senator from Illinois (Mr. Donglas) says we nave a right to coerce a estate, but we cannot. The President sars that no Slate bas a right to secede but we have no con stitutional power to make war against Mate. 1 lie dilemma results from an as sumption that those who, in such a case, acMgaiost the Federal Government, act lawfully as a State; although manifestly they have perverted tbe power of the State to an unconstitutional purpose. A class of politicians in New England set np this theory and attempted to practice upon in our war with Great Britian. Mr. Jeffer son did not hesitate to say thft States must be kept within their constitutional sphere by compulsion, if tbey could not be' held there by attraction, secession was then held to be inadmissable in the face of a public enemy. But if it is untenable in one case, it is unnecessarily so in all others. 1 fully admit the originality, the sovereign ty and the independence of the several States within their sphere. But I hold ti e Federal Government to be equally original, sovereign and independent within its sphere. And the government of tbe State can no more absolve the people re siding within its limits from allegiaice to the Union, than tbe Government of the Union can absolve them from allegiance to the State. The Constitution of tbe U. S., and the laws made in pursuance there of, are the supreme law, paramount to all lesislation of the btates. whether made un der the Constiution, or by even tbeir or ganic conventions. The Union can not be dissolved, not by secession, with or with out armed force, but only !v the voluntary consent of the people of the United blntes, collected in the manner prescribed by the Constitution of the United States. Congress, in the present case, ought not to be impassive. It ought, if it can, to redress any real grievances of the offended States, and then it ought to supply the President with all the means necessary to maintain tbe Union-in the full exhibition and discrete exercises of its authority. . Be yond this, with the proper activity on the part of tbe Executive, the responsibity of saving the Union belongs to tbe people, and tbey are abundantly competent to dis charge iL 1 propose, therefore, with great deference to address myself to the country uiton the the momeulous subject, asking a hearing, not less from the people within what are called the seceding, than from those who reside within the adhering Stales. Union is an old, fixed, settled habit of the American jieople, resulting from convic tions of its necessity, and therefore not likely to be hastily discarded. Tbe early States, while existing as colonies, were combined, though itnperfectlv, through a common allegiauce to the British Crown, When that allegiance ceased, no one was so presumptuous as to suppose political existence compatible with disunion; and, therefore, on the same day that ibiy de clared themselves independent, they pro claimed themselves also confederated States Experience in war and peace, from 1776 until 1787, only convinced tbem of the necessity of converting that loose Confed eracy into a more perfect and a perpetual Union. Ihev acted with coolness very different from the intemperate condition of those who now on one side threaten, and those who on the other rashly defy disunion. Tbey considered tbe continuance of the Union as a subject comprehending nothing less than the safety and welfare of all the parts of which the country was composed, and the fate- of an empirie in many re- pects the most interesting in tbe world. enter upon the sublet of continuing the Union now deeply impressed with the same generous and loyal conviction. How could it be otherwise then, instead of only thirteen, the country is uow composed of thirty-three parts, and the empire empraces, instead of only four millions, no less than thirty millions of inhabitants. The founders of the Constitution more over regarded the Union as no mere nation al or American interest. Un the contra ry, they coi fessed with deep sensibility that it stemed to them to have leen re served for the people of this country to decide whether societies of men are really capable of establishing good government pon reflecnon and choice, or whether tbey re forever destined to depend for their political constitutions on accident and force. They feared, therefore, that their failure to protect the Union would be a misfortune to the nations, now much more sir. would its overthrow now be a Calamity to mankind 1 Some form of government is indispen- sible here as elsewhere. Whatever form we have, every individual citizen and every Slate must cede to it some natural righu. to invest the Government with the requsite power. The simple question, therefore, for ns now to decide, while laying aside all pique, passion and prejudice is: whelli- it conduces more to tbe interests f the people of this country to remain for tbe general purposes of peace and war, commerce inland and foreign, postal com munications at home and abroad, the care and disposition of the public domain, col onization, the orgaization and admission of New States, and, generally, tbe enlarge ment of empire, one nation under our present Constitution, than it would be to divide themselves into seperate Confeder acies or States, i --' Our country remains now as it was in 1787 composed not of detached and dis tant territories, but of one whole well con nected region lying within the temperate zone, with climates and soil hardly more various than those of Frace or of Italy. This slight diversity quickens and amplifies manufactures and commerce. Our rivers valleys, as improved by art, furnish ns a system of highways unequaled in the world. The different forms of labor, if slavery were Dot perverted to purposes of political ambition, need not constitue an it element of 6tnfe in the Confederacy. Notwithstanding recent vehement ex- pressionsand manifestations of intolerance f , , , . lu some quarters, produced by intense par- tisan excitement, we are, in fact, a homoge- - i l: a r . . 1 i ucous people, cuieuy 01 ouesioca, wuu ac --oir1i?....;.-.j r i u u.c, pju;. tically, only one language, one religion, one system 01 uovernment, ana manners and customs proper to all. Whv, then, shall people. we not remain henceforth as hitherto, one Tbe first object of every human society safety or security, for which, if need be, will, and must sacrifice everv other. V ' J rri a i ins security is two Kinds: one exemp tion from foreign aggression and influence; the other, exemption from domestic tjran- nv and eedilinn ny ana sedition. foreign wars Come from either Violation of treaties or domestic violence. The Uo- nionbas thus far, proved ilself an almost per feet shield against such wars. The Uoi- lea oiaies, continually enlarging their di- plomatic acquaintance, have uow treaties with France, the Netherlands, Great Bri- tan. Sweln Pr,W ,! R.,;. TW l, i t -i V nT . mars, Mexico, Brazil, Austria, lurkey, Chili, biam, Mu-cat, V enzuela, Peru, ureece, Sard ma, .quador, Hanover, Por- tugal, New Granada, Hesse Cassel, Wur- lemburg, lyhma, Bavaria, saxony, Nassau, Switzerland, Aleckleuburg, bchwenn, liau- teiuauln, the Hiwaiau Islands, San Salva dor, Borneo, Costa, Rica, Bremen, lhe Ar- .n . J . W ni w genuue ioweaerauon, IjOO (jnoo, Japan, Brunswick, Persia, Baden, Paraguay, Bel- glum. .Nevertheless, the United Slates, within tbeir entire existence under the Fed eral Constitution, have had flagrant wars with only four Stales, two of which were incirrnififMoit P,.u.-erc l.e ,.. t f n.,- K. .. .. 7V. 1 7 . rT- v bary, and have had direct hostilities, a- mounting to reprisals, against only twoor three more ; and are now at pence with the whole world. If lhe Union should be di- vided into only two Confederacies, eticli of them would need to make as many treaties as we now have; and of course, would be inble to give as many causes of war as we , r, . . .. . i , r ence of other nations, that disintegration once begun, inevitably continues, until even the e-reatest enmire crumbles into mnnv , ri, fi'fi ..,,- , ,L., .l.ii parts. Each Confederation thai shall ul- timateiy rise out ot tne union, win have necessity lor as many treaties as we now (,. j., l k,ut,;,. .1.. Olien as We UOW HOW. DV Dre&Kinr tbem. T . . i- J, . iYI It is the multiplication of treaties, and tbe wans oi Vonieaeration, mat makes war the normal condition of society iu Western F.nrnna ,,d fiopnicb A nuin.i T. ; "i i 1, uuiuu thai notwithstanding our world-wide in- lercourse, makes peace the habit of the Ainencan peopie. i win not uescenu so low as to bsk whether new Confederacies would be able or wining to utai the gnevious expense of maintaining the diplomatic relations which cannot be dispensed with except by with drawn nom toieign commerce. Our federal Government is better able to avoid giving just causes of war than sev- erel Confederacies, because il can conform the action of all tbe Slates to compacts. It can have only one construction, of every Local and temporary interests acd treaty, passions, or personal cupidity and ambiiou can drive small Confederacies or States more easily than a great Repubiic, into in- j: . I ,sc ee. v,o,a ions oi t eaties. ineunuea oiaies oeing a great and formidable Power, can always secure fa-1 voraoie ana satisraciony treaties, lnaeed, every treaty we bave was voluntarily made, Small Confederacies or Stale must take such treaties as they can gel, and give haiever treaties are exacted. A butnili- aung, or even an unsatisiactory treaty, is a cnrouic cause of foreign war. lhe chapter of wars resulting from un- justifiable causes would, in case of division, amplify ilself in proportion to the number of new Confederacies and their irritability Our disputes with Great Britan about Or egon, and lhe boundary of Maine, the pat riot insurrection iu Lauada, and the Island of San Juan; the border strifes between Texas and Mexico; the incursions of the late William Walker into Mbxicoatid Cen- tral America; all these were cases in which war was preveuted ouly by the impui lia bility of the Federal Government. ibis Government not only gives fewer causes of war, whether just or unjust, than ban smaller Corned racies would but it Iways has a greater ability to accommo ale them by the exercise of more cool ness and courage, lhe use of more various . i'i i .. t- i I and more liberal means, and the display, need be, of greater force. .very oue i i . i t . . - i kdowh uow piacaoie we ourselves are iu with Ureat Britan, frauce controversies and Spain; and yet how exacting we have been iu our intercourse with New Graua da, and Situ Juan de Nicaraugun. Mr. President, no one will - dispute our forefathers' maxim, that the comnn-n safe ly of all is the safely of each of tbe Stales. While tbey remain , united, the Federal Government combines all the materials and all the forces of the several States; organizes thtir defences on one general principle; harmonizes and assimilates them with one system; watches for them with a single eye, which it turns in all directions, aud moves all agents under the control of one executive head. A nation so consti tuted is safe against assaults or even in sult. . .xr , I war produces always a speeuy eiuaus- lion ui uiouey buu b severo siruiu upon credit. -The treasuries and credits nf small Confederacies would often prove inade- quale. Ihoso of the Uuion are alway am- pie. I l nave inus mr aepi oui oi view ibe re- lalions which must arise between the Con- ,r"u I leaeracies lliemseivea iney would be airmail ft tin inrNtrtMinMritlilA tiAlmna Kiriit.i'i... 1 - "jj 1 on each other, and therefore, according to r11 rH.ticJil nliil.i.nhv. nfitiirnl Mnmi 1 . j . - In addition to Ibe many treaties which each must make wilb foreign Powers, and the causes of war which tbey give up by violating tbem, each of these Confedera cies must also maintain treaties with all tbe others, and so be liable to give them frequent offence. They would necessarily k a:it. . ;-... ti,- r. .l..:" . 7 V- l I e j it i t" entire establishment of dlflerent policies of I revenue, of mining manufactures and nav- icration. nf in.mU.t; ...A .!,. .ho slave trade. Each would stCulate with . "UB; -cam wouia si.puiaia wnu foreign nations for advantages peculiar to ilself and injurious to its rivals. . I It, indeed. It were nmvsurv that the tt: ' l U : . ei? DeCCory ... - uu.n snouia De broken np, It would DO in the last degree important that the new Confederacies to be formed should be as nearly as possible eoual in strength and nower. thJr. m.,..,.l tA. m t If"- xntum imii auu tuuuum ivowvv. might inspire them with caution an-ainst mutual offence. But such equality could not be long maintained : one Confederacy .nnMn. .,!,. -i:...i ; I a. ug OUtlO VI UUIUiUll llUtrvi- tance, and Others would view it thencefor- ward with envy and apprehension. Jeal- ousies would brin on freouent and retali- , ,? r atory wars, and all these wars, from tbe peculiar circumslnri nf lh f!nnfedera- cies, would have the nature and character civil war. D;a,l,.tinn iherf,.r. is. for the people of this country, perpetual civil war. To mitio-ai it and nhtniii rwvjision- I al rest, what else could the? accept but lhe system of adiustino- the balance cf i.:-u u.. '...', - . 1 , , URS '"nea " Europe, id which the few strnno- nations dietatA the very terms on which ail the others shall be content to live. When t hi huinful tern should fail at last, foreigu nations would intervene, now in favor nf nnn aurl then in aid of another, and thus our country hav ing expelled all European Powers from the continent, would relapse into an aggregate lorin ot its colonial experience, and. like Italy, Turkey, India, and China, become theatre of transatlantic intervention and me lueatre oi transatlantic intervention and If, however we grant to the new confed eracies an exemption from complications I 1 i.5 j -.i. r o . ' ' . S ? ' still there is loo much reason to believe that not one'of them could long maintain a republican form of woverniuent. Um- versal sufJVa.re and lhe absence of a stan- ding army are essential to a republican system. The world has vet to see a sin- gle self ustaiuing State of that kind, or ev en any confederation of sucl.States. ex- . , . .I,- I ! ' - ... xnimuw icaus vjii win " tan not unwillingly, and Switzerland is guarantied by interested monarchial Stales. Our own eyix-Menee l.na t fur t.een ,,e. . , . . ...... cessful, because by lhe continual addilltion of new btates, the influence of tbe mem- bers of the Union is constantly restrained and reduced. Wo one nf eni,re en fnre. .11.1 . . : , ... I tell trie orflr nrin mtinimF trnvel h.it hie. I J -.".o tory indicates with unerring certainty, the eud which tbe several confederacies would reaeh. T.ieentini.neQc n,.l,l n., Hfc ... t.i i .u-I ' ' , " juiiiiiTiiiuic, niiu Lucy wouiu sooner or later i purchase tranquility and domestic safety by lhe surrender of liberty, and yield thein- selves up to the protection ot military des notlsm. Indulge me. sir. in one or two details un- der this head. First. It is only sixty days since this citnt ancestors, the Artecs. Secondly. The disunion movement ari- d- It ii. I isunion movement began; already those who are engaged in it have canvassed with portentous freedom the possible recombi- . -.1. -C i .,. nations with European relations, alliances nnn..f.ii 4 n f i . i: I "a ""-' "u r " luniciv u pcsu.eiiiim 10 sotieiy uere, as that ot tbe llnscaians with tbe Spaniards, w ho nromised them revet, nnon ihe.r n. .1... a .. r 6es D.irtlv out of a disiiule over the com- i. - . . . I mon domain of the United Stales. H.th- erto the Union has confined this controver- sv within the bounds of Dolitical debate. by referring it, with all other national ones, to the arbitrament of the ballot box. Does any one suppose that disunion would transfer tbe whole domain to either nartv. or than any other umpire than war would, after dissolution, be invoked ! Thirdly. This movement arises, in an othter view, out of the relations of the African slaves to the domestic population of the country. Freedom is to them, as to all mankind, the chief object of desire, Hitherto, under the operation of the Uuion, civil war shall rage among ourselves in their verv Dresence. aud vet tbev shall remain thev hav Draclicsllv remained iVnoranl of P I e controversy. esneeiMMv nf Un hearing nn I J l J I tbemselves. can wi Uope that tlagtant very presence, aud yet they shall remain stupid aud idle spectators? Does history furnish us any satisfactory instructions up on the horrors of civil war nmoug a people so brave, so skillful in arms, so earnest in conviction, and so intent in purpose as we are? Il is a mere chimera which suggests an aggravation of those horrors beyond en durance, when, on either side, llieru shall occur the intervention of an uprising, fero- . . . . i o' i clous. African slave population of four or six. ten. or nerliatjs twenty millions n.. . . . The opinions of mankind change, and with them the politics of nations. One hundred years ago all the commercial European States were en gaged in transferring negro slaves from Africa to this hemisphere. To-day all those States are nriuly set ia hostility tu tuecxteusion, and even lo lhe practice ol slavery. OpjNisition to it lakes two tonus: one. European, which is sim ple, din-ct abolitiou, effected, if need be, by coiupiiUion; lhe other American, which geeks 10 arrest the African slave trade, aad resists the entrance of domestic slavery into the territories where it in yet unknown, while it leaves lhe dis posit imi of existing slavery lo the considerate action of lhe Slate by which it is retained. - It is the Union that restricts thepoiliiin to sla very, in this cun at ry within those limits. Il'dis- soliition prevails, what guarantee shall there be againsl ibe lull development litre of tbe learlul aud uncompromising hostility to slavery which elsewhere pervades the world, aud of which the recent invasion ot Virginia ib an illustration Y r. President., 1 have di-signedlv dwelt so 1.. .... l.-V.l.. ..a-..., .i . : .i iwHg M .lie uiuiiiiuiciiitKi ui UinilUllia U1H.U .UtS 1 safety r the American people, as to leave me nine lime to consider me oilier evils wnicn roust follow ia its train. But particularly, the i m1 ,n'"'ve" mr't ?"leT ,or,m P"; huH Ulke,, flight, everything is l.t. Dissolution would uot only arrest, but extin- I &""" n1" ".. .j. . "V "-aln "' " e"l.,, re- hey could severally preserve no share of the common prestigeof the Union. If tlia consiel- lniii.n iu Vm hmlrot. un I hn alnrs whftiv I . -r " 1 "cared widely apart ,or grouped ia gmalh r cief.wi iu u-ncuionu w. ,eiP giiiDmtT- ing and lurid lights. ' Nor will great achievi meats tie possible for the new confederacies. Dissolution would signalize its triumphs by arts of wuntnnness which would shock the world. It would provincialize Mount Vernon. and give the Capitol over to dcssolntion at the very moment when tha dome was rising over our beads lhat was to be crowned with the slat- tile of Liberty. After tins there would remain as 'r iimiuii .mi. u. siupciiiioiin imnmy to lie iv commuted, ptopetty confederation that shall follow the nailed States, can prolong, or even I renew, the majestic drama of national progress. Perhaps itis to be arrested because lU sobliuj- j?" 1"?? J ""XL Le ' r?' if we have, indeed, become degenerate. After Washington, and the inflexible Adams, Henry, aBd lhe peerless Hamilton. Jefferson and the nniti i ' u YV. I t. . - rv ,11 , J, - i Jackson, and the modest Tavlorand Scott, who rise8 in greatnes8 UBUer th; burueB of years. and Franklin, Fulton, Whitneyand Morselhave I pe"01 their parts, itt the Curtain hull - e iisiemug u uiese debates. 1 have seme- l'!8 f,rg,n mse' lB narking their con- iraHinn pnw R IfVin Iho nna Whn onu Amni- stands on the daia before me ml the renemKi. Secretary who sits behind him. The youth ex is hibi's in.te.B8e but Piefaed t " te excite thev nj.eBt' Weatevery irreverent word thatis .otter M flnolnftL ttlP I nil lllU ilia avoc nf tlia rraA avian are suffused with team. Let him weep no more, R?ther rejoice, for yours has been a lot of rare '"lclry- lou nave b"68 8b0- been a part of all "e greatness of all the world. Weeponlyyou, and weep with aU Uie bitterness if aneuisbl who are iust stxnnino-.m the ihr,M,l,( rlf l;r. ",r ""4t greatness perishes. prematurely and ex of not tor you, not for me.norforany that shall TheVuhl'ic prosperity! how could it survive I tlia slur in? Ita flftnputA am imhistrv in iha cukure ot every fruit; mining of all the metals; IllitLtTlUl """"'eree at home aud on every sea; mater in.proiemcni mat Mows no obstacle and has no eBu; IBveniion that rauges throughout lhe do- I niain of uarure: inrcis. nf tnuvUlffaaa hr.! 88 tue huiuau mind ran explore; perfection of n,gn AS numilB genius can reach; and so- the Jofhl" ciai refinement worsing lor tlie renovation of How could our successors prosecute these no ble objects in the midst of brutalizing civil con flict? What guarantees will capital invested mr such purposes nave, mat will outlay tbe pre mium offered by political and military ambi tion? What leisure will lhe citizens find for study, or invention or art. under tbe reign of ""'"Pli""; nay, what interest ia them will so- , , , . , . . , . . possession of the national mind? Let the miner in (alilornia take beeu, tor its golden wealth will become the prize of the nation that can command the most iron. Let the borderer take care: ,,,r ,,1C Iuliia" wi "S'"" lurk ar,,u"d tis dwelling. Let the pioneer come back into the denser heitliicnis; for the rnilrnad. tbe post " alm ,ue leiegrapu, advance not one lurlung '"P1"''' """ lhe rness. With stau.lingar- lines consuming the substance of our nconlc on I Hie land, and our navy and our postal steamers withdrawn from the ocean, who will nrutect or respect, or who will even know by name our f y- coute1,1t,rac,''4'r f "e American man-of- " nuute BjjTKiacje. i nave seen it enter I I il II uni'ii'ii, IWITI I II .lie Alefl ITi-rrnni.n AM ,1.A I world wondered at it, and talked ot it. Salvos of artillery, .from fortsanii shippings in thenar- '"r saluted iis flag. Princes and princesses and merchants paid it homage, and all lhe people blessed it as a harhimr.-?. of bo.M- for .he I ..in ultimate freedom. 1 imagine now thesameno- ' . wlven- lue nag oi tiurty-ibn-e stars and J-Luree-srars anu inirteen sirips bas been uown. ana in us place a signal is run up, t. il j r , r I .Hi nauuis me uevice oi a lone star or a pal nietto tree, ilen ask -who is the stranger that "lusleais imo our waters!" Tbe answer con- temptuouslv given is, "she comes from the ob- 8CUre 9Ww of JSorth America Let her pass on ii iv, public liberty, our own peculiar lib- erty,mi:st languish f..r a time, and then cease to nutu a iioeriji iree movement ev erywhere llirougboutoiir own bind aud through out tne wonu; iree speecb. Irce press, free suf frage; lhe freedom of every subject to vote on every law, and for or against every agent who expounds, administers, or. executes. Uuslable An. I lentil. is riinlmlai-ini.4 mn.i.nili..n..L. . J . ....v..wViVl,aM,,ll, uuuieueiU ing assaults without and treason withi.i. l..rm idable ouly to each other and contemptible to a'1 bde; how long will it be bef.ae. on the plea of public safety, tbev will surrender all f,lis ini,n:lM ,n, 8,Ter i V ' i i ac.f P' la. n1 and mtolenible espionage of j u.t-..i.a.i , Mr- yuuenr, wual 18 u,e Gallse for. thl8 Ha,kWn nn.d el,,.r"al sacrifice ol so much TK,J' greaIness.lai'P'nessandfreedom? Have loreign uations-combined, and are they coming ,n r-i.-i. nt. ... V r,. ..... i : - fa-- ."..-3. .'wtwiai iiiu uciugeueiuies, ness and short-sightedness." Has the Federal Government become tyran- luere is not a " n earth that is not an iu- tereKle.1- nilni.r.nff fi-ienrl ITi-nn T ,,A 3h ' by no eans ial tous " -It is auite nnssibie th.it . th ;m r . Democratic Republic may be solved by iuover- """" , V "."Ji" 10 a 8Plnl OI I0Jly semsn- nieal or oppressive, or even rigorous ornnsound? Has the Consti.ntion lost its spirit, and all at once collapsed into a lifeless letter? No! the federal Government smiles more benignantly, and works te-dny more beneficiently than ever. the Constitution is even the chosen model for the orgaization of the newly rising confedera cies. The occasion is the election of a President of the United States, who is unacceptable to a por- tion of the people, i state the case accurately. There was no movement of disunion before the the success ot either one of the thrwotht I.i,a,.t',, w"".11 niiv? been acquiesced fn. I,a1'"8 wmch expressed that choice, were cast. UlSOnl.in hei.n BUUUID H tllA r,t.l.lt wno an. j n.i . . . 11(111 IIC'I'll. ine 1 MMl ( Hl'lT 1(111 ,t nunr.....! w... that Abr-.bam Lincoln hail been el.vteil. while ther can- ncautesced in. Was the election impeachable. Is I he candidate per sonally offensive? No; he is a man of unblem- nhed virtue and amiuhle iiinnueis. Is an elec tion of a President an unfreqiient or extraordi nary transaction? No; we never had a Chief Magistrate otherwise designated than by such election, ami mat mrm oi choice is renewed ev ery lour years. Uoes any one even promise lo change the mode of appointing the Chief Mag- isiraie: vin; election oy universal suffrage, as inooiiieu oy ine uonstuiirion. is tne one crown ing franchise of the American people. To save mi; i.ni.ii..-5: ui .i.c A.ue. icim people, losavi it they would defy the world, sitapprehend ed that, the new President will usurp dispone ...9 nJa. l.;l.. l.- : r -ti .i. . p" i" i' a. w, wiiiic lie is u. oil (lieu lilt; i.itir.1 unambitious, he is, by the partial success of tnose wno opposed Ins election, subject lo such restraints that be cannot, without I hi ir consent. appoint a minister, or even a police agent, ne gotiate a treaty. .r procme the passage of a law. ami can uaruiy draw a musket from the public iuiseiwM loueienu nis own person. v hat. then, is lhe ground of discontent? It is that the disunionists did not aeo-nl as con clusive the argument which were urged iu be- nan oi ine successiui candidate in tbe canvass. I his is all. W ere their arguments against him more salisiaetory lo his sniporlen? Of course they were not; thry could not be. Does the Const ilulion, iu letter or spirit, require or imply thai the arguments of one party shall be satis factory to the other? No! that is imMssilile. What is the constitutional remedy fur this inev itable dissatisfaction. Renewed debate and ul timate rehearing iu aHulis-quent election, ll.ne the now successiui majority perverted power to purposes ot oppression? No; they have never be k.re held power. Alas! lu.w prone we are to n..c lien. in'..-.. niiin undervalue privileges and blessinn. H..wlml. ly, now prouuiy wouiu Hie people ot any nation in Kurotie, accept, on such terms as we eni..c it. i"0.,,n "? "'"ct'DS ,uh, Magistrate every How thauktullv woiild ihey cast aside all their own systems of government, and accept this ri. umg, wuu an us snortcomiugs ana """PPointments, maintain it with Iheir arras. and chorish it in their hearta. I. it n..t the rerv boon for which they supplicate God without nunuina nn.l TJ . I --aj. -cH magm war, wiiq jnirrnumuiis only ri'sulung from fxliaumion? How airangv nre ne linios in which we 1m! The com in of If, lo the ing spring season, on one side of the Atlantio, will open on a general conflict, waged to obtain through whatever indirection, iust such a system ours; and on this side of the A thin tic, within the same parallels of latitude, it will on frater nal war, waged in a moment of frenzied discon tent to overthrow and annihilate the same in- ure of it stilulions. Do men indeed, live only for them- I a I . ., : . I wove. io revenge uieirowa wiiiuipi. i ineir own am hit ion T natner no noi men I live least of all for themselves, and chiefly lor I the posterity and for thair fellow men? Havs the 1 American people, then, become all of a sodden unnatural.as wellas nnnatriotic? and will tW yVT -heir chil,dreD of ,ho Pree,0"s ,s,e held only in trust for them, and deprive the world ot the best hope, it baa enjoved since the human race began its slow and "painful vet if..l i :. 1 - . 1 1 . - i --ijr appoin tea progress r Here 1 miirht close mv nlca fur th. Union; but is necessary; if not to exhaust ar- gumenuat least to exhibit the whole case. The I disuniomsts. consciously nnable to stand on tneir mere disappointments in the recent elee tion. bare attempted to enlarge tneir ground.- MuM fhsn f hirlir vmm thniu hna avis hid a con siderable though not heretofore a formidable mass of citizens ia certain States situate near around the delta of the Mississippi, who be lieve that the Union is less conducive to the welfare ami greatness of these States than smaller confederacy, embracing only slave States wouiu ce: inis class bas availed ltsull ot the discontents resulting from the election to put into operation the machinery of dissolution long ago prepared and wailing only foi occasion. In nth.rKmiitlicniii mMs Wauae nf the want of svmpatbv in the free States with the efforts of the slaveholders for tbe recapture of lugitives Irora service, ia all tbe slave States there is a resliveness resulting from the re sistance which bas been so determinedly made within the last few years, in the free oiaies, to tne extension 01 slavery in the com mon Territories of the United Slates. The Ke publiran party, which cast its votes lor the suc cessful Presidential candidate on the ground of mat policy, nas. been allowed, practically, no reureseniation.no utterance bv aoecli or llirone-h I tne press, m tbe slave Slates, w hile its policy principles ana sentiments, ana even its temper have been so misrepresented as to excite ap- prebensions tbat it denies important consul u Uonal obligations, and aims even at interference with slavery and its overthrow by State author ities or intervention of the Federal Government. Considerable masses even in tbe free Slates, in terested in the success of these misrepresents lhe tioi.s as a means of partisan strategy, have leni lh svn,Dalnv. tl , ie mrtv ciaimiue to be a? grieved. While the result of the election brings the Republican parly m-cessarily into the fore ground in resisting disunion, the prejudices against nein which 1 bave described have de prived them ot the co-oueratun of many eood ana patriotic citizens. Uu a complex issue be tween the Republican party and the disunion ists, although it involves the direst national ca lamities, the result miirht be doubtful: for the Republican party is weak in a large part of tbe Union. Hut on a direct issue, with all who cherish lhe Cnion on one side, and all who de sire its dissolution by force on the other, the veraict woui.i be prompt and almost unanimous. ui-sirr uus 10 simpiny ine issue, anu lor tDai nnTMW. trt Oenfirnte mm .1 1 1 et.M ..I I r. . lions, and relieve it of all partisan passions and prejudices. 1 consider the idea of the withdrawal of the Gulf Slates, and their permanent reorganization with or without or.leriin a distinei fw.-le. eyas a means of advanUige to themsehes. so certainly unwise and so obviously imossible execution, wnen We purpose is understood. man aismiss it witn ibe aiscussmn l baveal .... . ready incident ly bestowed ::pon it. Tho case is different, however, in regord to Ibe olber subjects whicl bave brought in this connection before the Senate. Beyond a doubt. Union is vitally important to tue ttepnoncan citizens o' tbe U nited States; but it w ;.,. ;..,,-i. . ,i, ,v...i ....i Republicanism and Union are, therefore not ihl'iu ui civn war. j Republican system of our. that there is no pol- ,C!ll c(loa which 1 desire, that I am nut to seek through its peaceful forms of administration without invoking revolutionary action. If oth- ers shall invoke that form ot action to oppose and overthrow the Government, they shall not. I. ... , . - convertible terms. Republicanism is subordi nate to Union, as everything else is and ought to be Republicanism, Democracy, every other political name and thing: all are subordinate and they ought to disappear in the presence oi i g. triii question oi u nion. oo tar as, i am concerned, it shall be so; it should be so if tbe question were sure to be tried as it- ought only to be determined, by tbe peaceful ordeal of the ballot. I shall he so all the more since there is one side prepared to refer it to the arbitra ment ot civil war. I have such faith in this so far as it depends on me, have the excuse that I obstinately left royselt to be misunderstood. In 6uch a case I can afford to meet prejudice with . conciliation, exaction with concession which surrenders no principle, and violence with the right hand ot peace. Therefore, sir. so far as the abstract, question whether, by the Constitution of the United States, the bonds- ni 1 r. wild 1 a ninile l11h k tho t-in-a . .1 n is still a man or only property, I answer that) wilbin that State, its laws on thai subject are supreme ; tbat when he has escaped from tbat assist ib their execution, and to protect Ireemen Stale into another, the Constitution regards him as a bondsman who may not, by any law or reg ulation of that State, be discharged from bis service, but shall be delivered np, on claim, to the party to whom his service is due. While prudence and justice would combine in persuad ing you to modify the acts of Congress on that subject, so as not to oblige private persons to acter. would outweigh all the immediate ad- . d.. ie .1.- from being, by abuse of the laws canied into slavery, 1 agree that all laws of the Stales, which relate lo this class of persons, or auv oth ers recently coming trora or resident in other btates. amt which laws contravene the Consti tution of the United Stales, or any law of Con gress passed in conformity thereto, ought to be repeal ea. Secondly. Experience in public affairs has connrmea my opinion, that domestic slavery. existing in any Stale, is wisely kit bv lhe Con stitulionof the United Slates exclusively lo ibe care, management and disposition of that State; and if it were in my power, 1 would not alter the Constitution in this respect. If misappre hension oi my position neeiis so strong a reme dy, lam willing to vote for an amendment of the Constituiion, declaring lhat il shall not, by any future amendment, be so altered as to con fer on Congress a power to abolish or interfere with slavery in any bta'e. Thirdly. While I think lhat Congress has exclusive and sovereign authority to lc'islate on subjects whatever, in lhe common territories the Uuited States; and while 1 certainly shall never, directly or indirectly, give my vote to establish or sanction slavery in such Territo ries, or anywhere else in lhe world, vet tbe question wnavconsiiuiuouai.lawa sti ill at any time be passed in regard to the Territories, Is. like every oilier question, to be determined on practical grounds. 1 voted for enabling acts in the cases of Oregon, Minnesota aud Kansas. without being able to secure in ihem such pro visions as 1 would have preferred, and yet I voted wisely. So now, I am well satisfied tliat. under existing circumstance, a happy and sat isfactory solution of tbe dirticullies it the re maining Territories would lie obtained by sim ilar biwa, providing lor their organization, if such organization were otherwise practicable. therefore, Kansas were admitted as a Slale, under the Wyandot constitution , as I think she ought tu be, and if the organic laws of all the other Territorii-s could be repealed, 1 could vote authorize the organization and admission of two new States which should include them, re serving the right to effect subdivisions of them whenever necessary, into several convenient Slates; but I do not find that such reservations could hccoiistilutionally made. Without them, ulterior embarrassment which would re sult from the hasty incorporation of Slates of suco vast extent and various inieresis ami cuar- vantage of such a measure. But if the were practicable. 1 should prefer a different ccurse. namely: when the eccentric movement secession ami disunion shall have ended. whnlever form lhat end may come, and the angry exnitenirnts of the hour shall have sub sided, and calmness once more shall hava re sumed its acsualoned sway over tbe public mind, then, and not until then one. two or Ihree years, hence I should cheerfully advise convention of the people, to lie assembled in . ' : . . : I I pumuniico ui mv wousiiiution, to consuier ana deeuia wnetner any and what amendmentaot orgsnio national law bs made. A fiepub- licaa sow as I bare heretofore beet a member of as he to of other partiesexistingia my day Iaeverthe- less hold and cherish, as I have always done,' the principle that this Oo vera men t exists in ita present form only by the consent of the govern- ed, sad that it is as necessary as it is wise, to resort to the people lor revisions of the organic law when tbe troubles acd danger of the State certainly transcend the powers delegated by it to the public authorities. Nor ought the sug gestion to excite surprise. Government in any torra is a machine; this is the roost complex on that the mind of man has never invented, or the hand of man has ever framed. Perfect as it is. it ought to be expected that it will, at least as often as onee in a century, require some mod ification to adapt it to the changes of society and alterations of Empires. Fourthly I nold myself ready bow, as al ways heretofore, to vote for any properly -guard- edlawa which shall be deemed necessary to prevent mutual invasions of States by citizens of other States and punish those who shall aid and abet them. Fifhly, Notwithstanding the arguments of the gallant Senator from Oregon, (General Lane.) I remain of the opinion tbat physical bonds, such.( as highways, railroads, rivers and canals, are vastly more powerful tor holding civil commu nities together than any niore covenants, though written on parchment or engraved upon iron. I remain, therefore, constant to my purpose to secure, if possible, the construction of two Pa cific lailways, one of which shall connect the ports around the mouths ot the mississippi, and the other, the towns on the Missouri and the Lakes, with th harbors on our westers roast. ' If. ia the expression of these views, I have not proposed what is desired or expected by many others, they will do me the justice to be- lieve that I am as far from hvving suggested what ia many respects wculd have been so ia harmony with cherished eonvictionsof my own. 1 learned early from Jefferson, lhat in political affairs we cannot always do what seems to ua absolutely best. Those with whom we must ne cessarily act, entertainig different views, have ine power ana ibe right of carrying tbem into practice. We must lie conteni to lead when we can, and to follow when we cannot lead; and if we cannot at any lime do for onr country all lhe good that we would wish, we must be satisfied wit b doing fur ber all the good that we can. Having submitted my own opinions on this great crisis, it remains only to say that I shall cheerfully lend to the Government my best sup- port in whatever prudent vet energetic efforts it shall mane to preserve the public peace, and to maintain and preserve the Union; advising. only, lhat it practice as far as possible the ut- most moderation, forbearance and conciliation. And now, Mr. President, what are the au spices of tbe country? I know tbat we are ia the midst of alarms, and somewhat exposed to accidents unavoidable in seasons of tempesta- . passions. We already have disorder: and vio lence has begnn. I know not to what extent it may go. Still my faith in tha Constitution and in lhe Union abides, because my faith in the wisdoa and virtue of the American people re mains unshaken. Coolness, calmness and reso- ' areelemeutsof Iheir character. They have beea ' temporarily displaced; but thry are reappearing. -Soon enough. 1 trust for safety, il will be seen tbat sedition and violence are only local and temporary, and that loyalty and affection to tbe Union are the natural sentiments of the whole ' country, n liatever dangers there shall be, -there will be the determination to meet tbem; whatever sncriheers, private or public, shall be needful for the Union, tbey will be made. I feel sure that the boor has sot come for this great nation to falL This people which baa : been studying to become wiser and belter as it bas grown older, is not perverse or wicked enough to deserve so dreadful aad severe a pan- ' ishruent as dissolution. This Union has not yet - accomplished that good for mankind which was manifestly designed by Him who appoints the seasons aad prescribes the duties of Slates and ' empires. Ko, sir; if it were cast down by fac tion to-day, it would rise again and reappear ia all its majestic proportions to-uiorrow. It ia the only government that can stand here. Woe! woe! lo lhe man that madly lifts bis band against it. It shall continue and endure; aad . men, in after tiroes, shall declare that this gen- - e ration, which saved the Union from such sud- : en and unlooked for dangers, snrpassed in. magnanimity even that one which laid its fona- ' dations in the eternal principles of liberty, ;ua- lice aud humanity. . , Let tub People Arm. Tbe Pittsburgh Gazette, under tbat bead, advises tbe Northern people to arm themselves. It' savs: . The Northern Arsenals belonging to tha : United Slates bave been denuded within . tbe last three months, every avilable arm . ilhin tbem haviuo- been shipped Souib. ; The State Arsenals are empty. Tbe rifle , and pistol manufactories have all been etnp- ; lied by the Southern demand, and have or . ders far ahead of their ability to supply.. The Government bas ordered all tbe U. S. . troops to the pacific Coast, out of the way; . and all the available force of the navy bas . been sent to distant stations, where orders . of recall cannot reach them under a month's . time. All these facts demonstrate that whi.'e the South is fully armed and ready for war the North is defeuceless. We are not alarmists; but it would be criminal to bide from the people tbe fact , tbat they are in danger. They bave been betrayed by iheir Government into the. hands of their enemies. There is a well settled purpose on the part of Southern ' hol-headi to take possession of Washing ton City, and prevent tbe inauguration of Lincoln. When tbat conspiracy develops itself, as it will, in what position will the North be to resist or prevent it t Can she do it in ber present unarmed condition f How to Cook a Ham. Never put a bam into a kettle of cold water, and be equally careful never to place one in boiling water, first let lhe water becoaie, luke worm; then put the hnin in.' Let it sim-' mer or boil it lightly for four or five hours five is belter than four: then take it out. and shave the rind off. Rub granulated sni'nr into tbe whole surface of the bam, ' long as it can be made to receive it. Place -the bam in a baking dish, with a botile of prime cider. Baste occasionally with th juice aud h i il bake an hour in a gentle heat. A slice from a nicely cureu nam thus cooked, is enough to animate tbe ribs death. rFoTi Sumter is three a"d three-' richtti mnes irom vnariesion, one ana one-eighth miles from Fort Moultrie, three quarters of a mile to tbe nearest land, one and three-eighth miles to Fort Johnson, and two and five-eignlh miles to Castle Pinckney. The last named fort is one mile from the town. These measurroents ' correct, being taken from the latest ' surveys made by tbe United Stales coast : survey. " ' m ' Poverty or J jb's Tcbkst. "As Door Job's Turkey," is a phrase that troubles . autiquarians, but they do not give up the nuni ior lis origin, and one of them says, has found out that the turkey bad but one feather in bis tail, and was so poor that he wes obliged to lean against s fence gobble. , i ..'