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The Ohio Democrat. [volume] (Canal Dover, Ohio) 1840-1900, September 18, 1863, Image 1

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, villi P iv
51 ; V'... . .,
Mr. Yallandigham's Sentiments
- for Eight Tears Past, Compared
with the Sentiments of Leading
" .' Republicans
We publish, for the investigation of
all troe Union men, extracts from speech
es of leading Republicans, and also of
(Mr y AtLANDiaHAM, for several years
past, and invite the attentive reading
thereofjjyjtll good men.
1 T r ; son.
The Constitution of our fathers was
mistake Tear it in pieces and make
. better.' Don't say the machine, is out
of orders it is in order; it does what its
framers intended protects slavery.
Oar claim is disunion, breaking np of
the states! 1 have shown you that our
work cannot be done under our institu
tions. Wendell Phillips-
. "I am a Democrat for the Constitu
' tion, for Law, for the Union, for Liber
' ty. Vallandigham.
This Union is a Zi'el The American
Union is an imnosture. a covenant with
.'death and an agreement with belli
I am for its overthrow! up
1 with the Baur of disunion, that wo mav
have a free and glorious Republic of
- oar own; ana tneu tne uour win nave
1 arrived that shall witness the overthrow
' of slavery. Wm. Lloyd Garrison.
I (: ;
"One Union, one Constitution, one
Destiny." valtanaignam.
" No man has a right to be surprised
at this state of things. It is just what
we, the (abolitionists and disunionists)
bave attempted to bring about, it is
the first sectional party ever orgnuized
in this country. It docs not know its
own face, and calls itself national; but
it is not national it is sectional. The
. Republican party is aparly of the North,
pledged against the South. Wendell
. Phillips.
I am for Crushiug all Rebellions,
.North and South. Vallandigham.
Again, Garrison, in his Liberator,
jjald still more explicitly:
l The Republican party is moulding
if publio sentiment in the right direction
for the specific work the abolitionists
-are striving to accomplish, 'viz: The
dissolution of the Union and the aboli
tion of slavery throughout the lurid.
"It is our Mission to Crush out Sec
tionalism North and South." Vallan-
Now let ns hoar from Judge Rufus
3 Spanlding, a delegate from Ohio to
Mhe Black Republican National Conven
tions of 1856 and 1360 Uo made a
speech in the-Conveution of 1S56, which
nominated Fremont, in which he said:
''Id the case of the alternatives being
'presented, of the continuance of slavery
or a dissolution of the Union, I am for
- ""' dissolution; and I care not how quick it
comes. B. P. Spaulding."
' "At home or in exile, I am for the
Union." Vallandigham'.
In a speech at a mass meeting in
.Maine, in 1855, the same at which Mr.
Banks spoke,. Senator Wade, of Ohio,
gave utterance to the following:
There was no freedom at the South
.for either white or black; and ha-would
strive to protect the free soil of the
North-from the same blighting curse.
There was really no Union between the
North and the South; and he believed
oo two cations upon the earth entertain
ed feelings of more bitter rancor toward
each other than these two sections of
the Republic. The only salvation of
-the Union, therefore, was to be found in
divesting it entirely from all taint of
la very. There was no Union in the
8onth. Let us have a Union, or let us
weep away 'this remnant what we call
a Union. I go for a Union, where all
an equal, or for no Union at all, and I
. go for right B. F. Wade. .
Now hear Horace Greeley thunder
(forth bit revolutionary , advioe to the
Black Republicans in Congress, when
the Kansas Nebraska bill was pending :
We urge, therefore, unbending deter
mination on the part of the Northern
members hostile to this intolorable out
rage, aud demand of them in behalf of
peace, in behalf of freedom, ,iu behalf of
justice and humanity, resistance to tha
last. Better that confusion should en-
suebetter that discord should reign
In the 'national councils bettor that
Congress should break up in wild dis
cordnay, better that the Capitol it
self should blaze by the torch of the in
v cendiary, or failed bury its inmates
beneath its crumbling ruins, than that
this perfidy and wrong shall finally be
V. accomplished. Horace Greeley.
' Senator Sumner, of Massachusetts, tn
speech delivered iu Faneuil Hall, No
? ember 2, 1855, said:
. Not that I love the Union less, but
tfneero) freedom more, do I now, in
pleading thij great cause, insist that
oegr,o) freedom, at au nazaras, span
be preserved. God forbid, that for the
sake of the Union, we should sacrifice
the very thing for which the Union was
Still later, on tho 19th of May, 1856,
in a speech delivered in the Seuati'7 Mr.
Sumner held this revolutionary language:
Already the mustor has begun. The
strife is do longer local, but national.
Even now while I speak, portents hang
on all tbe arches of the horizon, threat
ening to darken the broad land, which
already yawns with the mutteriogs of
civil war. The fury of tho propagand
ists of slavery, and the calm determina
tion of their opponents, now diffused
from the distant Territory over wide
Bpread communities, and the whole
country in all its ex'ent marshalling
hostile divisions, and foreshadowing a
strife, which, uuless happily averted by
tbe triumph of freedom, will become
war fratricidal, parricidal uar--with
an accumulated wickedness beyoud the
wickedness of any war iu human annals.
Charles Sumner.
To the samo effect spoke that "bright
and shining light" of Black Republican
ism, tho Rev! Henrj WardBeeeher, iu
that celebrated speech of his at .New
Haven, in 1856, when he proclaimed that
a "Sharp's rifle was a truly moral agen
cy." Hear him:
The people will not levy war, nor in
augurate' a revolution even to relieve
Kansas, until th-y have first tried what
they can do by voting. If this peaceful
remedy should fail to be applied this
year, then the people will count the cost
wisely, nnd decide tor themselves, boldly
and firmly, which is the better woy, to
OFF A GOVERNMENT loorse than
that of old King George, or endure it
another four years, and then vote uguin.
In the same speech, Mr. Beechcr thus
denounced the Constitution of the
The Constitution is the cause of cverv
division which the vexed question of
slavery lias ever occasioned in this coun
try. It has been the fountain and fath
er of our troubles, by attempting to hold
together, as reconciled, two opposing
principles, which will not harmonize, nor
agree. The only hope of the slave is
over the ruins of the Government and
of the American Church. Tub Disso
lution of the Union is the Abolition
of Slavery H. W. Beechea.
Governor Bunks, of Massachusetts,
who was elected Speaker of the House
of Representatives in 1856, by the Black
Republicans, now one of Mr. Lincoln's
Major Generals, in a speech, delivered in
Maine, in the preceding year, said:
Although I am not one of that class
of men who cry for the preservation of
the Union; though I nin willing, in a
certain state of circumstances, to let it
slide, I havo no fear for its perpetua
tion. But lit me say, if tho object of
the people of this country be to maintain
and propagate chattle property in man
in other words, human slavery this
Union cannot and ought nut to stand.
N. P. Banks.
Extract from his speech iu the Tusca
rawas Advocate:
Who, in the name of Heaven, wants
the cotton States in the Uuion, or in any
other ploce than the stato of perdition,
if they are only to bo in the Union on
the condition that, from day to day, from
generation to generation, and from age
to age, slavery, this new civilizer of the
children of Dahomey, shall continue to
be upheld by the whole power of the
Government? JOHN A. BINGHAM
B rough, in his' Marietta speech, (see
Tuscarawas Advocate, June 26, 1863,)
Vnr T. for one. sn urn the Crittenden
resolution, and I do it for the reason that
the first gun Ored upon Sumter relieved
us from the thraldom of slavery; and I
never desire io see peace restored with
this institution reinstated -JOHN
Brough, iu bis Cleveland speech, (see
Ohio State Journal, June 20th, 1863,)
For man; years, you are aware, I have
held. ideas of a conservative character on
this slavery question. I have changed
my views. I now seo tho impossibility
of permanent success in onr Republic as
long as any portion of it is afflicted with
tbe leprous disease. Either Slavery
mnst be lorn out, root and branch, or
our Government will exist no longer.
!Vallandiif huui, la 1835.
On the 29th of October, 1855, a Dem
ocratic meeting was held in the City
Hall, Oircleville, Ohio, and addressed
by Mr. Vallandigham, at length. The
resolutions of the "Compromise Meet
ing" of 1850 were re-affirmed. Mr.
V.'s speech ou the occasion is regarded
as the most valuable and important of
his life. Of it we only say that what
was then prophecy is now history. Tbe
following are extracts :
All this, geullemen, the spirit of Abo
lition has accomplished iu twenty years
of continued and exhausting labors of
every sort. But in nil that time, not
one convert has it made in tho South ;
not one 6lave emancipated, except by
larceny and in fraud of the solemn com
pacts of the Constitution. Meantime
public opinion has wholly, radically
changed iu the South. The South bus
ceased to denounce, ceased to condemn
slavery,: ceased even to palliate, and bo
gun uow almost as one man, to defend
it as a great moral, social and political
blessing. The bitter aud proscriptive
warfare of twenty years has brought
forth its natural and legitimate fruit iu
the South. Exasperation, hate, and re
venge are every day ripening into fullest
maturity and strength, aud -throughout
ber entire extent she awaits but the ac
tion of the North, to unite in solemn
league and covenant to resist aggression
even unto blood.
I know well, indeed, Mr. President,
that in the evil day which has befallen
us, all this and he who utters it, shall be
denouueed as "pro-slavery ;" and alrea
dy, from ribald throats, there comes up
the slavering, driveling, idiotic epithet
of "dough-fuce." Again, be it so.
These, abolitionists, are your ouly weap
ons of warfaro, and I hurl them back
into your tcoth. I speak thus boldly
because I speak in and to and for the
North. It is timo that tho truth should
be known and heard, in this age of trim
ming and subterfuge. I speak this day
not as a Northern man, nor a Southern
man, but, God be th uiked,. still as a
United States man, with United States
principles and though the worst hap
pen which can happen though all be
lost, if that shall be our fi'.to, and I walk
through the valley of the shadow of po
litical death, I will live by them and die
by them. If to love my country, to cher
ish the Union, to revere the Constitu
tion, if to abhor the madness and hnto
the treasou which would lift a 6acrilig
ions hand against cither ; if to rend that
in the past, to behold It iu tho present,
to forsce it iu the future of this laud,
which is of moro value to us than the
world for ages to come, than the multi
plied millions who have inhabited Afri
ca from the creation to this day if this
is to be pro-slavery, then in every nerve,
liber, vein, bone, tendon, joint and liga
ment, from tho topmost hair of my head
to the last extremity of my foot, I am
all over and altogether a pro-slavery
man 1
Tho true and only question now be
fore you is, whether you will have the
Union with all its numberless blessings
in the past, present aud future; or dis
ui.ion und civil war, with all its multi
plied crimes, miseries and atrocities,
which human imagination never con
ceived and human pen never can por
tray. I speak it boldly ; I avow it publicly
it is lime to speak thus for political
cowardice is the bane of this, as of all
other repu&tics. To bo true to our great
mission, and to succeed in it, you must
tu'ko open, manly, one-side ground upou
the abolition question, la no other way
can you now conquer. Let us have,
then, no hollow compromise ; no idle
and mistimed homilies upon tho sin and
evil of slavery iu n crisis like this; no
double-tongued, Janus faced, delphic
responses at your State Couveution.
No, fling your banner to the breeze, aud
boldly meet the issue I Patriotism above
mock philanthropy; the Constitution be
fore any miscalled higher law of morals
or religion ; and the Union of more val
ue thau many negroes.
If thus, sir, we are true to the coun
try ; true to the Union and the Consti
tution ; true to our principles; true to
our cause, and to the grand mission
which lies beforo us, we shall turn back
yet tbe fiery torrent which is bearing us
headlong down the abyss of disunion
and infamy, deeper than plummet ever
sounded. But if in this day of our trial
we are found false to all of these ; false
to those who shall come after us ; trai
tors to our country and to tbe hopos of
free government throughout tbe globe ;
Bancroft will yet write the last sad chap
ter in the history of the American Re
public. Of this speech tbe Dayton Journal
(Republican) says :
"Tbe principal demonstration' of Mr.
Yallapdigham was against fanaticism
and sectionalism ; and here much that
he said was just to the point. He was
anxious to meet and repel every attempt
to make the existence of Slavery in the
South, or elsewhere, a pretext for tho
formation of sectional parties which
must endanger the perpetuity of the
Uuion." .
Extract from his speech in Congress,
the session of 1859 aud 1860, during
the contest for Speaker of the House of
Representatives : He said :
Then, sir, I am against disunion. I
find no more pleasure in a Southern dis
unionist than in a Northern or Western
disunionist. Do not tell me that you of
the South have au apology in the events
and developments of the last few months.
I know you have. But will you secede
now ? Will you break up the Uuion of
these States ? Will you bring down
forever, in one promiscuous ruin, the
oolurans and pillars of this magnificent
temple of liberty, which our fathers rear
ed at so . great a cost of blood and treas
ure? Wait a little) Let us, try the
peaceful, the ordinary, the Constitution
al means for the redress of grievances.
Let us resort .once more to the ballot
box. Let us try yet again that weapon,
surer set and better than the bayonet.
Mr. Clerk, I am not, perhaps, so hope
ful of the final result as some other men;
but I was taught in my boyhood, that
noblest of all Roman maxims never to
despair of the Republic I was taught,
too, by pious lips, a yet niguer and ho
lier doctrine still a firm belief in a su
perintending Providence, which governs
in the affairs of men. I dp believe that
God, in his infinite goodness, has fore
ordained for this land a brighter, might
ier, nobler destiny than for any other
country since the world began. Time's
noblest empire is the last. From tho
Arctic Ocean to the Isthmus of Darien;
from the Atlantic to the Allegheuies ;
stretching far and wide over the vast
basin of the Mississippi ; Bcaliug the
Rocky Mountains, and lost at last in
the blue waters of the Pacific, I behold,
in holy and patriotic vision, one Union,
one Constitution, one Destiny. Ap
plause. But this grand and magnificent des
tiny can not be fulfilled by us, except as
united people. Clouds and darkness,
indeed, rest now over us; we are in the
midst of perils; rocks and quicksands
are before us; strife and discord are all
around us. How, then, sir mighty
aud momentous question, pregnant with
the fne of an empire shall we briiii
peace to this divided and distracted
country? Sir in my delibarate and mo3t
solemn judgment, thcro is but ouo way
of escape; and that the immediate, ab
solute, unconditional disbaudonment of
of this sectional, anti-slavery Republican
party of yours. Applause in the gal
leries. If not, then upon your heads
and upon the heads of your children be
the blood of this Republic. You hare
organized a political party based upon
geographical discriminations, and for
the purpose of administering this gov
ernment for the benefit of a part. You
have neither strength nor organization,
nor existenco even, in one half, nearly,
of the States of this Union. Look
around you. Behold upon this side of
the House every section represented.
Here are tho United States. Whbt do
we see upon the left side of this cham
ber? Not one solitary representative
of your faith or party from fifteen States
of this Uuion. What does all this
meau? It never was so before in the
history of the Republic. What does
it all tend to? Sir, there died not many
years ago, in New England, a man
whom you all once idolized as approach
ing a little nearer in intellect to our
uotions of divinity than most men in any
age. Died, did I say? No, ho "still
lives;" lives in history, lives in the pub
lic records, lives in his published works,
lives iu his public service, lives upon
canvus, and iu marble and in bronze.
Seven ycucs ago ho wrote to a citizen of
his native State:
" Tliere are in New Hampshire ma
ny persons who call themselves Whigs
who are no Whigs at all, and are no
belter than disunionisle. Any man
who hesitates in granting and securing
every part of the country its just and
constitutional rights is an enemy to the
whole country."
Vnllandighum, in 18G1.
Extract from his speech in the House
of Representatives, of the 7th of Feb
ruary, 1861. Ho said:
Born, sir, upon the soil of the United
States; attached to my country from
earliest boyhood; loving and .revering
her, with some part, at least, with the
spirit of Greek and Roman patriotism,
between these two alternatives, with all
my strength of body, and of soul, living
or dying, at home or in exile, I am for
tho Union which made it what it is; and
therefore I am for such terms of peace
and adjustment as will maiutain that U
nion now and forever. This, then, is the
question which to day I propose to dis
cuss: How shall the Uuion of these States
be restored and preserved?
Devoted as I am to the Union, I have
yet no eulogies to pronounce upon it to-
day. It needs none. Its highest eulo
gy is the history of this country for the
last seventy years. The triumphs of war
and the arts of peace, -science and civil
ization, wealth, population, commerce,
trade, manufactures, literature, educa
tion, justice, tranquility, sccuirty to life,
person, to property, material happiness,
common defense, national renown all
that is implied in the blessings of liber
ty these, and more, bave been its fruits
from the beginning to this hour. These
have enshrined, it io the hearts of the
people and, beforo God, I believe they
will restore and preserve it. And to
day tbey domand of us. their eoibas
sudors and representatives, to tell them
bow this great work is to be accom
I shall vote also for the Crittenden
propositions as an experiment, and on
ly es an experiment because tbey pro
ceed upon tho same general idea which
marks the Adams amendment; and
whereas, for the sake of peace and the
Union, the latter would give a new se
curity to slavery in the States, the for
mer, for the solf same great aud para
mount object of Union and peace, pro
poses to give a new security also to sla
very in the Territories south of tho lati
tude 36 deg. 30 min. If the Uniou is
worth the price which the gentleman
from Massachusetts volunteers to pay to
maintain it, is it not richly worth the
small additional price which the Sonator
from Kentucky demands as the possible
condition of Dreserviutr it? Sir. it is
1 the old parable of tbe Roman sybil,
' and to morrow Bhe will return with
fewer volume and it may be at a higher
I shall vote to try the Chittenden pro
positions because, also, I believe that
they are perhaps the least which even
the more moderate of the slave States
would under aoy circumstances be wil
ling to accept, and because North, South
and West the people seem to bave taken
hold of them and to demand them of us
as an experiment at least. I am ready
to try also, if need be, the propositions
of the Border States Committee or of
the Peace Congress, or any other fair,
honorable and reasonable terms of ad
justment which may so much as promise,
even, to heal our present troubles and to
restore the Union of these States. Sir,
I am ready aud willing and anxious to
try all things and do all things "which
may become a man," to secure that great
object which is nearest to my heart.
The question, therefore, is not merely
what will keep Virginia in the Union,
but also what will bring Georgia back.
And here let me say that I do not doubt
that there is a large and powerful Union
sentiment still surviving in all tbe States
which have seceded, South Carolina
alone perhaps excepted, and that if the
people of those States can be assured
that they shall Ijave the power to pro
tect theinsolves by their own action with
in the Union, they will gludly return
to it, very greatly preferring pretection
within to security outside of it. Just
now, indeed, tho fear of danger, and
your persistent and obstinate refusal to
enable them to guard against it, have
delivered the people of those States over
iuto the hauds aud under the control of
the real Secessionists and Disunionists
among them; but give them security and
the means of enforcing it above all,
dry up this pestilent fountain of slavery
agitation as a political element in both
sections, and, my word for it, tbe ties of
common ancestry, a common kindred,
and common language, tbe bonds of a
common interest, common danger, and
commonjsafety, the recollections of the
past, and of association not yet dissolv
ed, uu'd the bright hopes of a futuro to
all cf us, more glorious and resplendent
than any other country ever saw; aye,
sir, and visions, too, of the old flag of tbe
Union, and of the music of the Union,
and precious memories of the dark days
of the Revolution, will fill their souls yet
again with yearnings and desires intense
for tho glories, tbe honors, and the ma
terial benefits, too, of ibat Uniou which
their fathers and our fathers made; and
they will return to it, not as the prodi
gal, but with songs nnd rejoicings as the
Hebrews returned from the captivity to
tue ancient city ot their kings.
Referring to secession,- Mr. V. said:
Sir, the experiment may readily bo ro
peated. It will be repeated. And is it
not madness and folly, thou, to call back,
by adjustment, tbe States which have
seceded, or to hold back the States which
are threatening to secede, without pro
viding somo safeguard against the re
ncwal of this most simple and disas
trous experiment? Can foreign nations
buvo any confidence hereafter in the sta
Vallandiglinm, in 1802.
On the 19th of February, 1862, John
Hickman, of Pennsylvania, offered a re
solution founded on a "local item" news
paper attack, instructing tbe Judiciary
Committee to inquire into Mr. Yallan
digham's "loyalty." The following are
extracts from Mr. V.'s remarks on the
Yet that Is all, the grand aggregate
of tho charges, except the miserablo
falsehood, which some wrotched scaven
ger, prowling about the streets and al
leys aud gutters of the city of Baltimore,
has seen fit to put forth in tbe local col
umns of a contemptible newspaper, so
that the member from Pennsylvania may
rise in his place and prefer charges
against the loyalty and patriotism of a
mau who has nover faltered in his devo
tion to the flag of his country to that
flag which hangs now upon tbe wall over
against him; one who has bowed down
and worshipped this holy emblem of tbe
Constitution and of the old Union of
these States, in his heart's core, aye, in
bis very heart ot hearts, from the time
be first knew augbt to this hour; and
who now would give life, and all that he
has or hopes to be in tbe future, to see
that glorious old banner of tbe Union
known and honored once over the whole
earth and tbe whole sea with no stripe
erased, aud not one star blotted out,
floating forever, over the free, united,
harmonious, old Union of every State
once a part of, and a hundred more yet
unborn. I am that man; and yet he
dares to demand that I shall be brought
np before the secret tribunal of tbe Ju
diciary Committee that committee of
which be is chairman, and thus be both
judge and accuser to the charge of dis
loyalty to the Unioa.
Sir, I hurl back the insinuation. Bring
forward the specific charge; wait till you
bave fouud something and you will wait
long something which I have written,
or something I have said, that would in
dicate anything in my bosom which he
who loves his country ought not to road
or hear. In evory sentiment that I have
expressed, in every vote that I have giv
en in my whole- public life, outside, this
House before I was a member of it, and
siuce it has been my fortune to sit here,
I have bad but one motive, and that was
the real, substantial, permanont good of
my country. I have differed with the
majority of the House, differed with the
party in power, differed with tbe Admin
istration, as, thauk God, I do and have
a right to differ, as to the best means of
preserving the Union, aud of maintain
ing the Constitution and securing the
true interests of my country; and that
is my offense, that the crime, and the
only crime, of which I have been guilty.
let I am to be singled out now by
these very men, of their minions, for at
tack; aud they who have waited, watch
ed and prayed, by day and night, with
the vigilance of the hawk and the fero
city of tbe byena, from the beginning of
this great revolt, that they might catch
some unguarded remark, some idle word
spokeu, something written carelessly or
rashly, some secret thought graven yet
upon the .lineaments of my face, which
they might torture into evidence of dis
loyalty, seize now upon the foul and in
fectious gleanings of an anonymous
wretch who earns a precarious subsist
ence by feodiug the local oolumus of a
pestilent newspaper, and whilst it is y?t
wet from the press, harry it, reeking with
falsehood, into the House, and seek to
dignify it with an importance demanding
tbe consideration of this House and the
So, let the member from Pennsylva
nia go on. I challenge the iuqniry, un
worthy of notice as the charge is, but I
scorn the spirit which provoked it. Let
it go on.
Mr. Hickman then replied briefly, and
in the course of his remarks said:
"As the gentleman has called upon
me, I will answer further. Does he not
know of a camp in Kentucky having
been called by his name that disloyal
men there called their camp Camp Val
landigham? That would not indicate
that in Kentucky they regarded him as
a mad loyal to the Federal Union."
Mr. Vallandigham Is thcro not a
town, and may be a camp, too, in Ken
tucky by the name of Hickman? Laugh
ler. Mr. Hickman, after a few words fur
ther, withdrew bis resolution, and the
matter ended.
On the 11th of April, 1862, Mr. Val
landigham spoke and voted against tbe
bill to abolish slavery in the District of
Columbia. The following is an extract
from his remarks:
Had I no other one, I am opposed to
it because I regard all this class of legis
lation as tending to prevent the restora
tion df the Union of these States as it
was, and that is tho grand object to
which I look. I know well that in a very
little while the question will be between
the old Union of these States the U
nion as our fathers made it and some
new ouo, or some new unity of govern
ment, or eternal separation disunion.
To both these latter I am unalterably
and unconditionally opposed. It is to
the restoration of the Union as it was in
1789 and continued for over seventy
years, that I am bound to the last hour
of political and personal existence, if it
be within the limits of possibility to res
toro and maintain that Union.
Ben Wade's Attack and Repulse
On the 21st of April, 1862, Benjamin
F. Wade, of Ohio, whom John A. Gur
ley declared to be a " good ooiiibiuatioo
of Old Hickory aiZack Taylor," at
tacked Mr. Valand'.ngham in we Senate
in the following language:
I accuse them the Democratic party
of a deliberate purpose to assail, through
tbe judicial tribunals and through the
Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States, and everywhere else,
and to overawe, intimidate and trample
under foot, if they can, the men who
boldly stand forth in defense of their
country, now imperilled by this gigantic
rebellion. I have watched it long; I
have seen it in secret; I have seen its
movements ever since that party got to
gether, with a colleague of mine in tbe
other House as Chairman of tho Com
mittee on Resolutions a man who nev
er had any sympathy with the Republic,
but whose every breath is devoted to its
destruction, just as far as his heart dare
permit him to go. Cong. Globe, p. H35.
Quoting the foregoing extract, in the
Hoose, on the 24th of April, Mr Val
landigham said:
Now, sir, here in my place in the
House, and as a representative, I de
nounceand I speak it advisodly tbe
author of that speech as a liar, a scoun
drel and a coward. His namo'is Ben
jamin F. Wade.
His speeeh was mainly devoted to a
defiance of the threats of suppressing tho
Democratic party by force, and a denun
ciation of the usurpations of power and
violation of the Constitution by the Ad
ministration, especially in the matter of
the freedom of speech, of the press, and
of illegal aud arbitrary arrests. Tbe
following is an extract :
Talk to me abont sympathizing with
disnuion, with treason and traitors 1 I
tell you men of Ohio, that in six months,
in three months, in Bix weeks it may be,
these very men and their masters In
Washington, whose bidding they do, will
be advocates of tho eternal dissolution of
this Union ; and denounce all who op
pose it as enemies to the peace of the
country. Foreigu intervention and tbe
repeated and most serious disasters which
have lately befallen our arms, will speed
ily force the issue of seperation and
Southern independence disunion or
of Union by negotiation and compromise.
Between these two I am and I here
publicly proclaim it for the Union, tbe
whole Union, and nothing less, if by any
possibility I can have it; if not, then for
so much of it as yet can be reioued and
preserved; and in any event and under all
circumstances, for the Union which God
ordained, of the Mississippi Valley, and
all which may cling to it, under the old
Bag, with all their precious, memories,
with the battlefields of the past and the'
songs and the prood history of tbe past
with the birth-place and the burial-place'
of Washington the founder, and Jack
son tha preserver, of tha Constitution as
it is, and tbe Union as it was. Great
applause. . ,
The following sentiment from his great
speech delivered in New York, March T,
"I am not for peace on any terms; I
woold.not be with any country on tha
globe. Honor is tha life of the nation,,
and it is never to be sacrificed. I have
as high and proud a sense of honor as
any man iu the South, and I lova my
country too well and cherish its honor
too profoundly, for a single moment to
consent to a dishonorable peace. A
voice "The whole country ?" Yes,
the whole country; every State; and If
unlike some of my own party, and unlike
thousands of the abolition party, believe
still before God, the Union can he re
constructed, and will be. That is mf
faith, and I mean to cling to it as the
wrecked mariner clings to the last plank
amid the shipwreck."
"Devoted to the Union from the be -gining,
I will not desert it now, in this
hour of its sorest trial. Sir, I am
against disunion. I am not a friend of
the Confederate States or their cause,
but its enemy. Never, with my consent
shall peace be purchased at the price of
disunion." Vallandigham.
"What is Democracy!" Ex-Senator
When Ex-Senator Allen Introduced
Mr. Cox at the great meeting at Chilli
cothe, the latter returned the compli
ments which the veteran Democrat show
ered on blm, by stating that he had learn
ed Democracy in that Jaqkson school of
which tbe honored President of the meet
ing was one of the most distinguished
teachers. He remembered when a boy
to have read bis comprehensive defini
tion of Democracy, which now, more
than at any other time, 'has a deep sig
nificance. Tbe words deserve to be carv
ed iu gold, and remembered forever by a
free poople: .
presses no weakness. destructive
only to Despotism, it is the bole Con
servator of Liberty, Labor and Pro
perty. It is the Sentiment or Free
dom, of Equal Rights, of Equal Obli
gationsthe Law of Nature perva
ding the Law of the Land !"
A dear little girl of four years was
saying her prayers not long since, when
her rogueish brother, three years older,
came slyly behind and pulled her hair.
Without moving her head she paused
and said, "Please, Lord, excuse me a
minute while I kick Freddy." We
have known older persons hereabouts to
excuse themselves from praying, to 'kick'
Aunt E. was trying to persuade little
Eddy to retire at sundown: "You see,
my dear, how the little chickens go to
roost at that time." "Yes, aunty," re
plied Eddy, "but the old hen always
goes with them." Aunty tried no more
arguments with him.
A down-easter sold another man a
horse for a certain number of sheep, to
be delivered on a certain day. They
came promptly, but to the purchaser's
astonishment all were nicely sheared 1 It
was a cool transaction, especially for.
the sheep.
The famous saying of Will Shakespare,
that "thoreisa divinity which shapes
our ends," is exemplified in tbe employ
ment of thousands of pretty girls in Mas
sachusetts who are making gentlemen's
boots. '
There is a world of beautiful mean
ing in tbe following rather liberal trans
lation from Freeville:
"Ai the olook strikes the hour, how often we
Times flies; when 'tie we that are passing
Miss Alice Yell cowhided Mr. Lay,
of Camden, N. J., for promising to mar
ry her and not performing it; As he
wouldn't make her Lay, she made Mm
It lias been thought that people are
degenerating, because they den't live aa
long as in the days of Mothuselab. Bat
nobody can afford to live very long at.
the current prices.
Mirabeau said of a man who was
exceedingly fat, that God created him
only to show to what extent tbe human .
skin wonld strotch without breaking.
"I am astonished, my dear young la
dy, at your sentiments, you make me
start. "Well, sir, 1 have been wanting
you to start for the last hour."
A person once wrote a note to a wag
gish friend for the loan of a noosepaper
and received in return bis marriage cer
tificate. ' Wl should read no history written'
since the days of scriptual wrltors, for it
is profane.
What man had no father? Joshua,,
the son of Nun (none)
A man's boots and shoes get tight by
imbibing water, but therthe man don't..
S5No Republican is a true proph
et; and the majority of that party are no.
profit to themselves; their coHntry 'or
their God. . i; f ' ''
3!rTh shelling of Charleston at a
! distance of fire miles, is a greater "
test than has ever been obtained before
' witi parrot guns. ' - , ;

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