The Smoky Hill and Republican union. [volume], September 12, 1863, Image 1

About The Smoky Hill and Republican union. [volume] (Junction City, Kan.) 1861-1864

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THE SMOKY HILL AND REPUBLICAN UNWN.
. " Kg" U Mit
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"WE JOIN OURSELVES TO NO PARTY THAT DOES NOT CARRY THE FLAG, AND KEEP STEP TO THE MUSIC OF THE UNION."
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'-Volume II-
JTJNCTIOISr CITY, TC A 1STS AS, SA.TTJKDA.Y, SEPTEMBER 12, 1863.
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CURIOSITIES OF THE DRAFT.
The scenes at 'the Provost "Marshal's .of
fices in Philadelphia were sometimes amus
Tg. The North American says :
' Experience shows the fact that the two
infirmities most common among men in
cities are hemorrhoids (piles) and rapture
in its various forms. On account of these
two affections, fully three-fourths of the
applicants for exemption receive their dis
charge. Rupture is an affection that is" in
its very nature incurable. Its effects may
be palliated, but a ruptured man could not
possibly perform a soldier's duty. Very
bad cases of hemorrhoids are equall dis
qualificatory for military service.
"In examining substitutes tbmost rig
id scrutiny is exercised. Many attempts at
fraud are made. Men unfit for Service sell
themselves as substitutes, foolisbiysuppos
in? themselves able to conceal their infirm
ities. They little know the ordeal through
which they must pass. I hey entirely
overlook the fact that a surgeon in five
minutes, can overhaul them as a watch
maker overhauls a watch.' There are
abundant attempts at fraud all round.
Drafted men claim disqualification on the
ground of disability, and men who want
substitute money endeavor to conceal their
ailments. Both call into practice the ut
most skill of the surgeon making the ex
amination. " The substitute, upon presenting him
self for acceptance, is taken into a room,
yhere ho disrobes himself. The surgeon
gins with his teeth, and examines his
whole body down to his toes. The exam
ination is even more searching than the
examination of an applicant for a policy of
insurance upon his life by a life insurance
company's surgeon. If the front teeth are
gone, so that a man cannot bite off a cart
ridge paper, he cannot be accepted for
infantry service. He may do for a trooper.
Every limb is examined. If the lungs
are unsound, the temperment apoplectic, or
the system wasting, the Government does
cot want the man, cither as a volunteer, a
oonssript or a substitute.
" The applicant is mado to throw him
self into various attitudes. His toes and
lingers must be practically perfect. He is
made to pick up a grain of corn from the
ground without bending his knees; to
stand upon the points of his toes, and to
show lhat ho is perfect in his anatomy. If
he stands this test he is accepted, and a
release is given to the man who brings him.
The substitute then receives his money,
and is given into the custody of a guard.
Ie is then a United States soldier for
-three years.
" A little man claimed to be ruptured.
The removal of his clothing discovered a
truss with pads about as big as tea-saucers,
largecaough to cover a first-class rupture on
the Belgian giant. The doctor could find
no sign of any rupture, but as a rupture
sometimes descends or recedes, tho man
j8b told to sit down for a while. In half
a hour, if it existed, it would be percepti
ble. The man sat down, in purit tiatura
lilie, upon a chair, trembling like a leaf.
But the rupture didn't show itself. The
surgeon said that if he eould bring a re
spectable mcdical,certificatc of rupture ex
isting, it should have due weight. The
men left, saying he would get it. He
-appeared honest.
"Out of about thirty whom we this
saw examined, more than a dozen were
badly ruptured: a fact which shows that
dealers in trusses do a lively business.
One fellow had voluntarily relinquished his
front teeth to escape conscription. To his
unutterable dismay he was accepted for cav
alry service. When he found himself
caught, his knees smote together, and his
face paled to the whiteness of the paper on
which the surgeon wrote his name and con
dition. He was ia splendid health. The
-gums from which the sound teeth had been
violently drawn had not yet receded into
position. Very Jew colored jnen apply for
-release. When drawn, tbey go or else
bring substitutes, and but few of them do
this."
THE EFFECTS OF WAJL ITAEVATIOM AID
DESOLATION.
Leaving Loudon county, which, from its
proximity to the Potomac, and the fact that
a majority ot its inhabitants, male and
female, are and have always beea loyal to
cue union, nas enjoyea a snare or immuni
ty from the more terrible effects of the
war, we find the whole country devastated,
depopulated, ruined almost beyond hope of
restoration, except through a long interval
of years of patient industry and active en
terprise. For miles and miles along any
road scarcely an inhabited house is to be
seen, and when one is found to bo inhabit
ed, the scenes of destitution of starving
poverty, not ideal or comparative, but real
and abject, that everywhere meet the eye,
are distressing in the extreme; the wife of
the substantial, well-to-do farmer, who,
before the Rebellion, lived in comfort aad
ease and plenty, now crouches by the side
of her hearthstone, her elbows oo her
elbows on her knees, wan and wasted to a
skeleton, while, from the lack of food to
support her exhausted nature, she has re
course to the stimulus of a rank tobacco
pipe to quell the gnawings of her hunger;
her children run naked and barefoot among
the rank weeds, upon what was once their
beautiful, fertile garden, miniature pictures
of the same poverty, dwarfed, stunted, and
prematurely old, with the consciousness of
tltoio Bifitnni tfimaf nnnn ill am in tllAir
THE REACTION.
jTORTH CAROLTJTA AHD THE REBELLIOir,
Ra-narkahla Article frea Gev. Yanee's Organ.
From the Raleigh, N. C, Standard, July 31st.
The Secessionists- Their Froxaiats and Perfonaaa
ces The Coa&tioa into which they have- brought
the Ooaatry The fieiaef .
their misfortune thrust upon them in their
youth and innocence.
Ask such a woman to sell you a little
milk, or a few eggs, a chicken, or some
butter, and witness the stare of astonish
ment, mingled with shame, anger and
resentment, as she imagines you are taunt
ing her with her poverty, in offering to bny
luxuries which she herself has not seen for
months. See her finally burst into tears,
as the full force of her situation rushes up
on her, defenseless, starving and almost
houseless, and she will tell you that for her
and her little ones all she has in the world
is perhaps two or three pounds of corn
meal, and that when this is gone, God help
them J This I assure you is no fancy
sketch; it is not even an isolated case, but
merely one among huudreds of similar
instances that my own eyes have witnessed
daily in the. Ust few weeks. To one of
these families I could not help emptying
my haversack of the sugar and coffee I
had with me and giving it to them, even
though, wiile I did so, I could not but
think that perhaps before night the sword
or the bullet of the husband and brother of
those whoa I was thus succoring might be
aimed at my own heart.
GREEK. FIRE.
It is said there is no telling how truth
fully that Gen. Gilmore has been throw
ing shells into Charleston charged with
Greek fire, and that Gen. Beauregard has
remonstrated against the use of this " vil
lainous compound." The secret of the
preparation and use of Greek fire was pre
served by the Roman of the East for four
hundred years, the direst vengeance being
imprecated upon whomsoever should di
vulge its composition. The Mahommedans
finally obtained the secret, and turned the
art against the Christians in the holy wars
of Svria and Eyzpt. It appears to have
been a compound of bitumen, sulphur and
pitch, poured from cauldrons, or projected
in fire balls, or on arrows or javelins,
around which flax was twisted, saturated
with the inflammable compound. The fire
went through the air like a " winged long
tailed dragon," perhaps not unliko our
skyrockets.
Greek fire used also to be called liquid
and maratime fire, burning even under
water, and that with even greater violence
than out of it, being only extinguishable
with vinegar mixed with sand, or with raw
hides. It takes its name from being first
used by the Greeks in the year 600. The
inventor was an engineer of Heliopolis, in
Syria, named Callinicus, who first applied
it in the sea fight near Cyxicus, in the
Hellespont, and with such effect that he
burnt the whole fleet of the Saracens,
whereia were thirty thousand men. Its
use was continued until about the middle of
the fourteenth century, when the compound
of nitre, sulphur and charcoal effected a
new revolution in the art of war and histo
ry of mankind. An old writer describes
the compositioa of the Greek fire as formed
by mixing over the firs the charcoal of wil
low, nitre, rosin, brandy, sulphur, pitch
and camphor. A woolen cord is then
plunged into the mixture and made into
ballff, The subject is fully treated ia a
work by Scoffern, published in London in
1858, called " Projectile Weapons of War
aad Explosive compounds," in which he
ames several liquid mixtures that spon
taneously ignite and saay be used for the
same purpose as Greek fire.
Mayor Opdyke, of New York, re-
Sased to sign the city appropriation for
'drafted men until it is ,so modified as to
substitute, men, not money, fofjhe person
drafted,-, ; - - t-.j.'1
-aa "I come for the saw, sir."
"What, saucers T'
Why, the saw, air, that you borrowed."
"I borrowed no saucer."
11 Sure you did, sir, you borrowed a saw,
sir."
" I never saw your saucer.'
" But you did. there's the saw now. sir."
n O, yoa want the saw. Why didn't
you say aor'
e ie i
neuThe Richmond Examiner of the
24th, fally admits that GHsaorVa abells
reached the heart jf Canrlaston? fivaXurBes
from the litter's batteries.
We publish below part of a remarkable
article from the Raleigh (N. C.) Standard,
which is attracting much attention North
and South. The reaction must be great
which brings out aueb plain speaking in
the very heart of the Confederacy. The
article is calm, strong and pointed, and a
complete vindication of our Government.
We regret that our spaee will not allow us
to publish the whole article : i
The greatest cause of complaint was,
that a man opposed to the extension of
slavery in the territories had been elected
President of the United 'States, according
to the forms of the Constitution which he
had sworn to' defend and protect, and who
disclaimed any other than constitutional
means in the accomplishment of its objects.
Under suoh circumstances it seems tbst if
they tiad labored under any real grievance,
their course was plain. They should have
taken the course of our Revolutionary Fa
thers. When the States assembled in
convention, instead of proceeding at once
to declare their independence for the idea
of secession, peaceable if right, seems, as
Publius says, to have exploded and given
np tho ghost should clearly and concisely
have stated what their grievances were, and
demanded redress in respectful, yet firm
and decided tones. -They should have ex
hausted every constitutional means of ob
taining guarantees if any were needed
by representation, by remonstrances, by
petition; and failing in all these, they
should have done as our revolutionary sires
did, i. e., fight in the Union for their rights
on til-they were driven ont of it. Such -a
course would have procured for is, as it
did for our fathers, the respect, the sympa
thy, and the assistance of other uations.
Instead of that we have not a friend in
Europe. But such was not the course
which these m their estimation wise
statesmen chose to pursue. When such a
course was suggested or recommended to
them, they evaded it by a long list of mag
nificient promises, whioh looked so splendid
as almost to daxzle the mind with their
brilliancy.
First and foremost they promised, that
secession should be peaceable.
Secondly They promised that if per
chance war should ensue,- it would be a
very short war; that it would not last six
months that the Yankees would not fight
that one Southerner could whip from teu
to one hundred of them that England and
France would speedily recognize us, and
render us every assistance we might desire
that whatever might be their abstract
opinions of the subject of slavery, their
interest would impel them to promote its
perpetuity in the Southern States; that, if
after all, they Bbould not be disposed to as
sist us, Cotton was King, and would soon
bring all the crowned heads of Europe on
their knees in supplication to us ; would
compel them to raise the blockade should
one be established in thirty days, in sixty
days, in ninety days, in one hundred and
twenty days, in six months, in nine months,
in one year at the farthest.
Thirdly They promised that all the
slave Slates except Delaware would join
the Southern Confederacy that slavery
should not only be perpetuated in the
States, but that it should be extended into
all the territories in which the negro could
live; that all the grievances occasioned by
the non-execution of the Fugitive Slave
law should be speedily redressed; that
slave property should be established upon a
basis as safe as that of landed property.
Fourthly tbey promised us that the
new government should be a mere confed
eracy of States of absolute sovereignty aad
equal rights; thst the States should be
tyrannized over by no such " central des
potism " as the old government at Wash
ington ; that the glorious doctrine of State
rights and nullification as taggbt by Mr.
Jefferson' and Mr. Calhoun, should prevail
in the new Confederacy ; that the " sover
eignty " of the States and their judicial
decisions should be sacredly respected.
Fifthly They promised us the early
and permanent establishment of the wealth
iest and best government on the earth,
whose credit should be better than that of
any other nation ; whose prosperity and
happiness should be the envy of the civil
ized world.
And, lastly, they promised us that if the
war should" ensue, they " would go to
the battle-field and spill, if necessary, the
last drop of blood in the cause of their be
loved South.
While such have been their " promises,"
what have been "their ''performances?"
Instead of secession being peaceable, as
they promised that it would, it has given
rise to such a war aa .has never desolated
any country, since the barbarians of the
North overran, the Resaan-Empire, ,
m. a mf .u -. w
so ur irom tne wars enaing in su
months, as they said it would, should it en
sue, it baa already lasted more than two
years; aad if their rjoliay is W he panned,
it will last ajaro than twoyears longer; and
notwithstaading their predictions, the Yan
kees have fought on many occasions with a
spirit and determination worthy of their
ancestors of the revolution worthy of the
descendants of those austere old Puritans
whose heroic spirit and religious zeal made
Oliver Cromwell's army the terror of the
civilized world or of those French Hu
guenots, " who thrice in the sixteenth
century contended with heroic spirit and
various fortune against all the genius of
me noose ot Xiorame, ana an tne power
of the house of Valois." England
and France have not recognized us
have not raised the blockade have not
ihown us any sympathy, nor is there any
probability that tbey ever will, and that
cotton is not kins is now universally ac
knowledged. And Maryland has not joined
the Confederacy, nor has Kentucky or Mis-
ouun ever reaiiy oeen wiiu us,, slavery
has not only not been perpetuated in the
States, nor extended into the territories,
but Missouri has passed an act of emanci
pation, and Maryland is now ready to, do
so rather than give up her place in the
Union, and the hope of obtaining one foot
of the territories for the purpose of extend
ing slavery has departed from the Confed
federacy forever. The grievances caused
by the failure of some of the Northern
States to execute tho fugitive slave Taw,
have not only not been remedied, but more
slaves have been lost to the Sooth forever
since secession was inaugurated, than would
have escaped from their masters in tho
Union in five centuries. And how have
they kept their promise that they would
respect the sovereignty and( rights of the
States f Whatever the Government may
be in theory in fact we have a grand mili
tary consolidation wbich almost entirely
ignores the existence of the States, and
disregards the decisions of their highest
judicial tribunals. The great central 'des
potism at Washington, as they were pleased
to call it, was at any time previous to the
commencement of- the secession .movement,
and even for some time after it had com
menced, a most 'mild and benificent gov
ernment compared with the central despot
ism at Richmond under which we are
now living.
Instead of an early and. permanent es
tablishment of the " wealthiest aad best
Government in the world, with unbounded
credit," what have we got ? In spite of all
tne victories which they profess to have ob
tained over the Yankees, they have lost
the States of Missouri, Kentucky, Arkan
sas, Texas, Louisiana, Mississippi and Ten
nessee, and in my humble opinion have
lost them forever; and, in all probability,
Alabama will soon be added to the number.
This will leave to the Confederacy but five
States out of the original thirteen, and of
these five the Yankees have possession of
many of the most important points, and
one-third of their territory. So fai, the
Yankees have never failed to hold every
place of importance which they have taken,
and present indications are, that Charleston
will soon be added to the number. Tbe
campaign of Gen. Lee into Pennsylvania
has undoubtedly proved a failure, and with
the last hope of conquering a' peace by a
successful invasion of the enemy's country.
Our army has certainly been very much
weakened and dispirited -by this failure and
capture of Yicksburg, and how long even
Richmond will be safe no one can tell.
Ai the Richmond Enquirer said sometime
sgo, " They aro slowly but surely gaining
upon us acre by acre, mile by mile." ana
unless Providenco interposes in oar behalf
of which I see no indications we will,
at no great distance of time, be a subjugat
ed people.' As to our unbounded credit
based upon the securitv of King Cotton,
it is unnecessary to speak. When we see
one of the most influential States in the
Confederacy discrediting a very large part
of the Confederate currency, and the Con
federate Government itself repudiating, to
some extent, its most solemn obligation, we
cannot but suppose the confidence of other
nations in the good faith and credit of lhi
government is small indeed. As regards
their promise " to go to war and spill tbe
last drop of blood ia the cause of their be
loved South," I will say nothing. Every
body knows how the secessionists of North
Carolina have kept that promise. Every
body knows the leaders that with a few
honorable exceptions, will neither fight nor
negotiate.
What -a deplorable spectacle does the
foregoing history present to our view ! To
what a deperate pasa have they brought as,
and for what? They say they did it be
cause the North would give us no guarantee
on the slavery question. I have before
stated that not one of the conventions ef
the seven cotton States ever demanded any
guarantee whatever. Nay, tbey even re
fused to accept of any if their friends of
the border States would procure it for them.
But it will be said that these guarantees
could not have, been obtained from tbe
North. This I admit to be true, aad only
produce this piece of history to prove that
whatever might 'have been obtained, nothing
would have beea accepted. But the Con
gress of the United States did paw by the
constitutional majority of two-thirds the
proposition reported5 by Mr. Corwin, from
the committee of twenty-six, to so amend
toe conaufuuon as to perpetuate -slavery m
the States. What stronger", guarantees
ooald be given, ko tar as the States were
about? The territories. During the ses
sion of Congress which closed on tbe 4tb
of March, 1861, acts were passed to provide
temporary govern meats for tbe three re
maining new territories, to-wit : Colorado,
Nevada, and Dakotab. These acts contain
no trace or indication of the Wiltnot Pro
viso, nor any other prohibition against the
introduction of slavery, but on tbe other
hand expressly declare, among other things,
that no law shall be passed impair in or the
rights of private property ; nor shall any
discrimination be made in taxing different
kinds of property, but nil property subject
to taxation shall be in proportion to the
value of tbe-property taxed.
Now, when it is considered that all three
of these territories are north of 36 SO',
and that in the new territorv now owned
by tbe United States south of that line.
slavery actually exists and is acknowledged
oy tne territorial law, tne question may
well oe asked: '.'What was there worth
quarreling, much less fighting about ?"
Here was a settlement of the question in
the territories mado by a Republican Con
gress, which gave to the South all that up
to the Charleston Convention she had ever
asked, aad far more than she could hope to
gain, in any event by secession, indeed,
I think it must now be apparent that seces
sion, even if it could be affected peaceably,
would nave been no remedy for the griev
ances of which they complained. Nay, so
far as any grievances arising from a failure
to obtain a return of our fugitive slaves was
concerned, I think it must now be apparent
that that" would have been an aggravation
instead of a remedy for the evil.
1 think all calm and dispassionate men,
everywhere, are now ready to admit that it
would have been far better for us to have
accepted the terms offered to us, and pre
served peace and tbe Union, than tohave
plunged this once happy country into the
horrors of this desolating war, which has
spread a pall over this whole land has
brought mourning -into every family has
rendered hundreds of thousands of hearth
stones desolate has filled the land with
maimed and disabled, with widows and
orphans, and squalid poverty has crowded
our poorhouses and almshouses has sport
ed away many hundredsof T thousands of
lives and many hundreds of millions of
treasure, to find the institution for which
they profess to have gone to war, in a
thousand times greater jeopardy than ever
before.
Such being the condition into which they
have brought the country, the question pre
sents itself, " Is there any remedy ? A
full, complete, and adequate remedy, there,
is not ; for what will restore the loved ones
lost, repair at once the desolation or remove
immediately the mourning from our land ?
xet mere is a remeay, wnicu, witn tne
helping band of time, will accomplish much
indeed, and which, with tho energy which
usually follows desolating wars, will per
haps, remove most of its traces in half a
century. This remedy is peace, speedy
peace ! But they say we are so situated
that no proposition for peace can be made
by us; that having proclaimed our inde
pendence, we must fight until it is volun
tarily acknowledged by the United States,
or until wo are completely subjugated. On
the meeting of the British Parliament,
which took place on the 13th of December,
1792, tbe king in his speech to tbe two
bouses, intimated bis intention of going to
war with tbe French Republic. On mov
ing the address in answer to his speech, a
memorable debate arose. On this occasion,
Charles James Fox delivered one of those
powerful speeches which have made his
name immortal which have forever stamp
cd him as the ablest of British debaters,
and the first of British statesmen. In the
course of that speech he said : " But we
now disdain to negotiate. Why ? Because
we have no minister at Paris. Why have
we no minister there ? Because France is
a Republic! And so ws are to pay in
blood, tbe treasure of the people for a punc
tilio I"
The road of common sense is plain, sim
ple and direct. That of pride and punctilio
is as tangible as it is serpentine. Shall we
pursue the path of pride and punctillio, or
shall we, take the simple, plain, and direct
road of common sense, which may lead to
the happiest results ? Four-fifths of that
portion of North Carolina bordering onatbe
ladkin river, and I believe of the whole
State, are in favor of the latter course.
The ooe great demand of the people of
this State, Js peace, peace nppn any terns
that will not enslave aad degrade us. Tbey
may, perhaps, prefer that the independenee
of the South should be acknowledged, but
this they believe cannot now be obtained,
nor, in viewing the situation of nuAirs, do
they see much to hope of it in the future.
Tbey naturally ask, if, with no means of
recruiting to any extent, we cannot hold
our own against the armies which tbe Yan
kees now have in the field, how can we
meet them trith their three hundred thou
sand new levies which will soon be in read
iness, while they can keep their armies
recruited to a great exteat, if not an to its
maximum namber, from adventurers who
are constantly arriving in their ports from
every country in Europe? But if inde
pendence cannot be obtained, then they are
for any .terms that are honorable anv
terms that do not degrade us. They will
be willing to eompremiie npon the amead-
very in the States, to which Thave before
alluded. Bat in what precise way over
tures shall be made, or the movement in
augurated, I leave to wiser men and abler
statesmen than myself to propose. I would,
however, suggest to the people to elect
members to the next Congress who are in
favor of an armistice of six months, and ia
the meantime of submitting all matters in
dispute to a convention of delegates to be
elected by the people themselves, in such
manner as may be agreed upon by the two
parties.
Others there are, who desire that the
people of North Carolina should be con
sulted in their sovereign capacity through a
convention that the Legislature should
submit the question of " convention or no
convention" to tbe people as, was done in
February, 186L Such a convention would
undoubtedly speak tbe sentiments of tbe
people of tbe State, citizens as well as sol
diers, as all would bo consulted. But I
propose nothing definite, and only make
these suggestions to bring the matter before
the public. I would, however, most earn
estly appeal to tbe friends of humanity
throughout their State to use their utmost
efforts to procure as speedily as possible an
honorable peace, in the name of reason, of
suffering humanity, and of the religion
which we profess. I would appeal to tho
public men and statesmen of North Caro
lina, and especially to that eminent states
man who possesses in a greater degree than
all others, the confidence of the people of
the State, and who bas recently beon ele
vated to a bigh place in tbe Confederate
Government, to lend a band and use their
influence to bring about an honorable peace.
And lastly, I would appeal to tbe ministers
and professors of our holy religion to pray
constantly without dictation of terms to
Almighty God for an honorable peace.
Having but recently occupied a large,
space in your columns, I feel that 1 am
intruding, and will tbarefore, after express
ing my obligations to you, close for the,
present. DAVIDSON-
Clemonsyille, N. C. July 1G, 1863.
WM. BAKER, THE TOUIQ PATRIOT.
. I.
' No, William Haker, you cannot have
my daughter's hand in marriage, until you
are equal' in wealth and social position."
- Tho speaker was a 'haughty old man of
some sixty years, and the person addressed
was a fine-looking young man of twenty-five.
With a sad aspect the young man with
drew from the stately mansion.
II.
Six months later the young man stood in
tbe presence of tbe haughty old man. r-
" What ! you here again," angrily cried
tho old man.
" Ah, old man," proudly exclaimed Wil
liam Baker, " I am here, your daughter's
equal and yours."
The old man's lip curled with scorn. A
derisive smile lit up his cold features;
when, casting violently upon the marble
centre table an enormous roll of green
backs, cried :
" See ! Look on this wealth. And I've
tenfold more. Listen old man. You
spurned me from your door. But I did
not despair. I secured a contract for furn
ishing the army of the with "beef."
" Yes, yes," eagerly cried the old man.
"And I bought up all the disabled cav
alry horse3 I could find "
1 see! I see!" cried the old man, "and
good beef tbey make, too."
"They they do! and the profits are
immense.""
i "" I should say so !"
" And now, sir, I claim your daughter's
fair band."
"Boy, she is yours. But hold! look
me in tbe eye. Througbout all this have
you been loyal ?"
" To the core !" cried William.
" And," continued the old man, in a
voice husky with emotion, "are you in
favor of a vigorous prosecution of the
war?"
" I am ! I am !"
"Then, boy, Uke her! Maria, child,
come hither. Your William claims thee.
Be happy my children. And whatever
our lot in life may be, let us all support
the Government." Artemat Ifartf.
soaeecaad. it weald be diflsealt to coaecito. Intent proposed by Mr. Corwin from the
WTiat tbenlwonld bevt Wen left to quarrel Committee of twenty-Mr,, perpetnatiag sla--
" Facts are stubborn things," said a law
yer to a female witness uader examination..
' Yes, sir," said the witaeas, " aad so are
women and if you caa can get a ay thing
out of me, just let me know it." " You'll
be committed for contempt," said the law
yer. " Very well," said the witness, " I
shall suffer justly," for I feel the utmost
contempt for every lawyer present"
Tbe Border States have suffered by the
war. Alteraatelv ravished by the oppose
IVmies, there has beea no security for life
or property. The value of taxable proper
ty in Kentucky has fallen off $165,000,000
since the war commenced, while the the
State tax ban increased front $1,400,00010
$3,417,000.
- Hi a e s
Obeying merely the letter of the law and
not tbe spirit, is like tattering yourself that
you are following the injunction, "Loolraet
upon the wine when it is red," by using
liquor of saew colter eeler--Jersey lighten
ing, for instance, which is a dirty yelJo. ''
CiJJ - Tseo m-.