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4 3fye c* TERMS OP sCnsCUIPTIOX. »T MAIL—)H AI>rASCB—POSTAOS PRtrAID. Edition, ore yr*r »12.00 I’stU of ft rcir. ptr month l*uu KondayKdltlon: Lller«ri-*nd Hel!uloa*l>anld« FMortUr tuition, nreire Trl-Wrckly. on* year f»*WI I’arUcf •/<»r, wr month »OU WEEKLY tniTlOK, roSTPAIU. On# copy, Mr year. 9 1.80 Club of fI.OO f t*clmcn «nt ttt«. Givel>oiM)me«*d'treMiafDlU (aclndlng BUM tad Conner. l!cmltunfcim«ybenude either b? draft, expre**. Poti-Office order, or In reslrlered letter, at our rlak. TERMS TO CITY SUDSCRIBRUS. Drily, dflh trrd. Sunday excepted, ascent* per wee*, pally, delivered, Sunday Included, accents Dtr week. Aiirtren TUB TUIWUNR COMPANY, Corner Madlwn and Petrborn-ns.. Chicago, lit. Orders for the delivery of The Tiircke at Ersnatoo. Englewood, and Hyde Par* left in the counting-room wilt receive prompt attention. TRIBUNE BRANCH OFFICES. Tn» Chicago TnuitmmhM estabUihedhranth office* for the receipt of mbecrlptlona and adrerilienienUai follow*: NEW TOltK—Boom 29 JYlbunt Building. f.T.MO- Faso**, Manager. Paris, Fr«»cß-No. 16 Bus delaGraofc-Bateltere. H. Mablx*. Agent. LONDON', Eng.—American Exchange. 440 Strand. Dakar F. Oillio. Agent SAN FRANCISCO. CaJ.-Palace Hotel. AMUSEMENTS. ftoolry’ft Theatre. Randolph meet, between CUrE and LaSalle. Engagement of the Majerool*. “Camille.*' After* s«on and evening. llnverly’n Theatre. Dearborn aireet. comer of Monroe. Engagement of the Colville Folly Company. “Roblmon Crtwoc.** Afternoon and evening. WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 14, 1878. Greenback*? at tbe Now York Stock Ex change yesterday closed at OUjj gold and pilver coin. ' Supt. Seatet construes Judge MoAr.ua-, ter's recent decision to mean that concerts shall only be allowed in respectable saloons, and will refuse to allow music in any that are not respectable. Tbe rule Is a good one if thoroughly and impartially enforced. In an official proclamation just issued by tbe Commissioner of Agriculture the an nouncement is made that the President will attend the Minnesota State Fair, aud that tbe persona of distinction incited to attend will get tboir railway-transportation free, bnt will have to pay 70 cents each for tbeir meals. Tbe Republicans of tbe First Congres sional District of Wisconsin yesterday re nominated Goo. Charles G. Williams, their presentable and efficient Representative. The district is made up of such sterling Republic an Counties as Kenoabo, Racine, Rock, Wal worth. aud Waukesha, which in 167 C gave Gen. Williams a majority of nearly C,OOO, and which can be counted upon with cer tainty to repeat the compliment ibis fall. The Cook County Grecnbackers yesterday held a Convention and nominated a full ticket of the county officers to bo voted for this fall. None of tbo nominees are suffi ciently known to fame to command a very enthusiastic support at the polls, but they are perhaps tbe best that could be had out of tbe limited assortment to pick from, and will do well enough as the material for some sort of a trade with the Democrats—pro vided tbo latter, in the face o! their dis astrous experience lost year, can bo per suaded into a dicker. There is do troth in tho rumor thnt Secre tary Tboupson intends to relinquish the Secretaryship of the Navy, to be succeeded by Got. Hick, of Massachusetts. The Secretary has no intention of resigning provided his health will penult him to dis charge the duties of the office. There ap pears, however, to be some likelihood that Attorney-General Dsvknb may retire from the Cabinet to take tbo position of Chief- Justice of the Supreme Court of Massa chusetts made vacant by the death of Judge Ban* lit. Gen. Shebman’s proposed trip to New Mexico has been made the basis for numer ous sensational reports regarding the im minent probability of a crisis In tho relations of the United States toward Mexico, the theory being that Oen. Bdebaun was to proceed to tho Rio Grande and in person di rect offensive operations on a large scale about to bo begun. Tho fact is that Oen. Bnxn aUN has no snob errand on band, ond will not go anywhere near (he headquarters of Col. Macxenzik on the north hank of tho Rio Grande. Ananthoritativo denial is given in onr dispatches this morning that there bos been any recent change in the aspect of tho Mexican question, or that there is any prob ability of/rush disturbances. The visit to Columbus of Mr. William H. Roberts, editor of tbo New Orleans Timet, far tbe purpose of sounding tbo President elect concerning bU intentions regarding tbe Louisiana imbroglio, was yesterday nar rated by Mr. Roberts before- the Fotteb Committee at New York. Butler antici pated an opportunity U> prove by this wit ness something which could bo tortured into the semblance of a bargain by Gov. Hates for tho support of Southern Democrats. To this end tho most ingenious forms of inter rogation were resorted to by Mr. But ler, in the hope of securing an ad* mission of tho sort he was fishing for. All he got was the acknowledgment that Mr. Rouerts inferred from Gov. Hates’ remarks that the troops would be withdrawn from New Orleans aud the Nicholes Gov ernment ' given a chance to establish its validity, these inferences being based upon the letter of acceptance aud Gov. Haves* declared convictions on tbe subject of local self-government in tbe Southern States. This was not what Butler wanted, but bo was obliged to content himself with it. The testing of a car-load of spirits at Omaha iu transit to California by a Hpccial Revenue Agent has suggested on explanation of the fact that the distillers at Peoria and- Cincinnati ore able to undersell Chicago dis tillers. Tho spirits in question were of Peo ria manufacture, and the certainty that the system of “liberal gauging" had been ap plied was demonstrated by the test. The barrels had been filled to tbeir utmost ca pacity, no “ wantage w being allowed,whereby from two quarts to a gallon more of spirits were put iu them than indicated by thegauge. As a consequence the Government is by just so much cheated out of the revenue tax, and the distiller con afford to sell the spirits at a rate below the cost of producing with an honest gauge and the tax fully paid. Com pared with tho magnificent scale of opera* tioas carried on by the whisky-thieves of 1872, the Pooxia and Cincinnati steal looks insignificant, but -when extended throngh a year's business it amounts to a handsome profit for tlie distiller and n heavy aggregate loss to the revenue. Commissioner Baum has decided to try the virtue of n double force of Gangers, the extra men to bo em ployed In regauging spirits after they hare been conveyed to bonded warehouses. In this way it is expected that the liberal gauge system can be circumvented. The Austrians (tins far in their ooonpa- Uon of Bosnia have themselves been very busily occupied in fighting numerous and desperate bands of insurgents who hare contested every inch of territory os the legions of Fbanois Joseph have advanced. Vienna dispatches announce that several pitched battles have been fought, and in consequence the movements of the invad ing forces have been very slow. One di vision of the Austrian army has been obliged to retreat to oovor its com muoications. It is hardly possible that the Austrian Government expected such stubborn resistance as has been encountered or estimated tho magnitude of the under taking. The consent of tho Powers, Turkey included, having been obtained, it was to have been presumed that the occupation would proceed quietly anil the Anstrians march in and take possession unmolested. Bnt the dissatisfied Bosnians thought other wise, and the clash of arms has succeeded, with tho prospect of a guerrilla warfare .which will harass the Austrian troops am! keep tho country unsettled for an indefinite period. ______ MB. THURMAN'S SPEECH. Mr. Thurman is another illustration of the weakening influence of tho Presidential vision upon tho human mind. Every fonr years there is a general wrecking among those statesmen who have indulged in Presi dential aspirations, and each of the twenty two quadrennial elections held nndor the Constitution has witnessed the crushing of once ardent hopes and fondly-cherished as pirations. Mr. Thurman Las recently broken out with the Presidential fever *, ho ban be come utterly unnerved; the courage which has sustained him in his public life as a hard money advocate and opponent of inflation, and which enabled him to defy oven Old Bill Allen in tbo struggle with Hates, has utterly failed him, and he has opened his campaign for the Presidency by a speech in which ho outbids Sam Cart and Tou Ew zno as an opponent of specie payments and values. We print the material parts of his speech, delivered at Hamilton, Butler Coun ty, Ohio, yesterday. .Tho burden of tho speech is to increase the amount of greenbacks by the substltu tion of an additional amount of them equal to tho bank-note currency of tho banks, which currency is to bo abolished. He ad mits that silver and gold coin will never be circulated except as small change so long os paper notes of fivo dollars and less are issued, and maintains that the paper money of the country should be greenbacks. His objections to tbo bank-note currency may bo thus stated: (1) That n National Bank cur rency means the indefinite perpetuation of the public debt; (2) that tho National Bank system combines, concentrates, and intensi fies tho money power, and is, therefore, dan gerous to tho public safety; (9) that tbo bonk circulation is a special privilege, put ting many millions of dollars annually into the pockets of tbo stockholders, and taking many millions oat of tho pockets of the peo ple. Those points are by no means now, and do not require much spneo for their dis cussion. 1. Tho National Banks issue n currency which circulates on money. The banks have a capital of over $400,000,000. This capital is invested in nntionol bonds. It does' not increase tho public debt nor tend to perpetuate it that the bonds ara owned by tho bonks instead of being owned by indi viduals in this or other countries ; tho debt will remain tho samo until paid, no matter who owns it. The Government has tho op tion to call in any of the bonds held by the banks, and has exercised that power by compelling tho bauks to surrender tho G per cent bonds and take those bearing lower rates of interest Tho Notional Bank ing system is especially distinguished from all other banking systems which have over .existed In this country by tbe fact that it requires on absolute security to be deposited with the Government for every* bank-note issued, and hence there has never been a dollar of bank-note currency lost to tbo bill-holder. The bonded debt of the United States is some $1,700,000,000,' aud there is not much danger that tho banks will be driven to postpone payment of (he debts in order to furnish (hem with bonds to put up os security for their currency. Mr. Tuan man's desire to pay off the public debt will not accomplish that result, unless it be re pudiated within the next half century, and the people of fifty years hence will doubtless bo competent to deal with that matter at that time. 2. The objection that tbe National Bank system combines tho money power no more applies to those hanks than it does to all other banks. There are /I f OOO banka in tbe country which are not National Banka, and they are as potent in controlling popular opinion as if they were National Ranks. Gen. Jaouson’s hostility to the Notional Bonk, whose charter he yetood, was the foot that tbo Government wes u partner In the iustitu lion, and he was opposed to the Government being connected in eoy way with bunks or banking, or in tho Issue of any money or form of money other thou gold and silver coin. The destruction of the National Banks will not destroy their capital or diminish their power; they will become banks under State laws, and, being freed from tbe responsibilities of the nation al iaw, will become infinitely more danger ous to tho public. 3. The. objection that tbe circulation is “ a special privilege " of (he National Banks can hardly have been made seriously. Any man or organization of men who can raise $50,000 of bonds, and will deposit them with tho Treasurer of the United Slates, can be come u National Bank, und receive from the Treasury $43,000 bonk notes to circulate or keep in his vault, as he thinks proper. As this privilege is open to all persons alike, it cannot be called ‘‘special," nor It bo called a monopoly. Tho privilege Is con fined to no locality nor to any person. Tho circulation is used to be loaned out at in terest. The private bank or uou-Natloual Bank, instead of buying the bonds and getting bonk notes, holds its capital in greenbacks, which it leads out in tho some way on in terest. The profit is the same in either case: (ho interest the bank receives from the bonds, which is from 4j to 5 per cent, is to some extent offset in the way of taxes aud in the reduced amount of currency at its disposal, aud by tho restrictions on its general business and its increased responsi bility incidental to its charter ns a National THE CHICAGO TRIBUNE: WEDNESDAY. AUGUST 14, 187 a Bank. The greenbacks being limited in amount, the bank currency has boon essential for purposes of business; but whether the banks lend money in the form of bauk notes or of greenbacks, the sum of profits to the stockholders taken 41 from the people's pockets " wiH bo the same. Ho long a$ bauks exist and lend money they will be prose cuted for the profit they may afford the owners, and profits will always bo as largo as they can be made. Changing the form of the currency will not change the rates of in terest or the demand for loans. It will be noticed that throughout this whole speech Mr. Thurman in no instance uses the words “legal-tender” when refer ring to (be issue of greenbacks to take the place of Notional Bank notes. This omis sion * has special significance from tho fact that a bill to Issue “ greenbacks ” to take tho place of National Bank notes was matured at tho lost session of Congress, and is now pending. These greenbacks—Treas ury notes—were to hove all tho character istics of tho present greenbacks, except that they wore not legal-tender, and were to be acceptable for all dues to the Government the same as National Bank notes, and were to bo redeemable In legal-tender notes, the amount of which was to be in creased (o tho legal maximum of SIOO,- 000,000. Not being legal-tender, the legal and constitutional objection to their Issno did not exist. Being redeemable in legal-tender, they wonld always be at par, as tbo National Bank notes are, with the legal tender greenbacks. If it bo that Mr. Thur man has this kind of greenbacks—non-legnl. tender —in his mind to bo issued in place of National Bank notes, there may possibly bo much less objection to their issue. If he does mean non-tcgal-lender greenbacks, do the people of Ohio understand him as he understands himself? And is he not, wh’lo speaking of tbo issno of greenbacks ns a substitute for National Bank notes, dealing with tbo people of Ohio unfairly? If ho moons.to expand the currency by the issue of $322,000,000 additional legal-tender greenbacks to take the place of the bank notes, why does he not say so ? If bo means, however, tho issue of that number of nondegol-tender green backs, why does he not so explain? The two propositions are widely different. The one will be comparatively unobjectionable, will make tbo whole paper currency national in its character, relievo the banka from tbo prejudice and hostility with which they are pursued, and will in no sense materially change (ho value of the paper; while tbo other scheme is illegal, is violative of con tract, and wonld break down tbo legal-tender currency to a level with what it was years ago. Mr. Thurman os a Presidential candi date must explain. Ho cannot talk of “ greenbacks ” in any vogue way, particular ly os tho bill now pending before Congress proposes a “ greenback" currency which shall not be a legal-tender, and tho term greenback no longer means of necessity a legal-tender Treasury note. There are other matters in this speech which are not new and have frequently been refuted. PAHBONB AND THE TRADES-UNIONS. A. R. Parsons, the Socialist agitator, mode three remarkable statements in Lis speech before the Amalgamated Trades- Unions lost tinmlay, Emit, he said that the interests of workmen would bo promoted by a reduction of the hours of labor, which would result in the employment of those who are now willing to work but can find nothing to do. Secondly, he argued that, (be workmen needed dear labor, and would have it. Thirdly, ho said that there must be a speedy reform, or there would bo a rev olution. The first two of these propositions contradict themselves and each other, aud the third holds out revolution os the alterna tive of a state of affairs which, from tho nature of tho case, cannot exist. Tho argu ment Is, however, a good specimen of the logic generally used by Communist speak ers, and we propose to examine it and ex pose its absurdity, because it is doing mis chief among ignorant and uninformed peo ple. Tbe first proposition Is the reduction of tbo hours of work of men now employed, lu order that men not employed may find work. This will not commend itself to the good sense of intelligent workingmen. They will see that it mast mean tbe redaction of hours without an increase of pay or with an in crease of pay. In tbe first case, it would deprive them of means of subsistence which they already complain Are too scanty. If the printer, for instance, should voluntarily re duce his hours of labor one-fifth, ho would have his earnings reduced in proportion ; instead of earning >slß a week, lie would earn $14.83; the comforts ho wonjd be able to give him self or his family would be reduced in pro portion, and all to give employment to a workman whom he had never seen,—perhaps to on unworthy person. Workingmen may be—wo bcliovo they generally ore—on un selfish class of men, bnt they ore not yet prepared to lot their sentiments go to this length of self-sacrifice. Or, taking tho ollmr suggestion,.and agreeing that tho intention is to reduce hours of labor without reducing pay, tbe proposition U not more reasonable. In the case of men who work by the piece, like printers, it would bo necessary to oc complish this end by Increasing the pay for each piece, and limiting tho number of hours any man should be permitted (o work. Here, again, there would bo tho difficulty of requiring an amount of self-sacrifice of tbo workingmen which ought not to bo demand ed of any man or sot of msu. If thero wore to bo an advance of wages, each work man would want a share of it, not for some hypothetical sufferer, but for himself. They all claim now that their wages are insuf ficient. They want to havo them increased, to benefit themselves and their families. The hypothetical sufferer cuts no figure at all in their calculations. Rut Ramsons aud bis feliow-detuagogues may say that tho in crease of wages ought to be sufficient* to cover the wants of ull at present employed aud give employment to everybody vise. This would certainly be a comprehensive de mand, but it would mean confiscation of property. It needs no argument to show that, in the present condition of business, profits are not sufficient to pay every man the wages be would like to have, and employ everybody who wishes to be employed on these extremely liberal terms. Tbe only wav to employ more men is to reduce tbo hours aud poy of those already employed. If the reduction Is from ten to eight hours, four men must surrender one-fifth of their pay in order to employ a fifth man, and the fifth man will only receive four-fifths of the sum previously paid to each of the four. No workingman now employed full time will feel that ho can afford, in such times as these, to make so greet a sacrifice; aud the feeling of tho workingmen is pro- Icisely that of tho capitalist, who la unwilling and unable to give up in wages moru than (ho percentage of profits justly belonging to the wngrs-fnud. Parsons’ second proposition is that tho workingmen want dear labor. This is a di rect contradiction of the first proposition. For if more workmen nro employed, and tho hours of labor reduced and wages dimin ished in proportion, labor will bo neither dearer nor cheaper than at present. If the object is to make labor dear, some of.the workmen already employed shbnld be dis missed. It will bo impossible to employ more at fnll wages and reduced time be cause, as we have shown, labor cannot re ceive more in wiigos than it earns; capital will bo withdrawn from use rather than pay higher wages than it can afford, and, In the long run, it always will pay nil the wages it can afford. So the proposition must be meaningless, or it must mean the confisca tion of property, which dcceut workingmen have never contemplated or at least never formally proposed. But, taking Parsons on his own grotmd,aod admitting tjiat bis propo sition means something, the workmen in reality would not gain anything by dear labor all around. Tue cost of labor is the chief element In cost of production. As labor became ddhrer, all tho articles pro duced by it would rise in price. The work men would have to pay more for every arti cle used for subsistence, comfort, amusement, or luxury. It would be no benefit to him to hove dearer labor and more wages, if every thing ho bought was dearer in proportion. It* is true that some exceptional trades might de rive a temporary and partial benefit from a general rise of wages; but it is as certain as any axiom In mathematics that the benefit would be only temporary and partial. Parsons says that these things must be or there will tie revolution. Ho ought to have said, “ Tboy never can bo without revolu tion." That is what he moans, or he means notiiing. Ho should have had tho courage and manhood to say what he meant; or, meaning nothing, to keep still and allow others to speak. It is not creditable to the Amalgamated Trades-Unions, and particu larly. not to the Printers’ Union, which formed part ot H and contained men who know better, that they permitted auoh a man to appear as their representative and spokesman. lie contradicted their, own speakers, gave tho lie to tho sentiments of moderation and good-will towards .their em ployers which they professed, and sought to commit them to doctrines which they have in the past repudiated and condemned. TAXING UNITED STATES BONDS. One of tho conspicuous fallacies of the Na tionals ami Communists, and approved to a largo extent by tbo Democrats, is that Gov eminent bonds should bo subject to taxation by tho States. Many people of tbo West have been induced to favor this proposition, though it is immoral ns lo bonds already is sued oud impolitio os to future issues, be cause they are under the Impression that tho Western people would thereby secure ou ad vantage over the people of tho New England and Eastern States who own by far tho largest amount of tho bonds held in this country. As the motive of this approval of a proposition so objectionable In Itself is en tirely selfish, perhaps tho people who ap prove it can bo best dissuaded ou selfish grounds. The fact is that State taxation of United Stoles bonds would impose a larger amount of Government taxation upon tho people of tile West and South than they now boor, without providing any commensurate offset. It wiU not bo a difficult matter to demonstrate this to the satisfao lion of every intelligent person. It is a plain proposition that on authorized tax on United States bonds will increase the interest at which such bonds can bo nego tiated to at least tho amount of tho tax im posed upon them. The minimum interest at which bonds can now bo sold when they are absolutely free from taxation is 4 per cent. An authorized tax of 2 per cent would necessitate tbo payment of (> per cent inter est ; or n 3 per cent tax, taking this as on average of theaggregatolocal taxation, would force tbe Government to offer 7 per coni in terest to sell its bonds at par. If 4 per cent is the lowest ruling rate of Interest now, thou an added expense of 3 per cent would increase tbo lowest ruling rate to 7 per cent; otherwise it would have to be contended that capitalists can now afford to lend their money at I per cent interest. The Government is now exchanging its (I per cent bonds Into 4 per cents, thus saving one-thlrd of tho interest which it originally expected to pay. There Is little doubt that the entire Govern ment debt will be funded at 4 per cent with in a few years, unless legislation shall inter fere to prevent the exchange. If, then, tho ruling rate of interest should be increased to 7 per cent, wo should have, in round num bers, tho following difference in the Gov. ernmont’s annual interest account, which is borne by taxation ; . V*r ytar. $1,800,000,000 *t 7 per cent $12(J,oou,ooo I,BOU, 000,000 «t 4 per cent 7'A000.000 Difference per year lu a division of this extra Government ex pense tbo people of Illinois would have to bear about ouo-flfloentb, aa that is about tbo proportion of Government taxes which this State pays. There would then ho an extra burden of $3,000,000 « year to pay in Illi nois alone. Where would the State of IlliuoU look for a reimbursement of the extra coat of $3,000,- UOO uuder the bond-taxing system ? Would it bo {u the local tax uu tbe bonds bold iu Illinois? Wo do not believo tbo tax would yield tbe State SI,OOO a year,—certainly not enough to pay the cost of collection. United States bomb* would vanish from the State of Illinois; a Government coupon would be as rare within the boundaries of tills State as a French assignat now is; the tax-gatherer would rake and scrape, swear and scrutinize, beg and bully in vain; no United States bonds would be found. Savings banks and other trust institutions. Insurance companies, and oil corporations accustomed to hold these bonds iu largo quantities, would get rid of them, thus depriving the people of their safest securities, and put their money iu some other shape. Where would these bonds go ? Why, to the New England and Eastern States, which would not tax the bonds, —for Congress could not pass a law compelling all Biotes to tax Government bonds. The net result, then, would be that the taxation sustained hy the people of Illinois would bo in creased by $3,000,000, which would go Into the pockets of the European, the Canadian, tbe New England, and the Eastern bondholders, whose bonds could be held without subjecting tbe holder to the Inquisi tion of the taxation. The experience of Illi nois would bo tbe experience of every other State which should undertake to tax the bonds, even conceding for argument’s sake the constitutionality of the proceeding. As tbe case now stands, the bonds used in Na tional Hanking are taxed in the shape of 'capital stock, and contribute about $7,000,- 000 a year to the revenues of the States, as thoro are about $400,000,000 of bonds that nre used as banking capital. Isn’t it a good deal*better to save $r»|,000,000 a year to the General Government and $7,000,000 to the Stnfe Governments tinder the present system than to adopt the I Kind-taxing system which will wipe ont those two item* and Impose ad* ditional taxes on the non-bondholding class for the especial benefit of. New England and foreign bond-owners ? If some of the Nationals, Communists, and Democrats, in the light of these facts, abandon the Idea of State taxation of bonds, they may think (hat the bonds rosy bo reached by United States taxation .without encountering such objections. The answer to this was furnished in a condensed form in a recent insue of the Boston Iranwript, which saids “No nation taxes Its bonds. By exempting bonds from taxation the United States makes money, because it gains in interest saved more than it could possibly get in taxes. Again, wore the bonds taxed, not only would It bo necessary to pay more interest, but thu bonds would bo worth more ont of the country than In it, and wonld go abroad, where the interest would hare to follow them, but where the tax-gath erer wonld bo powerless. M To Oils may be added that it would bo a flagrant and out rageous violation of contract to impose a tax on bonds already Issued under the pledge that tboy should never ho taxod, and tho Su preme Court would never uphold such n law, even If Congress should bo stupid enough and malignant enough to pass It. To impose a United States (ax on now bonds would amount to taking in money with ono hand only to pay it out with mioih er, for whet tho Government would receive in bond-taxes it would bo obliged to pny In additional interest; tho not reenlt of this transaction, so for as tho tax could bo col lected, would bo to saddle upon tho Govern ment tho additional cost of collection, while in tho caso of the bonds that would go abroad (tho great mass of them under a United States system of bond-taxation) “the interest would have to follow thorn, but tho tax-gatherer would bo powerless." KEASNEYIBK IS COMMUNISM. When Kv.atv.vzy first began mukmgspccches in Massachusetts bo did not realize that tbo anli-Ohiucse and “sand-lot ” talk was of no avail in Ib&t section of tbo country, but Lo has begun to understand that he must tnku up something besides issues local and pecu liar to California. In branching out into n more general discussion ho htvt given tbo people some Idea of wbat bo would have tlio workingmen accomplish after succeeding to the control of tho political power by “ pool ing their issues,” as ho constantly advises them to do. The tenor of this more general discussion loaves no doubt that Kearney is an advocate of tbe most extreme of the Communistic doctrines. Ho concluded ouo of his recent Massachusetts speeches as fol lows : Now let mo give yoa my idea of CommnnUtn: If 1 am Urownlns In ilw wean, and a atrip q* large us iho (Ireat Kuotern in pAocliui 'iy loaded with lum ber to her maatbend, ami 1, as Mlf-uersmutlon is tho Oral law of nature, nrtt thu Captain lo give me a plank to savo my life, and he rofuaoi, I um jn»- ttnort in taking a plank. That is my Idea of Com maoism. This parable, being interpreted, moans that tho Great Eastern is tbo Community and Kearney tho typo of ouy ono reduced H what ho conceives to bo tho necessity of seizing upon the properly of another, do matter whether UU aclf-adjudgcd poverty be the result of misfortune, or idleness, or dis sipation. What Kearney represents to be his right ho must necessarily concede to be the right of others. Neither ho nor the most extreme advocate of tho Communistic doc trine will maintain that the individual oxer orcise of this right can bo permitted without restraint, for in that case common robbery would be legalized; a thief or a burglar would then only need to sot up as a defense that he was In want of tho articles ho stole in order to secure acquittal, and it would bo folly to maintain a police-force to arrest such offenders, or courts to try them. The appli cation of Kearney's doctrine, then, would moan either a systematic division of proper ty so that one man should not be worse off than another, or the Administration of all property and business by the Government so that every one shall be equally cared for. Both these Ideas aro variations of Commu nism, and both lead to the sarao result. The Idea of Government administration of properly and business for the equal benefit of all, being tho more delusive, deserves re peated elucidation. It moans that the In dustrious and thrifty shall contribute to' tbo support of those who prefer to be idle and irresponsible. To begin with, there would be a general demand for homes by those wbo are not provided with them; tho women and children would have sufficient lutliiouoo to give this demand priority, and. indeed, It is tbe plan most conspicuously urged by the demagogues wbo are pandering to the Com munistic sentiment. We will say that* there oro 1,000,000 families that would Immediate ly apply to be comfortably settled in homes of their own, with all the conveniences that their neighbors enjoy. If the Gov ernment undertake to satisfy their de mands, tho expense must be defrayed by taxation in some form or other. Then H falls upon'pcopte who have property and earn money for themselves. Suppose tho demand for houses amounts to 1,000 for every county in the country i will It not be precisely the same thing in tho end for every county or every township to begin a division of property according to local de mands as U is to incur its proportion of the cost of providing tboso homes through Gov orument agency ? This view of the question illustrates the Impracticability of the scheme, for the* property-owners and business men of no single community would do this ex cept under physical coercion ; and It also teaches that the theory of Government pa ternalism, as construed by the Communists, amounts in (be end to a compulsory division of property. >$ 3^,000,000 Hut suppose the division of property should b« made outright,—every man being his own judge of Ids rights, end the Com., munisls able to dictate terms. In that event the undeserving, the idle, the Iguo rnnt, the rapacious, the dissipated,would be* come possessed of at least their share. If sot more, »ud great numbers who have been just Industrious and frugal enough to earn a bare living would suddeuly find themselves iu a position for the time belug to gratify passions and desires that have been kept in restraint by foroe of circumstances. Then the carnival would begin. Capital now cm. ployed in large enterprises would bo di vided up in such a way as to be of no general service, and tho im provident would soon squander what bad como to them so easily and aoddenly. Then an. other division would become necessary, if the Commune idea should bold out, for tho man who had squandered his ahore would then be Just as much entitled to seise a “ plonk " from *• the Great Eastern, 1 " as Ksa&xET puts it, as ho is now. In other' words, there would be universal and never-ending anarchy, in winch might woulddomlnnto its right, and law, as it in now nmlurstood, would hnvo no recognition. How much better oft would tho workingmen of the country bo idler fol lowing IvßAnrrKir’B advice, after pooling their issues, find after adopting nml enforcing tho Oomninuo doctrine in ciua of success? A SENSITIVE PREMIER. The correspondence which has passed be tween Mr. Giadbtone and Lord Braconh firu>, relative to (bo use of unpleasant epithets by tho former, while it does uot indicate a quarrel over names •aa tierce na that of Bntrrus and Cxsstt's, shows never theless bow sensitive a Premier may bo even In tho moment of Ids victory, with all En gland throwing flowers at his foot, and tho Queen herself bedecking bin manly leg with the garter worn only by sovereigns and the the most Illustrious nobles. On the 80th of July, Mr. Gladstone wrote to Beacons* ftexi», denying that ho had called him *' a dangerous am) oven devilish character," and requesting him to supply him with n list of tbo offensive epithets bo had charged him with using. To this plain missive Bra- CONSFIR/.D replies on the same day In hlu most Inploftical manner, ns will bo seen hy tho following Introduction j Lord nßAroNsvici.ilpresents his compliments to Mr. iHaiwtpne. and hitstno honor to nckanwirogc tho receipt of his letter or tills day's date referring to some tetusrss made hy Lord V.r.AtoNxvif.u* lo*t nlitht in tlu* lfou*o of Lord*. and requesting to he supplied with a "list of oifctislvn epithets applied n«d merely to t.ora DcArovsriKr.n's men*- life*, but to his person nml diameter, ami with a note of the Itir.es and places al which they were uicd." As (his would require a research over a period of two year* amt a half, during which Mr. ui.au stonk, lo nso hi* own expressions at Oxford, has been ronnlcrworklmr**by day ami by night, week by week, month by month.” too purpose of Lord liKAcnNsrißi.n. Lord llß.\co.N*rißi.t<, who Isntthts moment much pressed with uflulr*. is unlived to request ihoso ccnlleineii who are kind enough lo iimUi him In tho conduct of public buxines* lo mi• drriakolhe necessary researches, which probably will require some little time. * Thero is something very amusing iu tho thoroughly oilicinl clrounilocuUwi of I)ka conkfiku/h Introduction, but, before tholoU ter Ib finished, ltK\onßFiti.u tho Brcraiev Is sunk Iu Disraeli the mon, ami human nature assert* HhulC in ftlcmgmnl melancholy whine fit Mr. Gladstone fur charging that he had degraded nml debased the Govern ment and sold the Greeks. With regard to the epithet “ devilish,” Lord Bcaconsiteld says ho Is informed “ that it wim not Mr. Gladstone at Unwnrden who compared Lord Beacokseield to yhulnpMe*, l»nt only ouo of Mr. Gladstone’s friends kindly inquiring of Sir. Gladstone how they worn *lo got rid of this MtjihhfaphtfcA*j but, as Mr. Gladstone proceeded to explain the mode,“-probably the Birmingham caucus,— Lord Beaconsfield may perhaps bo ex* cased for assuming that Mr. Glad* atone snucliouod Uio propriety of the scarcely complimentary appellation.” To all this the great public, familiar with Beaconsfield’b works, will bo apt to reply ho has no right to bo so thln-sklimcd. His novels nlsmud with cuts and thrusts at his enemies aud satires upon his friends. He has not hesitated to muko a target of any ouo ho disliked or to hit a bend whenever ho found ouo. Iu view of Gladstone's very luild-mouucrcd abuse, ho should bo thankful he docs nob hold ofllco In our own groat and glorious country*, where ho would probably bo called a thief and pickpocket, if not a counterfeiter, forger, bummer, and thny, and ascertain that nearly all his relative* had served terms in Iho Penitentiary, reporters of tho papers making Iho charges interview iug him to fiud out if they wore true, punc turing him with doubts rogsrling Ins truth fulness as a man, and the next morning rid dling him In tho headlines as a monster of iniquity, and expressing some doubt about tho troth of tho headlines in tho body of tho text. RUSSIA IN ASIA. Estopped from nay progress southward in Europe, hedged in by treaty proviftions in Asia Minor which she cannot violate except nt risk of war with England, Husain keeps up her forward much in Central Asia, and has already established a diplomatic mission at Cabnl, the Capital of Northern Afghanis tan, a rich and flourishing city, and the centre of a large trade which Russia is desirous to develop. Ah tho Russian desire to develop trade is usually (lie forerunner of the desire to secure territory, it is not im probable that the establishment of diplo matic relations with Afghanistan is the first step towards a scheme for occupation. The alarm already occasioned in England, who watches every stop of Hussia with suspicion, is shown by tho ins taut order for the «Htab lishtueui of on English mission in tho same city. It is no secret, now that tho Congress is over, that Hussia, like Wii.u.vxi Tju.l, had an arrow concealed in her quiver to bu used lu case the Congress had broken up without decision. It is, oun of tho clearest indica tions of the mighty power and resources of Huksla that her progress hi Central Asia did not stop during the recent war. Tim Hus slau papers have very elaborate details of tho preparations to threaten India made by Oeu, Kaufmakn, m case the Congress hint failed. Ah early as the 95th of April Clou. Kaufmans received bis instructions, which wuro to the effect that he should divide Ins army into throe corps of observation, tbo first s'ntioned at Haiunrcoud. tho second at Murghclnn, and the third at IVlro-Alcxandrovsk, near KUlvs. The first corps was to march almost to the Adglmu outposts on the Oxuh j tho second to enter the Valley of tho Kiztl Su ; and the thin! to lake a position ou (ho northwestern frontier of Afghanistan. In Juno the three corps made u forward movement and they now lie to the northwest of Afghanis* tan, threatening the districta'of the Hindoo Koosh, and bent upon Annexing some of the Khanates that lie to the north, while their diplomatic agents are already in Cobul. It adds to the delicacy of the situation that the Emir of Afghanistan is now bitterly in censed against tho English. Coupling this circumstance with the presence of n Russian army on his borders, there seems to be very good reason for the anxiety now displayed by the English Government. Tho London Utobt, in discussing this movement, antici pates some scheme of conquest by Xlubvls, but whistles to keep up its courage. It says: Tbsl icnjpltnsr invitations to commence acstn migu lie iciuy ou every »Wo time ran he no •tuuot. Kbtvi is not ycl wholly annm-il; Mt*rv, Utomrh imdur Hie protection of I’enU. 1* *>till a ihorntathuciaeur 'lurkvstun: IloKliaru »uUc«>- mi Ins lotwcoaqiierwi; to Hie ooulb of KerniianaU are fruitful KUaiules. oa winch Hussia looks with lunging *l*- smi nis Kulja auction *tlUt«o»aUw a »ou«of contention, which ni unv moment maid bo converted by KsvrsAvs Into a war of conquest atnlnst Kasligana. Tbe Hasiero qnesiioa Is closed (or (be present, unu It would 111 hedt lb« naetde M«ursucos of Ibu Osar i( bu Viceroy InTurkcaiau should revive tboso anury (veilin'* which tbo sen oral public of England and ttussU lomily bops have cvosi-.d Ui etisl between ib« two commie*. U <» in im hoped that lien. Karrsass will aot em bark lu any ofleuslvo undertaking that may dis turb Iho good rclaiions now existing between ibis country and Hussia. The secret of the English anxiety i* to ho found iu the fact that Gcu. Kspmaks’a army is occupying a section of couutry uot on good terms with England, and that there is nothing to hinder Bussio, if so disposed, from annexing some very largo blocks of territory that wqnld bring her close Uow a upon tho Indian frontier without violate* any treaty stipulations. Hr.Acox-flrint.p’a au plomncy, though it raised an obstacle to .Russian oggrandiEomont in Asia Minor, canll not reach to Central Asia or keep Uiisnia out of tho rich territories of Turkestan Aftghauistnn, with their direct bearings npoa Persia and Indio. Willi Russia pressing down in this direction, and already swarm, iug over the Ohiuoso boundaries in tho (ac East, moving slowly but surely year ),* year, and with an indemnity claim in l, ep hands which aho may proas upon Turkey with crushing weight at any time she chooso*. it can hardly-ho considered that the Congress has done more than to postpone the Easter* question for a short time. Ex-Senator Matt 11. Carprntbr has re ccntly spent some lime In Milwaukee, —whore he owns a house and lot and o newspaper,— lug over tho ground nml calculating his chances ns n candidate for the scat In tho United States Senate now occupied hy Timothy O. Mown. Mr. Carpenter has Just returned to Washington’ where ho has been practicing his profession for the past three years, and an enterprising intc r . viewer, for the want ot something bettor to do or may beat the victim’s own suggestion, cu hold of Matt tho other dav and turned itUn t«. side out for the edification nnd amusement of whom it nrnv concern. Mr. Oarpcntrr’s short and brilliant political history is well kumrn to thcnvcfaco newspaper reader. After sorr. lug one term In tho Senate ho fell Into r.uoh dh. favor with tho Republicans of his own auto that he was defeated for re-election, all hunch his own party had n largo majority In the Legislature on Joint ballot, and Mr. Carpenter received tho cancan nomination. Since his de feat, tits political status has been a matter u( conjecture. Ills appearance before the Electoral Commission in behalf of Tii.dkn was regarded In Wisconsin, among both Republicans and Democrats, as a repudiation of his party fealty, ami many of his old party friends lost nil faith In his Rcpnhlfbau integrity. Mr. Carpenter has been tallied of considerably of late ns a probable compromise candidate for the Senate, and this.idc.i has been strengthened to komo extent bv the conduct of the Milwaukee Wort, the leading Democratic organ of Wlscon-ln, which rccct.llv printed two lending editorial articles favoring such a coalition among I).•uni. cram, tlremiOnckcra, and “Caupbntku” RcpaV lliAiis. Hut Matt’S recent interview has (int a quietus upon that •• movement,” u« ho declares himself unequivocally for *• tlio ncx: Republican nominee” qj lib candidate for ilia iVcslihuicy. Hisrccont visit to Wisconsin and conference with bis political friends evidently has convinced Mr. Carpenter of three tiling, \ca, four, ti.-Hit; (I) That his appearance be. before tho Electoral Commission In favor of uui Tii.pkn tilde of the Vresldcnltul contest lm seriously injured his standing with the Repub licans of Wisconsin. (S) That there arc no grounds for hope of Ills being Heeled to tti.i Bunatu hy any coal (lion whatever. and that lit* had better get buck into the Republican churcn and seek absolution r.nd forgiveness for his poiitlctl bins fu soon as possible. (•'!) That, ttio Kcpnii llcatia will certainly carry Wisconsin this lull, and have a good working majority over nil other parlies combined on Joint billot In Miu Legislature. (4) That Matt 11, Caucus run is ns dead us n door-nail in the Badger Stale ut the present time. Thu St. Loins JlepiiWe-.ut is somewhat puzzled to know why It Is that the same temperature, tu Indicated by the ihormo.uvter In duly, caused such a prodigious number of sunstrokes, aud so few in August. it says that Gen. Mbvrh, of the Signal-Set vice Department, attributed tho mmslrokcs in July to the oxvcsdva hear, coupled with the unusually wet weather, amt it, now confronts him with tho fact that the weather dining tho first work In Aug ust was as dump ami ns hat os iu July, ami yet there was only one case uf sim stroke ruuorted. Thu fajt is, says the JtennV liout, Unit science has hero a problem that It cannot solve, nml the subject is one tu which 1; culls the utteiitlhu of the gentlemen who are :•> compose the National Association for the Ad* vancemcnl of Science that is to assemble In St. Louis next week. Thero are other characteristics that belong to this matter of heat and sun.druko that these scientists would do well to Investi gate as soon m the subject Is xuiily opened, ilius, It would bo proper for thorn to Inquire Into the causes that Induce u Si. Louis editor iu lie os soon aa he nets warm, or as soon mi the heat of the body rises above a certain tempera tun*. Uy what payehuloalcal processes docs a man on the west bank of the Mississippi Kiver lose his grip upon truth whenever ho secs the mercury In his thermometer touch W de grees Fauiibniihit In tho shade, whereas his word Is as good as his bond at 65 and SSI Just here the investigation will naturally divide It self into two branches having one trunk, ami Its root will be In the origin ol sunstroke,“the one involving some prying Into the domain of physical aud the other into the realm of mental science, and both worthy o( the most careful and profound study. A St. Louis editor ncarce ly ever lies about Chicago, or odds a lew thou sand bogus names to the last city directory, or mistakes the facts in relation to the health of his fcllow-cltlxcns, unless there has been some meteorological disturbances that have been sulllclont to obscure his moral vision. The special allciitiju of Nclontillc men that are to meet there next week Is respectfully directed tu these curious phenomena. The cargo of tho luafc ocean steamship Idaho gives some idea of what America la now con ullmtlug to lUo Old World, Her cargo com prised 141 puck-ages of agricultural Implement*, 77.000 pounds of bacou, W packages of clocks, 17.000 bushels of com, 1,000 bales of cotton, W baks of hops, sfl hones, 900 tons of fresh meat, TO tierces of salt meat, 9 cases of machinery, 5 pianos, 19 kegs of ink, U%OOO bushels o! wheat, ]3 packages of manufactured wool. This was tho bulk of the ship's cargo, but did uot em brace tQu entire Mu. It is snllldcnily varied to show to what an almost unlimited extent the New U contributing to the necessities obd com fort of the Old! The Republicans of tho Nineteenth initial District lave nominated the lion. Tuouab A. Boyd fur rc-clccium to Congress. Mr. Boyd has served one term lu Congress, and his service has been so acceptable to the people of his dis trict ilmt he was renominated oa the first bal lot, although there were three otfier candidates In tho field. Sumo complaint U mode because tho platlorm ou which Mr. Boyd was uum iuatud “knuckles" to tbo tirecubackers, but if it Is not all right, Mr. Boyd can do as Uokacb tiUBBUtY did U> 1659, when the old Whig party surrendered to the IVo-Sluvory sentiment,—ac cept Ihuuouiiuailoij, “but spit upon the plat form.” Wo don't care a copper who has the honor cf “Am nominating UitANT lost,” because ll Is of small amount beside the other momentous tact that wo tirstexprused the opinion that Mr. Dm mis Kbaunby was a sballow-patedflat, humbug, fraud, and vulgar ignoramus. Tuts correct oplulou of linn is being continued day by day. The dispatch ouhlished in Tub Tkiounb yes terday morulmr from Boston says that KbaU buy's lullowers are being dis&auvtled with their man, whose speeches are now falling terribly Hat. The Boston workingmen have passed a reso lluu of pleasure aud deJitfOt'' at the announcement that Ben Bptpsb abaudona the Itupubllcau party. It Is lu order now tor the Uepubllcaus of Massachusetts to also pass a similar resolution of “uumiaglcd pleasure aud delight" over the announcement that Old Cockeye has dually goue. ' f A prominent Italian writer has been rum* maglug through some old oiauus. rlptß, and UU covers that Uiatkic* Csnci. so beloved aud pitied of maidens the world over, was a bad, wicked woman, aud Jsuvas, the art critic, com pletes the Icunoclasn by proving that the huuU*