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Chicago daily tribune. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1872-1963, February 21, 1879, Image 4

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Corner Xadlion and PcarooruTta.. t'likvura. Ml.
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Tp« Cmraoo Tninrse haa ealabltahedbranch office*
fer the ict cIM of Milwcrlptlona and advertlremenuoa
M.VV* VOBK-Rootn 29 Tritunt Bulldln*. F.T. Mo*
AM'KN, Manager..
I’aIMS. Franco—No. 10 Rue delaOraaße-Patellere.
I .MAtii.rn. Ayent.
LONDON, Knu.-AmertcAn Exchange. 449 Strand.
Lvmiv ujbQii.Lio, Agent.
bAN VwSNCIECO. Cal.—Dalaco Hotel. ►
WASHINGTON, D. 0.-No. 1310 F aired.
Me.Vlekor’a Theatre.
Mtdkon Mrtrt, between Deitrlwrti nml BUte. En
gagement of Mlm Ada Cavcmllnli. "Jane Shore."
llavcrly’s Tlientrr.
Dearborn Mrcet, corner of Monroe. KDB*(ttmciU
of Mr. John A. Slurcns. “Unknown."
Itonlry’a TJttmiro
Dfndolrti rtrrrr, t«*n*»en I’lirk nml LaSalle. Bn-
Basement of tho New York Criterion Comedy Compa
ny. “Wiitmi."
Hamlin’* Theatre.
Clark alrcet, o>i| orltc the Coun-Houae. “Leopold."
Variety entertainment. Afternoon and evening.
Metropolitan Theatre,
Clark street, oppoMto Sherman Home. “Tin*, the
Mitkvcnder of Germantown." Variety cutcrtalumcDt.
Academy of Mimic,
daisied nircel. between Madison uml Monroe. Va
riety entertainment.
McCormick Hull.
North Clark street, corner Klnrlr. Symphony Con
OIHF.NTAL LODGE. No. 33. A. F. and A. M.-tlall,
IW l.arallft'Ht. a stcte>l romiminli-atlon this (Friday)
•■vi-nlngai7:anu*clarkl«>rhii«l:ii-u. M'.-mhi-runnd vl«*
lt»r*curiltaltv invited to attend. By order m Uio Max
tor. K. N. TUCKIU:, Secretary.
The death of Bishop Foley, of 4 Chicago,
was mndo the subject of resolutions of re
spect and condolence unanimously passed
yesterday in both Houses of'tho Illiuois Leg
Tho bark Shooting Slar, having on board
Charles W. Anoell, tbo eminent European
tourist, formerly of Chicago, has been
aighted off tho coast, nnd will arrive in a day
or two. Mr. Anqell’s return Is anxiously
Gen. Logan arrived in Washington jester*
day, and was treated to a reception organized
in honor of bis return to tbo Uuitcd States
Senate. What time this was going on
Senator Oglesby was iu his seat, where ho
hod been for eleven hours continuously, fight
ing tho 'Brazilian subsidy grab. His suc
cessor was fighting tho War of tho Rebellion
over again in his speech tOlha.bVationists.
There wore but' two Democrats in the
House who had the honesty and the man
hood to vote against the admission of*
Finley ns the contestant of the sent for two
years occupied by Risdck, of the Second
Florida District, and it is gratifying to note
that CAHTim IX. Habiuson, of Chicago, was
one of the two. Tho icsnll of the perform*
ance at this late day is simply to vote Fin
ley full pay for tho two years ho has not
served, and for tho term for which ho was
never elected. It is a small partisan grab
that the Democrats ought to bo ashamed of.
The subsidy-grab attachment to the Post-
Office bill was finally successful in tho Sen
ate, and the bill now goes to the House,
whore there is some hope that it will bo
defeated. John Roach, gets tho plum,
though its richness is somewhat impaired by
the requirement that ho must keep up two
lines,—ouo from New York and the
other from Now Orleans, tho discontinuance
of either to work tho forfeiture of tho entire
contract. Ouo of tho linos will, of course,
be unprofitable, and the margin left for di
vision among tho over-faithful, by whoso
votes tho bonus was secured, will be by so
much reduced.
Tho true inwardness of tho Brazilian sub
sidy job attached to the Post-Office Appro
priation bill was demonstrated yesterday in
the promptness with which a proposition
was voted down (hat opened (ho door to
free competition for. the contract. Tho
amendment referred to provided that the
service might bo performed by vessels
“owned, commanded, and manned by citi
zens of tho United States,"—in effect, that
tho Brazilian mails and commerce may bo
carried in any ship that an Amer
ican may buy in tho cheapest mar
ket. The passage of such nn amendment
would invite competition and reduce (ho cost
of the mail service, and yet It was defeated
by almost two to one. The inference to be
drawn is Inevitable, and it Is that if John
Roaou doesn’t gut this subsidy there’s no
use voting it, and that it is of no conse
quence whether tho mails are carried or com
meres is stimulated unless one particular Hue
does (ho currying and gets tho money.
Mr. Fublic-Priuter DtratEs has written a
very open letter to lloproseutativo Finley,
of Ohio, in which ho (DentEEs), after giving
tho Ohio Congressman to understand that ho
(Finley) has been gnillyof serious indiscre
tions, otherwise called falsehoods, In his
statements concerning tho management of.
tho National Printiug-OQlce, proceeds to givo
Mr. Finley and the rest of mankind on Idea
as to tho extent ond capabilities of the estub
lishucmt which has far several years done
the printing for Congress, also giving tho
cost of such work. It appears from Mr.
Oepbees' letter that ho is at the head of one
of tho b : ggost publication-houses iu
the world, where tho turuiog-out
of a thousand-page octavo work
is accomplished iu tho brief space of forty
eight hours, and many big undertakings
which would furnish work for mouths iu
even the largest printing-offices outside of
Washington are hero pm through (he various
processes and laid before tho world m covers
within the shortest possible time. Mr.
Defuses is remarkably explicit la everything
be says regarding his establishment, ami
docs uot deviate from his peculiar style in
dealing with what lie deems‘the impudent
end unjust assertions of tho member from
Ohio. • lu tho position ho has token tho
Public Printer is, unfortunately for Finley,
sustained by tbo report of a former commit*
Ico of a Democratic Homo.
The State Canal Convention at Ottawa
yesterday proved to bo a largo and thor*
ougblv representative gathering, and one
whose earnest request to the legislature for
Stnto aid to operate and maintain tbo Illinois
& Michigan Canal and prevent it from being
abandoned in consequence of tbo conspiracy
of tbo railroads should receive prompt
nttonlion at Springfield, The Conven
tion is to bo' commended for Us
good sense in confining Us attontion
to tbo one thing of vital consequence,
viz., the appropriations necessary to
cover any deficit that may ariso in conse
quence of the low rates forced by railroad
competition, Ais is tbo matter which im
mediately concerns tho friends of tbo canal.
Tbo question of Congressional support to
tbo project of enlargement to tbo capacity of
a ship canal is not of equal urgency at tbo
present juncture, and tbo question of wrest
ing tbo Lako-Front from Chicago may with
great advantage to the interests of tbo canal
bo Indefinitely postponed.
Tbo conclusion reached by the Bourbon
majority of the Democratic House of Repre
sentatives is, that unless the law regulating
elections of members of Congress nud pun
ishing frauds thereat bo repealed they will
paralyze tho Government by refusing to
allow any appropriation to bo mndo for tbo
support of the nation. It is an open decla
ration of Stnto Sovereignty as against Na
tional Union; it ii a demand that all national
authority to maintain national supremacy
Hindi be abandoned and given up to tbo sev
eral Stales, which ore to bo “sovereign” lu
declaring who shall bo admitted ns Repre
sentatives to Congress, who shall dictate
legislation, and who shall control tho policy
nnd management of the Government.
A graud auxiliary of this revolutionary pro
coedmg is tbo *• caucus.” Tbo Southern
members nro in a minority In Congress, but
they make up four-fifths of the Democratic
members. A Solid South, obtained by fraud,
perjury, forgery, nud violence, would still bo
powerless of itself. It must have Northern
associates and Northern coparceners in
order to rule tbo House. Hence tho caucus,
Into this mooting tho Northern doughfaces—
the men who submitted to tho slnvoholding
lash before tho War, and were then too cow
ardly to openly engage in tbo Robe. Hon they
bad encouraged—are dragooned. In tho
special caucus on this subject, Blackburn, of
Kentucky, tbo most virulent of all tbo Bour
bons, was chosen for presiding olficor iu tho
House, by whose decision this measure was
to bo declared in order, nnd for forty-eight
hours tbo House bos been laboring under
this decision: thn£ it Is in order to include
in an appropriation bill a repeal of tho law
making It a criminal offense to practice fraud,
perjury, and forgery in the election of mem
bers of Congress. Tho Democratic members
from tho North yield assent to this revolu
tionary business and, by their approval,
Mr. Blackburn waves tho banner of Slate
Sovereignty,—tho shield and buckler of an
independent and Solid South.
Rebellion by the revolution of parliament
ary laws, by tho overthrow of parliamentary
practices, and by tbo general but gradual
Htripplng away of all the powers of tbo
National Government, nnd their transfer to
tbo irresponsible mobs called State
Governments at tbo South, is ' hardly
uuy less effectual in the dcntruction
of tho Government than the levy of
hostile armies nud open, aggressive
war. It was supposed that with the War the
denial of tbo nationality of tho United Slates
would terminate. It bad boon found tbnt
tho- Naliojfhl Government was possessed of
every power requisite for its own defense
and for its own preservation against foreign
or domestic] enmity. Congress is a most
essential branch of the National Government.
The Constitution determines that represents
lion in Congress shall bo apportioned accord-
ing to population, and that these Representa
tives shall bo elected by tho people of the
several States* When this most essen-
tial feature of constitutional represen
tation is defeated, then tho national
authority is appropriately, wisely, and
necessarily exercised whim it provides
tho means whereby Representatives in Con
gress “ shall bo chosen by the people of tho
several States,” nod not by a mob or organ
ized banditti, resorting to violence, forgery,
and perjury, to declare in on Representatives
wbo have never been elected. This exorcise
of notional authority to preserve tho integri
ty of national representation Is regarded by
the Solid South as on exhibition of n nation-
ality that is offensive to Statu Sovereignty,
and must, therefore, bo rebuked and aban
doned ; and, to carry into effect this assertion
of sovereignty as the antidote for nationality,
tho House of Representatives, at tho demand
of the Solid South, has boon for several days
attempting to rovolutiouizo the forms of leg
It is worthy of note that tho act of Con
gress tho repeal of which is demanded by
tho Solid South is a general law, ns applica
ble to tho Slate of Maine os to Louisiana,
and to lowa as to Mississippi. Yet tho law
is not offensive to tho political morality of
any Northern State except Now York. Out
side of New York City it is only objected to
in those Southern States whore violence, and
fraud, and crime ore necessary to defeat
and prevent tho election of Representatives
to Congress by tho people of tho set oral
States, Such nn election is inconsistent
with the maintenance of a Solid South. No
white man or colored man must be permitted
to go to Congress, no matter how unanimous
may bo the popular vote, who is not satis
factory to the “Regulators," who govern all
elections in tho interest of the dominant
Blute-Sovereiguty party,—the adherents of
tho Lost O.uho, This revolutionary conduct
is only tolerated by the action of the North
ern Democrats, who thereby mike them
selves responsible for all the consequences
that may follow.
Tho votes in the Senate on tho job to ap
propriate §11,000,000 to Mr. John Koaoii to
pay him fur running a Hue of steamships
from Now York to llrazil exhibit some re
markablu features, Tims tho Senators from
Maine, Blaine and Hamlin, and Conkuno,
of Now York, voted for this subsidy,—there
being favorite sous in those Slates appealing
to Pennsylvania pauperism, by a vote of
money from tho Treasury. Senator Feuuy,
who fur tho time represents tho State ftf
Michigan, is clamorous for a lino of steamers
to Brazil, Tho people of Kansas and
of Nebraska, who are subject to grasshopper
visitations, leaving them and their stock to
perish with hunger, willuudoubtcdly rejoice
to hear that Senators Ingalls and Plumb
and Paddock and Ha'nueus valiantly voted
that 1*11,000,000 bo raised by taxation, ond
the money paid over, to let that sturdy pau
per, Joun lloAoii, run a lino of steamers to
Brazil. It will cheer tho people of those
States to know that, in place of old Subsidy
Pomeroy, llioy now have four solid
vole* for thin most scandalous nnd notorious
robbery,' nml, of courno, for nil tbo othrr
subsidies. Tbo farmers of Kuums nml Ne
braska mny Huffer from bml crops, tbo
drought, railroad cxloTtUyifi, nml gross
boppers, but they will omluro nil tltosio tilings
patiently r.o long ns their Senators vote
chunks of three millions of dollars of coin
to run steamships to Xlrnzil. Of courso tbo
two Senators from Oregon vnloil for steam
ers to Brazil,—luo trade between Brazil nml
Oregon is n lively one, nml then, you know,
next week tbo Pacific Mnll will want voles
for n subsidy, nml Kansas, nnd Ne
braska, nud Michigan, and Minne
sota, and Missouri will resolutely
vote olbor millions for that shame
less job. The Hlnte of Arkansas, Col
orado, and Nevada, judging from tbo
votes of their Senators, either conclude that
subsidy is the main purpose of government,
or (lint the commercial relations between
those Stales atul Brazil are so intimate that
to expend $3,000,000 to foster tbo trade
would bo economical legislation. Rhode
Island nnd Connecticut, with help from Now
Hampshire nnd Masnnchusolts, voted solid
for subsidy. These Senators argue that it
must bo n pleasure to the people of tbo West
to bo taxed several millions of dollars
annually, nud to have.their money expended
upon pauperized steamship companies to mu
vessels 16 Brazil. All tho carpet-baggers
whose terms expire nt tho closo of (bis ses
sion are making a grand struggle for subsidy.
This is tbeir Inst chance to share in n
division, and so it is with them a question of
subsidy now or never.
There have boon desperate efforts during
the post year to create an enthusiasm among
the people of this country in regard to our
“Sister Republic,” better known ns Mexico.
These efforts have land n political aim in part,
ns they bnvo generally confessed nn tilliiunlo
purpose of annexing “ Grcosar land ’’ to the
United States. When they have not gone so
far ns this, they Imre been directed to “ the
promotion of commerce between the two
countries," to which the scheme for nn in*
tcruntionnl railroad is nnturuliy incidental,
A few Chicago gentlemen, with n speculative
turn of mind nnd n power of vision
which enables them to discern gi
gantic profits in the future, hare
given much attention to the latter part
cf the Mexican Craze, and,, under the name
of the “ Chicago Manufacturing Association,’ 1
have sought to communicate some of their
optimistic enthusiasm to the merchants of
Chicago and other largo cities. Thoir effort?
in'this direction encountered a serious ob
stacle In the letter of Minister Foster on the
condition of Mexico, which ho described to
bo the very reverse of all their roso-colorcd
'theories. Though this letter was written at
the solicitation of the so-called Manufactur
ing Association, the Chicago gentlemen who
mu that institution immediately repudiated
it, affected to discredit its plain, mnttcr-of
fnct statements, imputed unworthy motives
to the writer, and sat about to organize a
junketing excursion to the sister Republic.
This excursion has boon written up in glow
tug terms in two or three newspapers, and
one in particular—the special organ of (ha
Mexican Craze—has pictured everything con
temporaneously Mexican ns' glorious ns the
of the Montezuhab.
Tub Tribune, simply desirous of arriving
at the actual facta, obtained from Mr. If. N.
Rost, a merchant of this city who accom
panied the excursion, a record of his im
pressions, which wo printed yesterday in the
shape of nn interview. The salient features
of Minister Foster’s letter were brought to
Mr. Rust’s attention, and the latter’s rccom
personal observation confirms Mr. Foster’s
statements in every essential particular. In-
deed, Mr. Rust reports that tho accuracy of
Minister Foster's statements is not disputed
oven in Mexico, and tho only complaint
President Diaz had to make of it was that
Mr. Fobteb did not credit Mexico with
enough of its latent advantages that might
bo developed by American enterprise. Ad
mitting this, American enterprise is shut off
at tho border by tho condition of society.
the ignorance, superstition, and intolerance
of the great majority of tho inhabitants,
the prohibitory tariffs, tho burden of taxa
tion, the insecurity of life and properly, the
revolutionary tendencies of nil classes, tho
consequent Instability of Government and
laws, and the disinclination of tho Mexicans
themselves to closer affiliation with tho
American people.
Tho Mexican sentiment ns to no interna
tional railroad, designed to unite Mexico and
tho United States, and lead to an enlarge
ment of reciprocal trade, is well illustrated
by the action of (ho Congress in regard to
a contract which President Diaz hud par
tially concluded with American capitalists
for building such a railroad. The Mexican
Congress would not recognize tho contract,
exifept on the basis of first building and
making n trunk-line of n railroad entirely
within their own territory reaching to tho
Pacific coast, after which they would allow
a branch to bo built lu tho direction of the
American border as fur, perhaps, ns Main
mom. Tho confessed purpose of this and
other hostile conditions was to confine Amor
icoa trade to water competition with tho Eu
ropean trade, on the ground that any de
cided advantage which tho Americans might
gain would threaten tho political independ
ence of Mexico, and perhaps re-
suit In annexation.. Thin notion shown
that the ruling classes of Mexico arc
opposed to (ho schema of .an inter*
national railroad as its American promoters
undorntnnd tho project. An to tho ability of
Mdxico to subsidize such a railroad to the ox*
tent of $16,000 n mile, this dream may bo
dissipated nt once by tho statement that the
Government oauuot raise revenue to pay its
army, nutwiihstandlug the menace with
which unpaid mul discontented soldiers
threaten the existing Government, The rail
road width Mexico Ims already, built by
British capital) does not pay, la splto of tho
exorbitant rates which are necessitated by
the poverty of patroungo. Home idea of those
charges may bo gathered from tho fact that,
though Mr. Bust was favored with a special
rate, ho was obliged to pay $ t per 100 pounds
for transportation over 200 miles of railroad
from tho City of Mexico to Vero Cruz.
Trade is under u permanent embargo in
Mexico by reason of tho tariff, or rather
tariffs, that prevails there. Tho General
Government exacts one tariff, each State
another, and tho city whord tho goods aro
consigned a third. Them aro examinations,
delays, commissions, and extortions without
limit. Mr. Host cites the Item of brooms
to illustrate the effect of this system:
Brooms that are sold for $2 a dozen in Now
YorU City or Now Orleans, cost $7 and $8
a dozen la tho City of Mexico.
Iu addition to tho three-fold duties,
them ore lighterage "charges, necesai
latcd by tho neglect of tho Government to
improve tho harbors; there are commissions
to brokers, who alone are able to master tho
intricacies of tho official system, nud gat
goods in or out of tho country ; nnd thorn is
constant danger of total loss from robbers
and banditti. Exchange on Now York is 25
per cent advance, which alone tolls the
whole Hlory. This condition of things has
driven English merchants out of. the coun
try, ho that only throe English firms remain
in tho City of Mexico, nnd tho foreign trade
Ims boon monopolized by ft certain class of
Germans, who Imvo reduced smuggling to n
flue-art, who trade with tho banditti, ami
who do business on n basis witli which
American iiiorobnntH could not nud would
not compete. Even if all these obstacles
could bo surmounted, there are not over
1,000,000 people out of n population of
7.000,000 who would bo able or care to pur
chase of foreign goods; tho other 6,000,000 are
ft poverly-Blockon,flUhy,ftncl mongrel race,
who work iu ditches or on tho farms for 25
cents n day about half tho year, and do uot
require more than $1.50 a year to ololho
themselves scantily with cheap cotton and
'The unsettled am\ insecure condition of
society is another fatal objection to anything
like political affiliation with the Mexicans.
Mr. Rust reports that the railroads have
troops to guard them, both nt tho stations
nml on (be trains; that, in, a short excursion
to the country in search of antiquities, ho
nnd two or three others wore protected by a
special escort of cavalry; nud that, oven
while walking the streets, policemen fol
lowed (hem to save them from attack nnd
highway robbery. Every bouse has iron
bars on its windows, and looks like ft jail,
mid small merchants do business with re
volvers nt their side to protect their proper-
ty. All this indicates that tho laws nro not
enforced iu tho same sense as in tbo United
States or other civilized countries. Tbo
moss of the people nro nt least 200 years
behind the time in their manner of building,
in agricultural implements and tools, and iu
tbo art of living.
Until there shall bo a revolution in Mexico
different from any of tho numerous revolu
tions tbnt have taken place there,—one that
shall reform tho Government, Uio laws, tho
people, nud tho commercial practices,—no
scheme for the development of international
trade, nor any political project of either an
nexation or reciprocity, will bo practicable
which is not founded upon tho policy of con
quest, occupation, nnd provincial govern
ment liko that which England has adopted in
tho case of her African nod Indian acqui
sitions. And tho spirit of our Government
tdmost necessarily excludes such an under
Mr. John Morgan McKown writes to Tire
Tunings from Areola, 111., in regard to tho
“Symposium" on tbo subject of negro suf
frage printed in tho current number of the
North American Jteviao. ‘Wo print his let
ter in another column. It is written in a
mysterious stylo, which leaves its particular
significance a good deal in doubt, but wo
Infer that ho credits tho origination of tho
“Symposium" at this time to Senator
Blaine for tbo double purpose of bringing
tho latter's Presidential aspirations into
prominence and of heading off a movement
on tho part of tho Southern Democracy to
capture tho colored vote in tho Southern
States. If wo place tho proper construction
upon Mr. MoKown'b communication, wo
must differ with him’ in both points. It is
not likely that Mr. Blaine originated (ho
“Symposium "at all; it is probnblo that tho
idea occurred to tho enterprising conductor
of tho Horth American, which is printing a
series of such discussions, and that Mr.
Blaine was chosen to lead and close tho de
bate os one of tho most competent men for
the duty. Wo do not 'think it Is fair, there
fore, to charge Mr. Blaine with any selfish
purpose in partaking of tho discussion.
As to tho probnblo Democratic “ capture ’»
of tho colored vole, wo nro inclined to think
that tho methods pursued in several of tho
Southern Slates are not calculated to win
the lusting Affection of tho blacks for tho
Democratic party, though tho latter may'bo
thereby temporarily coerced into submission
to Democratic rule.
Tho real condition of tho black vote at tho
South may bo likened to that of tho Irish
vote at tho North. Tho black vote is almost
solidly attached to tho Republican party ns
tho Irish vote in Northern cities is almost
solidly Democratic. Hero and there, indi
vidual negroes may vote tho Democratic
ticket from choice, just ns individual Irish,
men occasionally. l vote tho Republican ticket.
Now and thou a largo body of negroes may
vote with tho Dcmocrata voluntarily on some
local issue, just as a large bodyof Irish Dem
ocrats voted with the Republicans last fall in
tho election of Sheriff for Cook County,
but tho rule in both cases is as wo have
stated it. Tho difference between these two
classes of voters is this : Irish citizens at
the North have full and equal rights
with all other citizens to vote what
ever ticket they prefer, without hull,
dozing, intimidation, throats, or violence,
while tho negro citizens in curtain
sections of tho South can only vote tho
ticket of their choice,' if at all, at tho risk of
their lives, or bodily injury, or loss of em
ployment. Tho prnotico at tho South scorns
to permit negroes a free ballot only in those
sections where they are hopelessly in tho
minority, and whore their vqting n Republic,
an ticket cannot possibly influence tho re
sult, while iu distiiols where the negroes are
in a majority they are prevented from voting
in suflloiout numbers to elect their ticket, or
they are coerced into voting the Democratic
ticket in suflicicmi numbers to insure its sue.
cess, or they are swindled out of their votes
by tissue-ballotsandolbcrfraudulont devices.
A discussion of tho enfranchisement of tho
negroes is timely, therefore, as a moans for
ascertaining how that enfranchisement can
ho assured to them, instead of being a more
thooiy aud delusion. Tho Republican party
has no other purpose In keeping this ques
tion alive than that of guaranteeing to the
negro tho rights pledged to him by, tho con
stitutional amendments, whatever ticket ho
voles, just as the notnrnlizod Irish Democrats
are protected iu tho North. In fact, many
Republican newspapers, under tho lead of
Tub Chicago Tribune, have favored
such influences ns are likely to result in a
division of the negro vote between tho two
parlies at the South, because this seemed tbo
surest ond speediest way of protecting the
blacks iu their political rights, aud because
there has bean a confidence that a loss of
negro'votes would be more than counterbal
anced by a similar division in tbo white vote
of (be South. So long, however, as the
negro ouly votes tbo Democratic ticket under
compulsion, oris no( permitted to vote at all
In case he will not submit to such oompul
sion, this project of u voluntary division be
tween tbo two parties cannot be carried out.
Mr. MoKown was certainly in the right
ten years ago, whan, as bo save. ho ndvnoHi.iJ
negro suffrage In Virginia, and equally bo
now when bo nnys that the Democratic party
wan wrong in opposing it. But the Demo*
orntio party at tho South 1? Just as far wrong
now in its repression of (no negro's free ex
orcise of the fmnoiitßO as it was when it re
sisted the movement to enfranchise the
blacks. Tho Republican party has no reason
to fear (he disaffection of the negroes
in any largo numbers so long as
tho Democrats pursue tho policy
of fraud, intimidation, nnd violence,
for such policy is calculated to increase the
negro's attachment fotftho Republican parly,
and in that respect Mr. MoKown’s argument
is faulty { but it is still Uio duty of tho Re
publican parly to the ndgro and to itself to
resist tho Democratic policy of fraud and
coercion, which is a negation of tho negro's
right to vote, nnd not in any legitimate sense
a Democratic gain of that vote.
Wo lately predicted that a vast emigration
would result from tho prevailing distress in
England. Tho exodus has commenced in
good earnest. British policy, which has
driven nearly half tho people of Ireland to
foreign lauds, m beginning to freeze out tho
descendants of the Normans, from A country,
too, richer limn any other on earth. The
London Spectator of Feb. 1 gives tho partic
ulars of a noted recent case of emigration
on a largo scale. Tito farm-laborers of Kent
stiuok against a reduction of wages. Tho
farmers, locked them out, believing that tho
pressure of the hard times would force them
to yield. But tho younger men resolved to
emigrate to Now Zealand and introduce iuto
the colony tbo cultivation of Kentish bops.
The result was, tho Government of Now
Zealand assisting them, eight hundred men,
“ tbo pick of tbo countryside, loft Maidstone
for the Antipodes," Upon this tbo Spectator
remarks: “England has, therefore, lost
perhaps half a regiment,—five hundred men,
—every one of whom will, in about two
years, draw out two or throe families, or per*
haps a whole village." And it adds;
*' Tho omicratlon is good for tho world, and per*
haps even for Knstnnd, or rather for the people
who live in it, who uro hotter os wall os happier at
the Antipodes than living hero on wnges which
nro not antllclcnl to allow of civilized life; but it Is
impossible not to regret such losses, whichadlf*
* remit tenure of tho soli would, ns wo believe,
prevent. Tho men, according to on eyo*wlincsa,
who writes In tho JJaUy News, all plead tho ah*
scnco of any prospect of ‘ gutting on. *”.
Laborers forced to lleo to tho Antipodes
because in tho richest country on tho globo
“ wages aro not RufDclont to allow of civil*
izod Hfo "1 And this when tbo cause is
known and admitted to bo tho law of primo*
gonituro, Tho origin of this law, upon
which tho aristocracy of England is formed,
is thim satirically alluded to by Emerson in
his admirable work on “ English Traits":
“ Tho Norwegian pirato got what ho could,
and held it for his eldest son. Tho Normnu
noble, who was tho Norwegian pirate bap*
tized, did likewise." In tho same work Em
erson shows, in his tivso, quaint stylo, the
magnitude of some of these English estates,
and tho growth of thorn undor tho existing
law of tenure. Ho says: “From Barnard
Onstio I rodo on tho highway twonty
threo miles from High Force, n fall
of tho Tees, towards Darlington,
past Baby Castle, through (ho cstnto of tho
Dnko of Cleveland. Tho Marquis of Bread?
aluane rides out of his house a hundred
miles in a straight lino to tbo son, on his own
properly.” “ Tho possessions of tho Earl of
Lonsdale gave him eight scats in Parliament.
This is tho Hoptoroby again; and before tho
reform of 1832* one hundred and fifty-four
persons sent three hundred and seven mom*
bors to Parliament."
Tho reform measure of 1832 was, however,
wrung from tho nobility. Resistance to the
pressure for it on tho part of (ho people
forced tho retirement" from office of Lord
Wellington, tho most popular Englishman
of modern limes. Equal resistance was
offered by tho Lords to tho measure of like
character for extending tho suffrage pro.
posed by tho Liberals in 18C0, and Earl Hub
jell, tholr leadtr, then .Prime Minister, was
driven from power on account cf its failure.
Tho passage of o more comprehensive meas
ure of Ilko import to that proposed by Earl
Russell In 1808 was a masterstroke of pol.
ioy on tho part of Disiueli. With no drop
of English blood in bis voles, ho know tho
British people better than any other man in
England. Ho appreciated tbo force of tho
demand for an enlargement of tho suffrage,
and, with a power of leadership unparalleled
iu tho history of politics, ho forced his fol
lowers, tho Tory party, to grant what they
hnd so lately refused.
Put, while tho people may bo said to have
captured tho political citadel of tho British
aristocracy by the groat parliamentary re
form measures of 1832 and 18(58, they have
made no advance toward tho overthrow of
its main support,—tho law of primogeni
ture. Wo quote again from Emeukon :
“These large domains arogrowlnir larger. The
great estates are absorbing the amah freeholds. In
1780 the soli of England was owned by 200,000
corporations and proprietor*, and in 1822 by
32,000. These broad estates Dad room in this
narrow Island. All over England, scattered at
snort intervals among ship-yards, mills, mines,
and forges, ore the paradises nf tho nobles, where
tho livelong repose and refinement are (tightened
by the contrast with the roar of industry and ne
cessity, out of wnloh you have stepped aside."
Wo cannot refrain from quoting a para
graph further from the work of this keen
observer. lie soys:
“I was surprised to observe tho very small at
tendance usually in the House of Lords. Out of
fi73 Peers on ordinary days, only twenty or thirl j.
Where are they t tasked. * Athomoou tholr es
tates, devoured by ennui, nr in the Alps, or up the
Rhine, in tho Harz Mountains, or in Egypt, or in
Indta, on the Ghauts.’ Rut, with such interests
at stake, how can these men afford to neglect
thenif ‘O,’ replied my friend, ’why should they
work for themselves, when every man In England
works for them, and will sutler before they come
to barmt’"
It may be sot down as an oxiom that (ho
land-owners of a country will govern it. The
ownership of ovor so small a bit of soil stim
ulates a fooling of conscious power, and be
got* prido ami solf-oisoriiou. What incal
culable influence, then, must the 20,000
laud-ownora of Great Britain wiold ovor tho
landless millions of their compatriots! Tho
sacred character of tho personal liberty of
tho British subject has been muon and justly
vauutod. ‘'The house of tho subject is his
castle, 1 * says tho eulogist of tho Bullish sys
tem of Oovorumout. Truo; hut while tho
poorest tenement of tho most wrotched farm
laborer, rented from my Lord So-and-so,
who rides a hundred miles through h!u
domains to tho sea, may bo securely guarded
by (he letter of tho law, it must prove a sorry
protection as against tho machinations of a
tyrannous proprietor of hundreds of thou
sands of acres. There Is a shocking incon
gruity between tho legal term “ castle," os
applied to tho English laborer’s hovel and
the wretched condition of its occupant, com
pelled to subsist on “wages insufficient to
allow of civilized life." . It is the horror of
this situation that drove the eight hundred
young men of J£eutA-“lhe pick of the
countryside -to the Antipodes. It is to a
union of peace-loving and adventurous quail-
lies In tho character of (ho British people
tlmt England may attribute her salvation
from n bloody revolution. Tho young
Englishman who realize* that every road to
“ getting on " In barred to him, that the dream
of securing a “ stake" in (ho country in a vain
delusion, works his fingers “ to the bone " to
earn the pittance that will enable him
to fly from his native land. What a humili
ating reflection to the governing class of
England, and what a commentary on tho
system by which they govern! Tho British
Government has actually boon saved from a
terrible explosion of wroth on tho part of
her outraged people by her colonial system,
—a system which it alone among the no-
ions hns been able to utilize as a vent for
thoso classes of Us people wbo are too con
servative to rebel but too proud to submit to
practical serfdom. To Ibis characteristic
tho aristocracy of Great Britain owe the
continued existence of the law of primo
To sustain this view, wo have only to
glance at the history of France. There was
no “ vent” for the French people. All at
tempts to colonize thorn fulled. They would
live and die not only on French soil, but on
tho soil of tho mother country. Honco, if
they would be themselves must
strike the blow, and hence the series
of bloody revolutions which ended -In
tho existing Bopublio. Michelet, writing
in 1837, thus graphically characterizes tho
product of a hundred years of French
history: “Between tho reigns of Louts
tho Groat and Napoleon the Groat, Franco
slid down a rapid incline, ot tho foot of
which tho ancient monarchy, striking on
thi people, was dashed to pieces, and gave
place to the principles on which the existing
political system ofEuropo is based.”
Tho clifforonca between (ho Frenchman
and tho Englishman may bo summed up in a
few words: Whou tho Frenchman is op
pressed ho denounces his oppressor and
fights him regardless of odds, in tho name of
Franco. When the Englishman is outraged,
ho carefully counts tho personal cost, and, if
ho finds tho odds against him, ho quietly
emigrates to Australia, Now Zealand, or tho
United States. Heuco tho law of entail is
still on tho statute-books of England, and
tho people of England are bidding a sod
adieu to her shores.
Oar Sprin gflold report yesterday of legis
lative proceedings stated that Mr. Mat
thews, of tho House, had introduced a bill
providing for a division of labor between
tho Appellate Courts and tho Supremo Court:
“Thin bill provides that In all cases where tho
controversy Involves the sum of J 2, GOO or lets, tho
decision of tho Appellate Court shall bo Anal, and
all eases Involving sums of moro than 53,600 shall
go to tho Supremo Court directly. The bill also
provides that all criminal eases and all cases In
volving the validity of statutes, franchises, and
freeholds shall also go to (ho Supreme Court. This
measure allows the litigant to know In tho begin
ing where ho Js coming out. Tbo author of this
measure thinks it will relievo the Supreme Court,
and be moro satisfactory to litigants."
It is too much to hope for tho enactment
of so useful a bill by a legislative body
crammed with lawyers. There Is too nmoh
law and uot enough Admixture of justice in
tbo composition of tho two Houses (0 per
mit tho enactment of any bill for the benefit
of litigants and reduction of costs and expe
dition of lawsuits.
Wo have not seen tho text of tho bill, but
tbo purpose of its provisions is exactly
right. Thoro is no eouso or reason in tho
world for allowing appeals from tho Appel
late Court on suits involving small sums of
money. That Court is just as well qualified
and competent to do justice on a $2,500 ouso
os tho Supreme Court. Why should an
assumpsit case bo appealed to that
Court and tried if its decision is
not binding and its dccroJ'finolP Can any
legislative lawyer give a valid reason for sec
ond appeals other than a desire on tho part
of tho fraternity to make moro feos and
costs, and delays In obtaining justice ? Is
thoro any otbor motive ezeopt tbo desiro to
bo paid three fees for trying one caso? A
suit involving a fraction over SI,OOO is first
tried before a jury in the Circuit Court. All
that can be said pro und con in tho case is
then submitted. The beaten party is not
satisfied with tbo verdict of SI,OQI, and
takes his appeal to the Court above, consist
ing of threo able Judges, learned in tbo law,
sitting as a Court of Appeals. They exam
ino tho wholo caso and dooide it,
sustaining or reversing and remanding.
Eat if they sustain tbo judgment of tho tow
er Court tho ease, under tho present defeat
ivo law, can bo tnkou from tho Appellate
Court and carried up to tho Supremo Court,
and there lio in soak for a few years, anil
thou bo trlod, with' nob ono-quarter tho core
and examination bestowed upon it by the
Appolloto Court.
What is tbo uso of this second appeal ? It
has not promoted tho ends of justice or right,
and it was not designed to ; bat it has en
abled tho attorneys to charge more foes and
load tho suit with burdensome costs, delay
justice, and inflict harm all round. Mr,
Matthews' bill proposes to remedy this
“ malicious mischief" by providing that
whoro tho sum involved is $2,G00 or loss, in
stead of SI,OOO, os at present, the judgment
of tho Court of Appeals shall be Anal. This
Is 0 most excellent provision. Tho sum
named is little enough. It could
be increased to $5,000 with porfoat safety,
but tho ndvonco from tbo present small
amount of SI,OOO to $3,600 is a valuable im
provement, and will savfl the overburdened
Supremo Court from being postered with a
lot of small suits which have no business to
bo brougbt before them to consume time
and impede and hinder tbo consideration of
important matters. Tbo bill very properly
provides that all suits in which (ho amounts
involved are too large for tho Anal deter
mination of that Court shall go directly to
the Supremo Court, and not be slopped on
the way (hither to bo tried in a Ooart whloh
cannot decide them. The third provision,
which forbids tho appeal of criminal oases to
tho Appellate Court, Is highly necessity to
tho ends of crlmlnsl justice. . Under tbo
Constitution that Court cannot finally deter
mine any criminal proceeding,—only the Su
premo Court can do that. Why, then, allow
such cases to bo taken to tho Appellate
Court? The only effect roust bo to delay
pud defeat justice oud work mischief.
Matthews' bill should bo enacted into a
law, but will it bo? Are there not too many
“ trades-union " lawyers in the General As
sembly who disregard tbo public good to
permit its postage? Are thoro not too many
members intent on promoting litigation,
multiplying lawsuits, Increasing the delaya
and uncertainties of tbo law, adding to fees
and costs, eating up the substance of the
suitors, and rendering the criminal laws
practically inoperative ? The fete of Mat
, thews’ bill will be the best answer to these
There are sume member* of the Cltr Council
who evidently hire an idea that money |* laying
around loose In Chicago, and that the Uxpay-
ers cannot find ways to spend it
conserjuonlly come to lliclr rescue with
Hons to construct eight now viaduct* rnf
lo cost *241,071, which In rc.lltv, l( bum
cost many thousands more, and oro ~'.,0 , d
Volvocloso upon holla million dollar. ¥,
generous dlsbutsora o( ollirr ncunl.i'.J"'"
seem lo hnvc no Men that lids mnn,,"™' 1
come out ol tho pockets o( tho inapa".}, 1 ’ 1 " 1 !
t int this aflllclo.l portion ot tho coinn,uni, ".,
nlrcndy stn K dcrln K under the load, whh “i™,
been Imposed upon It. It I, , u '
city needs at preaenl one or tiro mere vim,,
hut none should bo constructed that am no
solutely necessary. Thorn seems lobes, ‘i
cncy on tho part ot members nl tl l 0 r";™! ’
especially those who pay no laws and J
sent lax-catlng constituents, to bawl for hr*
ftoproonatlons and opportunities to run tSi
band* into taxpayers’ pockets. When a* ..
all rich, and speculation rage* . r J
taxes arc of no account, it will be time’to »T
about unlimited viaducts. At such a t imtt T
taxpayers will make no objection to viaduct
every street lo thccllv that | B crossed bvalln*
road. • Meanwhile, it is in order lor members ,5
the Council to let up on tnls wholesale D w
derlup, and to bear In mind thatthoic whosS
caught now with their hands In taxpayers’ oak
cts will bo summarily dealt wlm ai the D m
election. The legitimate burdens of the city >m
hard enough to bear without having to imul
the additional risk of wholesale robbery. Thl
foot-pads who “hold you up ’’ on the streets . r .
hardly moro infamous in their action thaoth#
tax-cating plunderers who Infest the Clly-Hall
The Washington Pml records a case of i chili
without a particle of brain. The cmid appeared
well and healthy, and during its brief exigence
of 14 days It cried, fed, slept, and smiled, ss » CT
other child at tlmt age. At the end of tpj
weeks It died of convulsions, ami a
examination was had. On dissecting the head
It was found that all the nerves were perfect and
Jed to tho top of tho snlne, where a knoWike
projection received them. The olfactory or
nerve of smell, was found In Its place, the optic
ami motor ocull, or eyc-movers. the pathetic
trl-faclal, abducent, facials, auditory, and eloisol
pharyngeal) or tonauo and throat-movers, were
nil found coming from the proper places lt> the
skull and leading to the medulla oblomrate, or
oblong marrow, which joins tho brain to the
spinal marrow. The explanation given by the
physicians of tho strange anomaly of life with
out brain Is that the onoumogastrlc nerve and
other Important nerves being well developed
and Inlatt, kept up a sort of automatic or in.
stluctlve existence, independent of all Jntelit
ircnt life. It might bo asked, what use bis %
baby for brains, anyhow!
Tito recent failure of Appleton, Notes A
Co., tho firm employing the largest capital to
the wholesale shoe-trade of St. Louis, is hariblv
spoken of by the Shoe and leather Jlfport/r.
The statement of tho affairs of tho bankrupt
concern Is described os "altogether one of tbo
most shocking revelations In the annals of bank
ruptcy. These people must hovo been burin;'
goods tu largo quantities for a long time trim
the perfect consciousness that they were hope
lessly bankrunt, ami that every purchase they
made was a virtual oct of dishonesty." Arm
ton, Notes & Co. probably sola three Unu
more goods annually than any other bouse In
the samo line of trade In 81. Louis, ami until
within a few years thetr sales exceeded those of
any boot and shoo establishment lu Chicago.
They were long, Indeed, the oniylirm InSl. Louts
that could stand a comparison with Cbkazi
rivals as to sales, credit, or solvency. Nov
there Is no firm of that kind in tit. Louis. (0 iny
branch of trade.
A now party Is in progress of organization In
Canada which will rojotco In tho appellation uf
“ Bcaverbacks.” With a capacity fur dumpbool
cry which Is both enormous and astounding,
considering tho warnings afforded by our own
recent experiences, tho leaders of the new piny
will build their platform upon tho basis of no
unlimited supply of paper money of die flit
order. The now* birth, In fact, Is newer to our
own defunct rag-baby. They have taken up the
infatuation wheru wo loft off, and are nowunr
to rush Into the sumo insane delusion Iron
which wo have happily escaped. As it an bars
no effect upon this country, wu have no reason
to complain, and can watch with compliccccr
the headlong rush into disordered (Idiom,
weakened credit, and paralyzed business wbkh
will ensue if tho Bcnverbacltcrs succeed la carry
ing out their platform.
The L codon Athenaeum for Fen. 1 lias a lauda
tory nottco of Mr. Uobt Haste, whom It de
scribes oa “atruo artist'’ and “an cihilirat-
IngTiumorlst." Mr. Harts Is nil mis. but bs
la something more, which our English cuusiot
are likely to llnd out before long to Uielr cost.
Pecuniarily tmd personally bo Is Irresponsible-
Ho sells and docs not deliver, or delivers whit
be bas sold to one person to more than one-
Thla may bo only another maniicßtatlon ol til*
“exhilarating humor,” but it Is due to da
character of American literary men penenuf
that the English people should not bo liken by
surprise in this matter.
. Tub TntnujiE complains that there la s d«lil*r*
ate effort In bpcinptleld to bliickuiail ibcgsiMß
panics, horse-railways, palace-cnr corpora low.
ete. Mayhap .Mr. Munitt,. who, we believe.now
of thu heavy Btockhonlera of ms \S ea^,A T vih
Hallway Company, am enlighten as on lul* n 8
Jccl.— Jieenlna Aftrt, u
Even If this allegation were true, H wow
afford no Justification for legislative bUcKoni*
log; Vut, In polutof fact, It la untrue, as the
party in question has not owned a dollar c llK|
of stock or bonds In the West Division nalltif
Company, or any other railway, for years, oo
In any palace-car or gas company, nor In Mjr »•
alitutloo which certain members of the 1A
lature are trying to blackmail.
Jonn Roaou will get hls subsidy. If be t
It, through Uto same kind of Influences that P“
cd the salary-grab. Members now m tenp«
who haye not been re-elected will vote for J> »
and will do so probably for money. ,
who have been re-elected, and think th®|*
will forget all about this In alxyeara, wUI do »
some tiling. Every man who votes fo
grab corruptly ought to be puoUiictl u v
aalary-grabbera, with very few exception ,
been punished.
Great things were hoped for by the b*
0 ulnea colcNproipcctors, who Marled
mouth# ago to explore the Interior of
late mid little known (bland; but they® <'
turned to Uie cotst utterly brokend
discouraged. Trace, of gold were found. W
nothing sulllclent to Justify '; orU ‘ u^ v °^ erc oa
root the oullef that It can bo found auyatierc
the Island In paying quantities.
nimpETTB writes to llio »« B« l
the Union, onulde of hew Knelsuj, ' ,o ‘ dJe j, pm
history as Kansas. He mjvW i «■ .
that the least said about it the btUtr i
£hi»ci««afi i!nqu>rtr. ..,i„uin-»tlul
Democrat#will nevercet over »»«*''•
the history of Kansas Is dUcrcUltuble
dtatei but there are .nine (*»» <' “
North who romeinber Kansas gratt
•‘The Elbow# of the Mincio’’
write article# In the New iorh ca( jerl*
day. They certainly compoicd an ahh i
a law iaaue u( that paper, " ,u ™ cer
Tai.uaoß and ended with an LI l !r f L Hi-
Qdeneu In the llnauelal purpnie.
According to the Brigadiers, l * ,c th h
thau the sum of all lu l )4rts, T. (0 r fffuW 4
smaller, less trustworthy. lc« »
Its own affairs, less competent
owo electro*. than any dtatu ><■
■ ~ , (J 1)0*1
It Mr. Dlackduu* wontA to *»“ * «*
mind saylug U»t the OU “° u “ .„j cr ord**
presided orerby “one who w loJJ r idcf
to decide" that lUo lutamouj <-‘ L
come uador the rule*.
The Brigadiers thluk State right* * r( ®
orlaol tbsu Nations] wroutf*.
The propwl locteuo ot U«
meet ibo dettcleuvj caused ibr 0,8

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