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Chicago daily tribune. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1872-1963, April 04, 1879, Image 4

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FRIDAY, APRIL 4, 1879.
Tho crop reports which we print this
morning, forwarded from various points In
tho Northwest, represent in tho main a most
. flattering prospect for winter and spring
’ wheat. Dry weather has to some extent de
layed tho sowing of spring grain, but there
is plenty of time yet, and what with tho
. large increase in acreage over last year, tho
look ahead is most encouraging.
Now Orleans is moving early this year to
guard against a recurrence of tho yellow
fever scourge. Her citizens may not bo
seriously alarmed, but if they ace wise they
will get scared just enough to adopt tho
most rigid preventive measures. Tho mer
chants and business men propose to co
operate with tho municipal and health
authorities in tho effort to ward off tho re
turn of the pestilence, and have organized
what is known as tho Auxiliary Sanitary
Tho perpetration of frauds on the revenue
items somehow to run in tho blood of the
Tilden family. The example sot by the
Reformer Samued J. in evading tho pay
ment of his income tax seems to
havo encouraged his brother in the
drug-mannfacturiug business to undertake
n similar achievement in reference to tho
stamp tax, judging from some developments
which led to tho seizure yesterday by tho
Internal-Revenue Collector of a quantity of
unstamped goods from tho Tilden manu
An interesting cose of Alleged poisoning
lias been added to tbe list of murder-trials
now awaiting disposition in tbe Cook County
Criminal Court, tbo Coroner’s jury having
ordered the commitment without bail
of the surviving members of two con
nubial partnerships dissolved by death.
Dr. Mnrcn and Mrs. Geldekmah ore jointly
charged with the murder of tbo wife of tbo
former and the husband of the latter, the
analysis of the stomachs of tho deceased
having resulted In detecting tbo presence of
poisons in kind and quantity sufficient to
cause death. /
Tbe . County Commissioners have con
cluded to disregard tbo opinion of tho Illi
nois Attorney-General, and havo voted
themselves a compensation of $5 per day,
or jnst doable the amount which that officer
thinks they arc entitled to. It is pos
sible for the Commissioners to so
attend to tbo interests of the
taxpayers that the latter will not begrudge
them $5 per day, and if they earn tho
money they need have no fear of being
called on to disgorge. Their work ',well done
is worth what they havo voted themselves;
badly done, tbo people could better afford to
poy them big wages to do nothing.
After eighty-five days of existence in
alleged continuous session, tko old of a pow
orful telescope would bo required to discern
at Springfield any prospect of adjournment
with anything more than a small fraction of
the business of the sessym transacted. Some
hundreds of bills will die an obsouro death,
which is no loss, for they ought never to have
been projected into being j but thoro will
necessarily bo neglected many matters
which the people strongly desire should re
ceive attention, and there will bo no need of
bad and careless legislation resulting from
the burry and confusion of closing days and
hours of nn unprofitable session. The peo
ple of Illinois aro getting their minds pre
pared for a fixed limitation by constitutional
amendment of the power of tho Legislature
to meet and do nothing.
Once moro Joun P. Fuaiu has been re
% prievod, this time for six days. His execu
tion for the murder of Mrs. Frieze la 1874,
was first set for April 0, 1877, ond a
reprieve of four weeks was granted, and
subsequently extended to two years.
■' This expired to-day, and It was
>' confidently expected that the sentence of the
law would ho executed, but the Governor of
| Yernont lost evening yielded to the urgent
entreaties of those who honestly believe that
i another trial would clear up tho
mystery attaching to the crime and acquit
pHita of all complicity. Uis conviction
was upon circumstantial evidence solely, aud
the efforts of his friends to reopen the cose
have been put forth with a persistent earnest
new bom of the confident belief that the
life of an innocent man was at stake. Just
what benefit they will derive from the six
days’ reprieve is not now apparent, bnt it is
to bo presumed that interesting develop*
rnonla will bo mads boforo this; lost lease of
life terminates.
Tbo dobato on the Army bill is drawing to
a oloso. Tbo prominent speeches on tbo
Domoorktio sido yesterday wore mode by
Knott and Blackburn, of Kentucky, which
State daring the Into Rebellion was in,
and yot was practically oat of the
Union, so far as sympathy went.
Knott’s effort hardly oamo np to
that in which ho earned tho lasting good
will of tho donizous of Dalath. It was, in
fact, a tamo affair os compared with other
speeches which prooodod it. It remained for
Blackburn, of tho ssmo State, to mount
upon Blowings of fiery eloquence, and, rep
resenting the eonso which was once sup
posed to be lost, but which is now
struggling for resurrection, boosted of the
victories already gained over tho North, and
dilated still more strongly upon the hoped
for conquests which tho Brigadiers look for
ward to when they shall have possession of
the entire Oopitol as they have now of the
halls of Congress. One of the most nota
ble speeches of the day was that
of Representative Houk, of Tennessee,
almost the only Republican Repre
sentative from the South, whoso
arguments attracted general attention from
tbolr fearlessness of. tone and tbo many
tblling'points made against the Bourbon
Democracy. His reference t o tho bloody
shirt, which tbo sensitive Southern poli
tician has so longed to have banished and
buried, wos peculiarly happy, and may bo
briefly stated in tho simple question, the
aptness of which will not bo denied i “ Who
shod tho gore that stained tho historical
: UdH!
In anticipation of President Hates’ prob
able veto of the Hemocrallo measures for
abolishing all tho Notional safeguards against
corruption and violence at National elections,
the Democrats are contending that tho veto
power of tho Chief Executive should bo
limited to a disapproval on constitutional
grounds. “ The President, under the Con*
stilution,” they soy, “ has no participation
in legislation, and the veto was not given
him for such a purpose." This is merely or
deceptive and demagogical way of saying
that constitutional objections atone ore valid
reasons for tho exercise of tho'voto power.
There is no warrant for this position,
whether in the letter of tho Constitution,
tho authorities upon its moaning and con
struction, or the precedents furnished by
tho exorcise of tho veto power. It is true
that constitutional objection to any measure
passed by Congress is the iat possible ob
jection which the President can urge in sup
port of ovoto; for, if ho bo correct in his
construction of the Constitution and tho
proposed law, tho law itself, even if sano
tioned by him, would'not bo sustained by
tho Courts, in wham tho final jurisdiction of*
constitutional questions is lodged. Bat it is
folly to contend, because a constitutional
objection is tho best, no other is valid.
The language of tho Constitution defining
the veto power is so clear that it affords no
opportunity for diversified constructions.
“ Every bill," it says (and a subsequent sec
tion includes under tho same provision
“ every order, resolution, or vote to which
the concurrence of tho Senate and Honso of
Representatives may bo necessary, except on
a question qf adjournment "), “ which shall
have passed 1 tho House of Representatives
and tho Senate shall, before it become a law,
be presented to the President of the United
States ; if he opprove ho shall sign it, but if
not,,ho shall return it with bis objections to
that Houso in which it shall have originated,
who «holl enter tho objections at largo on
their journal and proceed to reconsider it;
if, after suoh consideration, two-thirds of
that House shall agree to pass the bill, it
shall bo sent, together with the objections,
to tho other Houso, by which it shall like
wise he reconsidered, and, if approved by
two-thirds of that Honso, it shall bocomo a
law.” This definition of tho veto power
certainly does not restrict its exercise to
constitutional grounds, nor docs it warrant
by its terms any construction of that power
which would contract or limit it in any
manner. If tho framers cf the Constitution
had Intended that there Should bo a limita
tion of this or any other kind, they would
havo so expressed themselves, for they de
parted from tho English model of an abso
lute veto by qualifying tbo prerogative to
tho extent that tho legislation could be
passed over tbe voto by a two-thirds majority
of both Houses of Congress. If any further
modification or quoliflcotion of tbo power
bad boon contemplated, they would have
given clear expression to it In tbo language
of tbe Constitution.
Tho Federalist sustains tho litoral eon
strnction and approves of tho broadest ex
orcise of tbo right of veto os a necessary
moans for tbo defense of the Executive
against the encroachments of tho Legis
lature, and ns a salutary provision for tho
general good. Energy in tho Executive is
especially commended ns essential "to tho
security of liberty against the enterprises and
assaults of ambition, of faction, and of
anarchy.” “Servile pliauoyof tho Executive
to a prevailing current, cither in tho com
munity or in the Legislature," was expressly
oondemnedby Madison and Hamilton, “To
what purpose,” they ask in tho same paper,
“ separate tho Executive or the Judiciary
from tho Legislative, If both the Executive
end tho Judiciary are so constituted as to bo
at tho absolute devotion of tho Legislature ? ”
They dwell upon “ tho tendency of the Leg
islative authority to absorb overy other,”
especially in republican Governments, and
sustain tho euergotlo use of tho veto power
as tho surest protection against such en
croachment, In point of foot, tho Federalist
places this power first and foremost in tho
list of cssontiahr for preserving the Inde
pendence of the various branches of the
Government contemplated by tho Constitu
tion, Without quoting from its elaborate
defense of the veto power in general, some
sentences may bo cited with special ref
erence to the latitude of its use. The fol
lowing are extracts from paper No. 72, pub
lished March 21, 1738 1
It [the veto power] establishes a salutary check
upon the Legislative body calculated to guard tUe
community against the effects of faction, of pre
cipitancy, or o f any Impulse unfriendly to the
public good, which may happen to lotlucnce a tna-
Jorttyuf that body.
“The primary Inducement to conferring the
power in queation upon the Executive ie to enable
him to defend blroaelf; the aecondary one la to In
crease the chancee In favor of the community
aqaintt the passing of bad tawi through Aas/s,
inadurtenet, or dttiyn,"
‘•The Injury which may possibly M done by de
feating a few good lawa will be amply compensat
ed by the advantage of preventing a number of bad
♦•Nor le it probable that be [the President]
would ultimately venture to exert hte prerogatives
but In a case ofmanifut propriety or gnat neces
♦• U is evident that there would be greater dan-
per of his not tiring hi* power when ncccuftrj than
of bis using U too often or too much."
'•ln the cat* for which It is chiefly designed,
that of an immediate attack upon the constitutional
rights of the Executive, or (n a cate in irAlefi tht
public good tea* evidently ond patpnblv tacriftcfd,
—a man of tolerable firmness would avail himself
of his constitutional means of defense, and would
listen to tbo admonitions of duty and responsl*
' "Uletobe hoped that It will not often happen
that improper vlcwa will govern ao large a propor
tion as two-thirds of both branches of the Legisla
ture at the same time, and this, too. In eplte-of
tho counterpoising weight of tho Executive. 11
No intelligent and impartial person can
road tho above extracts without-anoming to
tho conclusion that tho Federalist writers re
garded the veto os tho highest prerogative of
the Exooollvo, to bo employed without re
striction either to protect his own independ
ence or for the public good as ho might view
it. In the present Issue tho Democrats
threaten the independence of the Executive
by attaching their obnoxious measures to the'
appropriation bills, and warning tho Presi
dent that they will starve out tbo Govern
ment unless ho shall submit to their dicta-
lion, and they also menace tho public good
and republican form of government by their
efforts to repeal tho only existing National
laws for tho protection of tho National elec
tions. Whether in tho light of the language
of the Constitution, or of the construction
thereof by the chief contemporaneous au
thorities, tho President must conceive it to
bo his duty to veto their measures, ond it is
utter folly for tbo Democrats to contend,
oven for partisan purposes, that the preroga
tive known as tho Toto power Is so restricted
that it does not roach tho case in band.
Moreover, there aro numerous precedents
for tho exorciso of tho voto power without
urging insuperable constitutional objections.
President Buchanan, in his timo, vetoed the
Homestead bill, and was sustained in that
remarkable position by nearly every Senator
and Representative in tho South. Certainly
there was no constitutional objection to that
bill; .indeed there was not oven a valid ob
jection on tho scoro of policy, or tbo public
good, for a similar measure was subsequent
ly passed by olmost tbo unanimous voto of
Congress. Mr. Johnson, whilo acting as
President, vetoed tho Civil Rights and Prood
mon’a Bnreau bills, though thoro was noth-
ing unconstitutional in cither; in regard to
tho latter, scarcely a constitutional objection
could be invented. President Grant vetoed
a bill of Congress on tho ground chat it was
calculated to promote inflation of tho cur
rency. President Hates vetoed tho Silver
bill, though it merely restored the standard
dollar as it was in tho days when tho Consti
tution was adopted, and os it continued to bo
during the succeeding seventy-five years.
As a matter of fact, there is no principle of
American Government moro clearly cstab
lished than that tho veto power is a personal
prerogative of tho Chief Executive, to bo
exorcised ot his discretion, and subject only
to subsequent negation by a two-thirds vote
'ln both Houses of Congress.
The Mississippi Valley States, particularly
Louisiana, arc in a decided flurry over tho
negro exodus. So long ns the flight was con
fined to ono little hand, who woro supposed
to havobcon the dupes of Northern emigra
tion companies, tho people gave littlo heed
to it, bnt ns squad after' squad, with “ their
sisters, ond their cousins, and their aunts,"
forsake tho plantations one} rush to the river
with their faces Kansoswards, tho bulldozers
begin to shqw symptoms of ‘positive alarm.
Tho Now Orleans 1 imes may bo taken ns a
fair representative of tho trepidation and un
certainty which havo seized tho whites as
they view this exodus of tho laboring classes
which they are powerless to stop. In n re
cent Issue that paper sounded a solemn
alarm. It warned tho people that tho stam
pede was an established fact, that nothing
hut tho most determined efforts would slop
tho depopulation of tho upper country, and
that tho colored churches of St. Louis oro
aided in tho work of forwarding tho negroes
to Kansas by tho Anti-Slavery Society of
New York, which is regularly sending money
and supplies to bo distributed among tho
negroes as fast as they arrive. In Us alarm,
tho Tima said:
* ‘ Tho trouble will not bo confined to ono or two
plantations, bat threatens to affect the’whole Stale,
end the sugar region mast suffer when tho cotton
region is overgrown with cottonwood trees and
weeus. Not a week ago came an extensive planter
to this city to arrange for advance on his coming
crop. lie made satisfactory arrangements and was
on the point of returning home when there arrived
a telegram telling him bis hands bad loft. In con
sequence, hla arrangements baa to bo canceled,
and he is a ruined man."
The remedy which it proposed was a very
indefinite one, namely, that those who hod
interests at stake should go into tho parishes
and do all they could to persuade them to
stay, "for It is conceded by tho wise that
tbo negroes are tho best field-workers in ox-
Istenoo, and that this State will go to tbo
dogs without them. This is the tronble, al
though it does hurt tho pride of tho average
country politician to admit it,” This Is un
doubtedly tbe truth, and tho Timet would
have done well if it bad stuck to itj but tho
latest number of that paper to come to band,
lout Sunday's issue, makes a complete flop
over, after finding that Its proposed remedies
have no offset. It still recognizes the fact
that tbo negroes continue to leave
In largo numbers from both sides
of tbe Mississippi, and that even
as far off as Caddo and Natchitoches tho
murmurs of tho Kansas departure aro be
ginning to bo heard, but, like tho old and
irreverent gentleman who saw Noah's ark
going by and refused to oomo on board be
cause it wasn't going to bo much of a shower,
11 It is not altogether clear to our mind that
Louisiana will incur any great injury, though
wo shall of course suffer some little tempo
rary inconvenience.” Their going, it thinks,
will work no Injury because It will force the
planters to,got “frugal, peaceable, industri
ous white lobor,” and it closes its somewhat
remarkable flop with tho following still moro
remarkablesoquitur t “People who, at tho
ond of sixteen years of freedom and oppor
tunities for constant employment, find them
selves without a dollar saved or a dollar's
worth of property in their possession, cannot
be very valuable citizens.”
Of cQurso all this Is a bunch of tho eonrost
sort of grapes, but it suggests some reflec
tions. Will the Now Orleans 2'imes infqrm
us how a race that was grouted its freedom
sixteen years ago, and has been denied its
rights of citizenship over since, could mako
any advance ? Will it inform us how tho
negroes who have boon hounded down like
game, who have been shot and hanged, per
secuted aud whipped, driven from their
homos, and subjected to such constant and
infamous ignominies and barbarisms, for
presuming to exercise tho rights of oltUons,
could make any advance ? Will U inform
us how a race that has bean kept down in a
servile condition, that bos been paid starva
tion rotes for its labor, and that has hod its
•little accumulations swallowed up in taxes
and overcharges, could save a dollar or own
| a dollars worth of property ? Wretched os
tbo outlook has been, is it any brighter for
tho negro now that the Booth bos boon
solidified, and tho Democratic parly, which
hates a negro as bitterly as tbo Devil hates
holy water, bos come into power? With
the alternative before him of remaining In
tbo South a slave In everything but uamo,
unable to*support himself or' bis family,
spending a wretched existence, forbidden to
exorcise the rights of a freeman, insecure of
ids very life from day to day unless ho
acknowledges tho whites as his masters, is it
a matter of surprise that he eagerly em
braces tbo opportunity to esoapo from his
ihralldom? Give tho nogro the rights of a
citizen, lot him voto as be wants to vote, pay
him Bring wages, lot him bo educated, give
him a fair chance in the raco of life, and
soo how oagorly bo will eleove to tho
land of his birth, and how muoh more ho
will save in sixteen years from now than tho
Inzy whites around him. Tho Times inti
mates that “wo can got frugal, peaceable,
industrious while labor”; but suppose tho
bulldozers attempt to compel them to vote
tho Democratic ticket, and to keop thorn in a
servile condition, does it suppose that tho
white laborers will prove as tractable as
negroes, or that they will yield without a
struggle ? If so, then It knows very little
about white laborers. At present there Is
nothing in tho South that would tempt a
white laborer to go there; and oven if there
wore, tho Times would find that Northern
white laborers have some ideas of personal
independence and tho right of free speech
and notion that would not consort with tho
intolerance and ruffianism of tho Louisiana
Tho story of tho Ponca Indians, now hold
os prisoners of war at Fort Omohs, ponding
thoir removal sonth, is a pitiable ono. Thoro
may bo grave reasons for removing thorn of
which tho pnblio is not nwaro, bat, whatever
the reasons may bo, tho caso is none tho loss
pitiable, and has already aroused tho deepest
sympathy among tho people of Omaha,
which has taken shapo in a petition to tho
Secretary of tho Interior, headed by tho
Baptist, Methodist,, Presbyterian, and Con
gregational ministers, asking him to rescind
tbo order. Thoro are but a handful of those
ludians. They aro not hostile. They have
committed no crimes. They hovo lived
peaceably upon their forms, have worked
hard, and have supported themselves and
their families. Their Agency was originally
on tho edgo of Dakota, whoro they had good
farms, houses, schools, and a church. They
wero not hostile to tho whites; on tho other
baud, they suffered so much from tho raids
of the Sionx that they went to tho Omaha
Agency. Prior to this they bad been or
dered to tho Indian Territory, and some
of thorn went. Those who remained
and are now. hold prisoners soon became
lonesome, and wont down to tho Territory
to seo their kinsmen. As soon as they had
loft, tho Agent took away all their fanning
implements, and they have never soon' them
since. When they arrived in the Territory
they waro not allowed to leave. They
nearly starved, and had to bog from the
other tribes. They could not stand (ho
warm climate, and sickness broko out among
them In a short time 160 of their number
died, and then in sheer desperation they took
their sick ones and went back to their old
Agouoy, whoro they wero arrested, and Gen.
Onoox was ordered to return them to the
Indian Territory. ;
Tho Omaha Herald of tho 10th Inst, prints
sovcral columns of interviews with their
Chiefs, as well as of Interviews between Oen.
CnooE and Standing Dead, the' head Chief,
and their statements cannot bo road without
a feeling of profound pity for them. They
ore evidently a superior class of Indians in
intelligence and industry. Tho interpreter
informed tho Herald that whon they
wore arrested they had good houses
and forms, and wore working hard and
supporting themselves. “ Every head of a
family had n house. They had a big field,
over a thousand acres, broko up by tho Gov
ernment, They had corn-plows, stirring
plows, threshing-machines, mowing-ma
chines, reapers, a good school-house holding
fifty or sixty children, a church with a Meth
odist preacher (white), aud a saw-mill, grist
mill, and blacksmith shop.” Everything was
token from them by tbo soldiers, and they
wore forcibly removed from their peaceful
homes and prosperous fields under orders to
go to a country whero it has already boon
shown they oannok live, and whore the death
of the whole of thorn —there are bat four
teen men and twelve women and girls—is
but a question of time, and very short time
at that, as sotoo of them are now sick and in
no condition to bo moved. A few extracts
from the simple but thrillingly eloquent np*
goals of those Indians will show the deep
injustice of their taking-off. Ta-ziu-but
(“ Buffalo Chip ") said:
•‘We agreed that wo would raiio cattle, horses,
tigs, and all kinds of stock. We said we would
earn to plow; wo would build houses out of wood;
wo would learn to do like the white people. They
always have good clothes and enough to eat. We
told the men tho Great Father lent to talk teas
that wo wohld do this years ago. Wo have kept
our word. Wo have taught our bands to hold the
plow-handles. Wo built houses. We raised stock.
Now look at us to-day. See those rags. Wo have
no houses, no stock, no grain; wo are prisoners In
this camp, and wo have never committed any'
“Eight days ago I was at work on my farm,
which the Omahaa gave mo. 1 had sowed >ome
spring wheat, and wished to sow some more. I
was living peaceably with ail men. 1 have never
committed any crime, I was arrested and brought
hack as a prisoner. Does your law do that? I
have beau told since tho great War that ail men
were free men, and that no mao can be made a
prisoner unless ho does wrong. 1 have done no
wrong, and yet lam hero a prisoner. Have you a
law for white men, and a different law for those
who ore not whltof
“I cannot understand these things. Ilere I am,
and those who are with mo want to go to work and
raise grain to live on next winter. We don’t want
to live on the Government. We want to eupport
ourselves. Wo commence to plow and sow wheat,
and the Government aonaa the soldiers to take us
prisouers, and make us ilvo on the Government.
We would go right hack to our work and make our
own living if they would only let ue. It would bo
bettor for the Government, better for us. to stand
us out there in aline, bring the soldiers, and toll
them to shoot us all. Then our miseries would be
ended, and the Government would have no more
trouble. It would bo bettor that way."
Standing Bead, tho bead Chief of the
tribe, said:
“My ton who died wu a seed boy; I did every*
thing 1 could to help educate bim, that when 1 wu*
pose be could live like the white men, and teach
tbeeo little once (pointing to some little children).
lam too old to learn to read and write, and with*
outmonoy. They can learn. I want to work on a
farm, have them ito to acbool to loam many thluge
and bu like white children, 1 know bow to plow,
how to plant and corn, to ralae itock. Tho
Omaha* gave me aome land with thirty acroa broke.
1 can ralaetble year enough wheat, potatoes, and
other thlnge to have plenty to eat next winter, but
tho Government won't lot me. My boy who died
down there, as ho was dying, looked up to me and
eaid, ‘lwouldllkevoutotakomy hoQosbtck to the
Omaha Agency and bury them there whore I wae
horn. 1 1 promised him 1 would. 1 could not re*
fuse the dyina request of my boy. ] have attempt*
ed tokoopmy word. Ills bones are la that trank. 1 *
The previous good character of those In
dians, thotr friendliness to tho whites, their
intelligence and their habits ol industry,
tholr desire to educate themselves, jupport
themselves, and conform to the customs of
civilization, ns well ns tho present pitiable
condition of the little handful with their
sick and dying around them, condemned to
a country whore they know they cannot live,
have aroused a widespread sympathy among
tho people of Omaha, and even among tho
army oflloors who are commissioned to re
move them. In bis interview with Standing
Dead, God. Crock himself expressed his
sympathy with tholr pitiable condition, ns
well as his sense of tho disagroeablonoss of
tho order under which ho was compelled to
not. Tho people of Omaha have petitioned
Secretary Sanunz to allow them to remain
upon their farms, and wo ace sure that
no humane person oonld refuse to join them
in such a petition, and to request tho Secre
tary to reconsider his order. No harm can
result from allowing those twenty-six men,
women, and girls to stay whore they can go
to school and to church and support them
selves. Under tho circumstances tholr re
moval is not only an act of unnecessary
harshness, bat of almost criminal cruelty.
The whole country would applaud an order
from Secretary Scnuaz to Gen. Crook to re
turn the little band to tholr homes whore
they have been sotting thousands of lazy
whites a shining example of frugality, thrift,
industry, and respect for law and order.
There are good reasons for believing that
Europe is undergoing a very decided change
of opinion In regard to tho use of silver ns
money, and that tho time is not far distant
when tho money-power of England and Ger
many will bo compelled to concede tho
superiority of tho double standard to an
overwhelming popular demand. Not long
slnco the cable brought Ike uows that tho
Council of tho Liverpool Chamber of Com
merce had adopted a resolution in favor of an
international agreement for tho remonetiza
tion of silver. A few days later Disraeli,
jn a public speech, admitted that the disuse
of silver for monetary purposes outs an
important figure in tho general depression of
business in Germany. And now thoro is
an authoritative announcement that “ Tho
silver question is 'exciting great interest
throughout Lancashire, and tho opinion is
steadily tending in tho direction of bimetal
ism.” It io added that “ The interests
in Loudon opposed to it are so powerful
that it is doubtful whether any prac
tical stops can bo token in that
direction for a long lime to come ’V but this
remark is evidently inspired by those same
money-interests. 'When tho business men,
the manufacturing districts, and the labor
ing classes in England shall unite in agitating
tho remonetization of silver, the money
interests will not bo able to hold out long
against such agitation.
1 Tho mosses of people in Germany and
Groat Britain are governed by palpable foots
and experience, and not by theories sug
gested by selfish interests or political experi
montolists. They know that the business of
Germany is stagnant, notwithstanding polit
ical unity and peace, and that thoro is wido
sprood suffering among tho working classes
of Groat Britain. They experience their
present pains and apprehend greater misfor
tune in tho future. They look at tho uni
versal prosperity of France which followed
upon defeat, and .they reflect that silver has
boon employed continuously os a part of tho
active and equal money of that nation. They
read and hear of the reviving prosperity of tho
.United States, and it occurs to them that sil
ver has boon remonetized in this country.
Post hoc , propter hoc , though utterly falla
cious in itself, controls tho opinions of tho
masses, and they, in tarn, rarely fall whoa
aroused to impress their opinions upon those
who rale over them in those days.
Wo will not deny that tho reasoning we
have described is partly erroneous, but it is
nevertheless calculated to lead to a change
which will ultimately improve tho commer
cial and industrial conditions of both En-
gland and Germany,'and materially help to
rescue the whole business world from the
ora of depression which is now weighing
down upon it The actual remonetization of
silver whore it has boon in disuse as money
is a substantial and beneficial expansion of
the volume of money, and, like the same ox*
passion scoured in part by nominal remone
tization in this country, but mainly by actual
specie resumption, it creates now confidence,
promotes speculation, encourages enterprise,
increases consumption, facilitates exchange,
and in all the usual accessories develops and
assists business. The international double
standard will assnro the preservation of this
increased volume of money, and equalize
the value of Us two components; and the
whole world will partake of the resulting
One of the several questions which are
just now threatening the peace of Franco,
ami on the settlement of which probably de
pends the unity of thfi Republican party, is
the removal of the seat of Government from
Versailles to. Paris. The reason given for
the location there has boon to free the Leg
islature from the coercion of the mobs of a
groat city, Tho Committee of the French
Senate, in arguing for retaining the legisla
tive Capital where It Is, urge the example of
the United States, which they represent to
have been opposed to large cities. They say
in their report that <( The United States have
enjoyed for a century perfect security from
mob interference with Legislatures by plac
ing them at a distance from largo towns. n
This foot hardly sustains the argument or
justifies the citation of the United States as
an example. The truth Is, the political Capi
tals of the United States have been located
principally from geographical reasons, and
not from any desire to avoid the large oillcs,
and in perhaps many coses the political Cap
itals when selected wore in fact larger than
the towns in the same States which have since
grown into commercial centres. When the
Capitol of Illinois was located at Eoskaskla,
Chicago was a more military post, and con
tinued so for many years after. Subsequent
ly, Iho seat of Government was removed to
Yandaho, and again to Springfield, and oven
at the latest of those changes Chicago was on
unincorporated village. On (he contrary,
Boston has always boon the largest city In
Massachusetts and lu Now England, and has
always boon the legislative Capitol of that
State. The State Capitols have generally
boon located at near the centre of the re
spective States as possible, and at such
points os admitted the easiest means
of reaching each from all parts of
the State. The largo cities and
towns have owed their growth to commerce,
while the State Capitals as a general thing
have boon selected because of their locution
in the interior, remote from the linos of
trade. Occasionally thepollllcolaudtho com
mercial Capitals are the some j hut even in
those instances the question of easy accessi
bility bos always determined the selection
of the legislative Capital.
The argument of mob interference has
novor had much Influence in ibis matter.
If there wore ad/ occasion of mob inter*
feronoo with the Legislature, Pbiladalphin in
a few hounoould overwhelm Harrisburg, nnd
Now York Olty could capture Albany as
readily ,ns if the mobs were resident in those
cities. '
The location of the National Capital at
Washington Oily was uofc duo to any particu
lar fear that Congress would ho in danger of
mob interference if it met in o large city.
Tbo question of convenience and of having
the seat of Government in n territory free of
Btato jurisdiction determined that choice.
The SlavoUolding States, which then con
trolled the Government, also wonted the
National Capital located on territory whore
Slavery ootnally existed and was tolerated by
local law. It was for these reasons, and not
because of any fear that Congress might be
overawed by local mobs, that Induced the
location of tbo Nationol Capital at Washing
• The fear of mob interference has not pre
vented the location of National Capitals in
the largo cities of all (bo European Slates,
except in (ho case of France. The British
Government docs not seem to have experi
enced any serious disturbance from the mob
of London, the largest olty in Europe. The
Gorman, Austrian, Russian, Italian, Swedish,
Portuguese, Danish, Belgian, and Turkish
Capitals are all in tbo largest oities of those
nations, and the mdbs seem to bo no more
powerful in those cities than they wonld be
in smaller towns. There may bo something
in tho population of Paris that Is exception
al, and there may bo some force in tho ob
jection to having the legislative Capital re
moved to that city. Indeed, it would seem
that tho extreme wing of the Republicans,
those who affect a sympathy for tho “ Rods,”
are pressing tho transfer to Paris in order
to have tho countenance of tho city popula
tion in forcing tho conservative Republicans
and tbo Government into policies calculated
to plunge Franco again Into disorder end
The Democratic party seems determined
to tost tho powers of this Government in
every oonoiovablo way known inside and
outside of the Constitution. In 1832 they
tested it by organizing a Stale-Rights nulli
fication rebellion in Sonth Carolina. That
abortivo attempt was zhado insido of the
Constitution, and was not at all serious.
That party again tested its powers to the
uttermost by precipitating a frightful oivil
war from 1801 to 1805. That attempt was
carried on pretty much outside of and in do*
Banco of the Constitution. Tho next strain
that came upon tho Republic through tho
ngonoy of the Democracy was when ono of
its representatives and tho flower of its teach*
ing assassinated tlo President of tho United
States at tho most critical period of our
history. Failing to overthrow froo institu
tions by rovplulion oud by red-handed war,
they nro now determined to capture the Gov
ernment by stifling the will of tho majority
at the ballot-box, and to gain by sapping and
mining what they failed to carry by assault.
Those conspicuous crimes of this groat party
have been supplemented by lesser ones, bat
all tending to demoralize the Government,—
such as opposing resumption, discrediting
tho credit of tho Government, and keeping
up the oxcltomont concerning the tenure of
tho. President's office. No sooner is resump
tion a fixed foot in spite of them, and busi
ness begins to revive, than they force upon
tho counter tho agltotion and excitement of
an extra session of Congress in order to con
summate partisan schemes which their leaders
deem essential to their success in tho great
struggle of 1880. They were foiled in *B3,
overwhelmed and utterly defeated in 'GS,
and are destined to come out second best in
tho revolutionary struggle they have now
entered upon. It is not -possible that their
resources in deviltry ore yet exhausted, but
it is presumable that a party so fertile in
expedients have other tests which they are
willing to apply to republican institutions.
It Is seldom that a people aro called upon
to administer a more signal rebuke to an am
bitions and unworthy candidate for office
than that which is contained in the result of
tho Judicial election bold in Wisconsin lost
Tuesday. Associate-Justice Cole, who has
boon upon tho Supremo Bench for eighteen
years, and discharged his arduous duties with
signal fidelity ond ability, was called out
again by a petition that was numerously
signed by tho best men of all parties. Up
to this time there had been a mutual agree
ment between tho two political parties to
keep tho Judiciary of the State free from
partisan squabbles and partisan Influences.
Thus, when Chief-Justice Ryan was a candi
date for re-election, no effort was made by
tbo Republicans to defeat him, although
ho was always a bitter partisan Demo
crat of the Copperhead species, with
oil that tho term implied in tho
dark days of 18G8. So, too, whoa by tho
adoption of a constitutional amendment two
znoro Judges wore added to the Supremo
Bench, the State Central Committees of both
parties agreed to name each a candidate, and
avoid a political contest, which sensible
agreement was carried out at the polls. But
at tho last election the Chairman of tbo Dem
ocratic State Central Committee, Joe Rah
kin by name, took it Into his head, aided by
some Democratic members of the lost Legis
lature, to call out Montgomery M. Ooturen
as a candidate against Judge Cole. Ootu
uen was not only 11 willin','' but disgraced
himself and the party book of him by imme
diately taking the stump and making a vig
orous canvass !u his own behalf. The people
told Mr. Cothhen what they thought of such
a proceeding last Tuesday, when they rele
gated him to private life by a large majority.
The intrinsic meanness of the dirty Olivbr-
Oaubiio* business, tins filthy details of which
have burdened the telegraph wires for some
time, has not been confined altogether to an ox*
posuro of tho misdeeds of tho two parties di
rectly interested in the suit. The developments
of the trial have revealed tho fact that there
bos been another powerful fsetor in the case,
viz. t the lawyers who have been chiefly Instru
mental in urging tho widow ou In her suit of
blackmail against tbe venerable ex*Senator,
with the express agreement that they, are to
share with her in the contingent fee, if there
bo one. In other words, It came to light dur
ing tho progress of the casa that certain mem
bers of tho legal fraternity, or porhops we bad
bettor say “profession," had undertaken to
make Oambqoh pay amart money on the
widow's account, and that, if they had sue
cecded in the way of a compromise, tho public
would never have been regaled with the un
savory details. The old gentleman bled freely
for awhile, as the receipts produced In court well
attest; hut when a mao onco submits to that
kind of a demand, there is no reasonable limit
to tho rapacity of his persecutors, who "size his
pile," and ore never satisfied with anything
short of tho sum total. Probably this will he
considered a legitimate way lor a lawyer to make
money. Acre was a cunning and disreputable
woman, according to her own statement under
oatb, who had succeeded lu getting a wealthy
and distinguished citizen into her tolls, and wby
waa be not a fit subject for the lawyers to pluck I
The widow bad nothing whatever to lose; but
she ami her attorneys had money to gain, and
why snould they not both strive to train 111 u
may be true that pabllcmorallty Is interested In
keeping such scandals outof sight, and prevent
ing such social sores from contaminat
ing the younger portion of the com
munity that Is susceptible of catching
the contagion; but the “ profession ”
la not noted for looking out for the general
good at the expense of its fees, or In aiding to
suppress scandals of the kind referred to, In or
der that morals and manners of other people
may bo benefited. And it mar be that this Is
one of lbs ways that the Lord has of bringing
wicked men to Judgment. Mr. Cambiiok is
quite old enough to know bettor, and why
sbbuld be not bo made to feel the truth of the
old maxim (hat “ The way of the transgressor
Is hard”! It haa boon rather hard, and next to
himself and the disreputable widow, tbo ex
senator haatho lawyers to think for bringing Ik
about. It seems that Mr. RtDDpn, the first at
torney to which Mrs. Ouvcit applied, refused
to have anything to do with her case; and possi
bly the time may come when no respectable
lawyer wilt bo found to undertake such a cause'
oven with the hope of obtaining a largo fee.
The cable dispatches a day or two since an
nounced the death of the famous French artist,
Thomas CooTonc, whose pictures have Attain
ed a world-wide reputation. lie was bora at
Senlls In 1815, pursued his earlier studies under
Gnos, and (laßllybccamo a pupil of Paul Dbi.a
iiocdb. In 1837 be,won a second prize In the
Institute at Rome, and made bis first appear
ance in the Salon in 1940, with a work called
“ The Young Venetian Alter an Orgy,” but his
first triumph in the Salon was not made until
1844, when his two pieces, " Uuo Joconde ” mid
11 Love of Gold,” gained him the third medal.
His success encouraged him to* send a large
work to the Salon In 1847, " The Romans of the
Decadence,” which has boon made familiar to
tbo public by the engravers. Ho was awarded
tbo first medal and was also honored with tbs
Cross of the Legion of Honor. In 1853 ho sent,
two portraits and a fancy head, *' Tho Bohemian
Girl,” and tu the Universal Exposition was rep
resented by u Tho Falconer ” and Ills large
Roman piece. Since that time his notable works
have been “ Voluntary Enrollments," the "lie*
turn of the Troops from tho Crimea," and “Hio
Baptism of tho Prince imperial." Chicago con*
notsscurs were first rondo acquainted with him
by Mr. Hbalt’s admiral copy of tho "Prodigal
Son," which was a familiar figuroln Mr. Uhalt’s
studio, as well as in our earlier art exhibitions
for many years, lie at first belonged to tho
school of Delacroix, but subsequently abjured
all traditions and made a reputation for hlrosclC
by his brilliant and original coloring. In his
death the world of art loses ono of its greatest
workers. Franco has already lost during tho
present year Preault, M. Louis Due, Heniu
Daumier, and Marios Moataque, Id addition
to Couture.
Mr. Joint Welsh is a member of the Pennsyl
vania Legislature, and, as bo says himself, "a
Unionist and an agitator." The other day tho
" Riot bill,” as It is called,—which is to reim
burse the City of Pittsburg and tho County of
Allegheny for losses sustained by mobs two
yfcars ago,—was up lor discussion, and Welsh
delivered a speech. Among other Communistic
expressions bo said that, "while he deprecated
the destruction of property, he would thank
Goo If tho losses had amounted to fifty millions
Instead of five." This is the declaration of &
man who bos been selected by tho Pennsylvania
Communists to make the laws for the protec
tion of life and property, and to legislate for tho
good of tbo people of the Commonwealth.. Mr.
Wblsu is no doubt honest in the expression of
his regret that the Pittsburg mobs of July, *77,
wore not able to destroy ton times as much prop
erty as they did; but bis colleagues may accom
plish more satisfactory results next time If they
pattern after our Chicago Communists and arm
themselves to the teeth so as to ho able to meet
force with force. If Mr. Welsh bad been able
to have left bis scat in tha-Lcgislaturc forw «•
brief period bo would bavo found a greedy
audience for his sort of talk at our Exposition
Building a few evenings since.
Mr. Arhitaoe’s memorial picture oo tho
Chicago Fire now hangs Id tho Public Library.
It Is said tho rogm used for it la too valuable
for tho purpose, and that its want of drapery Is
distressing to a number of women who are com
pelled to look at it occasionally. A proposition
to radio It oft has been entertained favorably py
some of the authorities. In all tho discussion
of tho subject hitherto, it seems to us, scant
courtesy has been shown Mr. Ahmixaob. Ha
Is a Royal Academician, a painter of repute at
borne, and bis pictures command a good price.
Ho undertook this painting os a labor of love,
cave It bla time, which was worth money to him,
and sent it forward as a gift. No sooner was
it received than It was criticised severely in all
the newspapers, and It has since been
sPifted about from ouo place to another, always
changing for the worse, until It is now com
plained of as a .huUancc. If the people of
Chicago don’t approve of tho painting, and
don’t want it, the least they can do U to send It
back to Mr. Ahmitaqb with their compliment#
and thanks.
Mr. T. W. Phillips, who lives at Now Pros
pect, 8* C., U the owner of a SI,OOO bond of tho
Confederate States of America which he has
forwarded to Secretary Siibujiah for safe kcep
keeplng. in his latter Mr. Phillips savs: “I
desire to have my bond hold for redemption at
some future day. 1 believe that a law will ho
passed . . . making them convertible Into
United States bonds. . . . Two-thirds of
tho present Senate and House have been Con
federate bondholders. Such a law. would pro
duce a vast amount of conciliation among South
ern people." Mr. Phillips tells Secretary Bhbr
uab that his object lu filing his bond thus early
Is to entitle him to precedence to time of settle
ment. In other words, Mr. Phillips Is so en
couraged by the outlook at Washington that he
considers it merely a matter of time when Urn
Booth will bo compensated lor all Its loss sus
tained in "the war between tho States," as Mr.
Stephens felicitously expresses It, Including
pay for the article that Gen. Lutliu declared to
be "contraband of war."
Some light may be thrown on tho prominent
part the Interior, of Chicago, has taken la tho
defense of tho talented Talmage by an extract
from the testimony brought out lu the trial
Monday. UeNitr Dickinson, Treasurer of tho
ChrUtlan-at'Work Company, being on the stand,
the followlugqucstlous and answers passed:
Mr. Cuosbt—Did any persons ever come to you
In regard to nurchusloe tho paper! A.—They old,
q.—Ujnvhora were tboveentr A, — A Dr. anar,
of Chicago, came. 1 understand, from l)r. Tal
maub. Ido not know tho fact.
This Dr. Giut, of Chicago, was at the time
and still is tho managing editor
His present relations with Taluaqb seem to
have been of the most intimate description; and
on account of them be has tried to commit such
men as Crnoa H. McCouuics, and Prof. Li
rot J. lliLsar, and the Presbyterian Church of
tha Northwest generally, to tho defense of Tab*
Why " tear agape that healing woand afresh!"
NVny not let Sir. Cowhling and the President,
or the President and Mr* Conklino, settle Uietr
little personal troubles and retire from the pub
lic gaze for a few moments and give tho people
a breathing ipelll It la no sooner alleged Uiut
President Wuits is nominated Minister to Ber
lin as a sop to the New Pork Senatorial whale
than Mr. Wuitb cornea to tho front with the
emphatic denial that Conklibo had anything to
do with his appointment. And so tho war
between Mr. Hatbs and Mr. Comeubo knows
no Wiiitb flag as yet.
The claim of Oiublbs 11. Cbll, appointed
Senator from New Hampshire for the extra ses
sion) is likely to be talked to death. Prom a
partisan point of view, his presence in the Sen
ate during the extra session la not important,
and from a legal point of view, according to all
the precedents, his credentials are dubious. 16
bos been held that a vacancy does not exist
when a term has expired and the Legislature
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