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President's Harrison's Initial Address to the People. A Half Million American People Assemble in Washingtsn to Hear It. Important Questions of the Hour Treated by the Executive. Protection Applied to the Divergent In terests of the Country. The Monroe Doctrine Asserted and Ap' plied to the Panama Canal. Samoa—The Respect this Country Will Exact Prom Other Nations. The Inaugural Address. Washington, March 4.—There is no constitutional or legal requirement that the President shall take the oath of office in the presence of llie people, but there is no manifest inappropriateness in a public in duction to office. The people of every State have here their representatives. Surely I do not misin terpret the spirit of the occasion when I assume that the whole body of the people covenant with me aDd with each other to day to support and defend the constitution and Union of States, to yield a willing obe dience to all laws and to each citizen his equal civil and political rights. Enter ing thus solemnly into a covenant with each other we may reverently invoke the aid and confidently expect the favor and help of almighty God, that he will give to me wisdom, strength and fidelity, and to our people the spirit of fraternity and love, of righteousness and peace. This occasion derives peculiar interest lrom the fact that the presidential term which begins this day is the twenty-sixth under our constitution. The first inaugura tion of President Washington took place in New York, where Congress was then sit ting, on the 30th day of April, 1789, hav ing been deferred by reason of delays attending the organization of Con gress and the canvass of the electoral vote. Our people have already worthily observed the centennials of the Declaration of Inde pendence, of the battle of Yorktown and of the adoption of the constitution, and will shortly celebrate in New York the institu tion of the second great Idepartment of our constitutional scheme of government. When the centennial of the Judicial de partment by the organization of the su preme court shall have been suitably ob served, as I trust it will be, our nation will have fully entered its second century. 1 will not attempt to note the marvelous and in great part the happy contrasts be tween our country as it steps over the threshold into its second century of organ ized existence under the constitution, and that weak but wisely ordered young nation that has looked undauntedly down the firBt century, when all its years stretched out before it Our people will not fail at this time to recall the incidents which accompanied the institu tion of government under this constitution, or to find inspiration and guidance in the teachings and example of Washington and his great associates, and hope and courage in the contrast which 38 populous and prosperous States offer to the 13 States, weak in everything except courage and love of liberty, that then fringed our At lantic seaboard. The Territory of Dakota has a popula tion greater than any of the original States except Virginia, and greater than the aggre gate of five of the smaller States in 1790. The centerjof population when our National capitaljwas located was East of Baltimore, and it was argued by many well-informed persons that it would move eastward rather than westward, yet in 1880 it was found to be near Cincinnati, and a new census, about to be taken, will show another stride to the westward. That which was the body has come to be only a rich fringe of the nation's robe. But our growth has not been limited to territory, population and aggregate wealth, as mar velous as it has been in each of those directions. The masses of our people are better fed, clothed and homed than their fathers were. Facilities of popular education have been vastly enlarged and more generally dif fused. The virtues of courage and patriot ism have given recent prcof of their continued presence and increasing power ia the hearts and over the lives of our people. Influences of religion have been multiplied and strengthened. The sweet offices of charity have greatly in creased and the virtue of temperance is held in higher estimation. We have not attained the ideal condition;not all of oaf people are happy and prosperous; not all of them virtuous and law-abiding, tmt, on the whole, opportunities are offer ed to the individual to secure the comforts of life better than are found elsewhere and largely better than they were here one hundred years ago. The surrender of a large measure of our sovereignity to the general government, effected by the adop tion of the constitution, was not accom plished until suggestions of reason were strongly reinforced by the more imperitive voice of experience. Divergent interests of pence speedily de manded a "more perfect Union." The merchant, shipmaster and manufacturer discovered and disci ooad to our statesmen and to the people that commercial emanci pation most be added to political freedom which has been so bravely won. The com mercial policy of the mother country has nos relaxed any of its hard and oppressive festoies. To hold in check the develop ment of oar commercial marins and to prevent or retard the establish ment end growth of manufactura in the States, and eo to secure an American market for their shops and carrying trade for their ships was the policy of Eniopean statesmen and was pursued with most savage vigor. Pe titions poured in upon Congress urging the imposition of discriminating duties that should encourage the production of needed things at home. The patriotism of the people, which no longer fonnd a field of exercise in war, was energetically directed to the duty of equipping the young Republic for the defense of its independ ence by making its people self dependent. Societies for the promotion of home manu factures and for encouraging the use of domestics in the dress of the people were organized in many States. The revival at the end of the century of the same patriotic interest in the preserva tion and development of oar domestic in dustries and defense of our working people against the injuries of foreign competition is an incident worthy of attention. It is not a departure but a return that we have witnessed. The protection policy had then its opponents; the argument was made as now, that its benefits inured to particular classes or sections. If the ques tion became in any sense or at any time sectional, it was only be cause slavery existed in some of ihe states. Bat for this there was no reason why the cotton producin states should not have led, or walked abreast with the New England states in the pro duction of cotton fabrics. There was this reason only why the states that divide with Pennsylvania the mineral treas ures of the great southeastern and central mountain ranges should have been so tardy in bringing to the smelting fur nace and to the mill coal and iron from their near opposing hillsides—mill fires lighted at the funeral pile of slavery. The Emancipation Proclamation was heard in the depths of the earth as well as in the sky. Then were made free the material things that became our better servants. The sec tional element has happily been eliminated from the tariff discussion. We have no longer States that are necessarily only planting States. None are excluded from achieving that diversification of pursuit amoDg the people which brings wealth and contentment. The cotton plantation will not be less valuable when the product spun in country towns by opera tives whose necessities call for diversified crops and create a home demand for garden and agricultural products. Every new mine, furnace and factory is an extension of the productive capacity of the State more real and valuable than added terri tory. Shall prejudices and the paralysis of slavery continue to hang upon the skirts of progress? How long will those who rejoice that slavery no longer exists cherish and tolerate the incapacities it puts their upon communities? I look hopefully to the continuance of our protective system and to the consequent development of our manufacturing and mining enterprises in States heretofore wholly given to agricul ture as potent influences in the perfect uni fication of our peoplb. Men who have in vested their capital in these enterprises, farmers who have felt the benefit of their neighborhood and men who work in shop or field will not fail to find and defend a community of interests. Is it not quite possible that the framers and promoters of the great mining and manufacturing enterprises which have recently been established in the South may yet find that the free ballot of the working man, without distinction of race, is needed for their defense as well as for his own? I do not donbt if those men in the South who now accept the tariff of Clay, the constitutional expositions of Webster, and would courageously avow and defend their real convictions would not find it difficult by friendly intercourse and cooperation to make the Black man their effi cient and safe ally not only in estab lishing correct principles in onr national administration, bat in preserving for their local communities the benefits of social order and economical and honest government. At least until the good offices of kindness and of education have been fairly tried, a con trary conclusion cannot be plausibly urged. I have altogether rejected the suggestion of a special executive policy for any section of onr country. It is the duty of the execu tive to administer and enforce in methods and by instrumentalities pointed out and provided by the constitution all the laws enacted by Congress. These laws are gen eral and their administration should be uniform and equal. As a citizen may not elect what laws he may obey, neither may the executive elect which he will en force. It is his doty to obey and to execnte. It embraces the constitution in its entirety and the whole code of laws enacted an der it The evil example of permitting indi viduals, corporations or communities to nullify the laws because they crow some selfish pr local interests ôf prejudices is full of danger not only to the nation at large> bat mach more to those who ase this per nicious expedient to escape their just obli gations, or obtain unjust advantage over other. They will presently themselves be compelled to appeal to the law for pro tection, and thoee who would ose law as a defense most not deny that ase of it to others. If onr great corporations would more scrupnlonsly observe their legal limi tations and duties they wonld have lese cause to complain of the unlawful limita tion of their rights or violent interference with their operations. A community that by concert, open or secret, among its citizens denies to a por tion of its members their rights under the law, has severed the only safe bond of social order and prosperity. Evil works from bad centra both ways. It demolishes those who practice it and destroys tue faith of those who suffer by it In the efficiency of laws is the only safe protection. Man, in whoee breast that faith has been dark ened, ia naturally the subject of dangerous and uncanny suggestions. Those who ose unlawful methods unmovtd by no higher of of to at motive than the selfishnees that prompted them, may well stop and inquire what is to be the end of this. Unlawful expedient cannot become the permanent condition of the government. If the educated and influential classes in A community either practice or con nive at a systematic violation of the laws that seem to them to cross their conven ience, what can they expect when the les son of that convenience of a supposed class interest, deemed sufficient cause for law lessness, has been well learned by the igno rant classes? A community where law is the rnle of conduct and where coarts, not mobs, execute its penalties, is the only attractive field for business investments and honest labor. Oar naturalization laws should be so amended as to make the inquiry into the character and good disposition of persons applying for citizenship more carelul and searching. Our existing laws have been in their administration unimpressive and often in a unintelligible form. We accept a man as a citizen without any knowledge of bis fitness and when be assumes the rights of a citizen be is without any knowledge as to what they are. The privileges of American citizenship are so great and its duties so grave we may well insist upon the good knowledge of every person apply ing for citizenship and the good knowledge by him of our institutions. We should not cease to be hospitable to immigration, but we should cease to be careless as to the character of it. There are men of all races, even the best, whose coming is necessarily a burden upon our public reve nues or a threat to social order. These should be identified and excluded. We have happily maintained the policy of avoiding all interferance with European affairs. We have been only interested spectators of their contentions in di plomacy and in war and ready to use our friendly officers to premote peace, but never obtruding our advice and never at tempting unfairly to coin the distress of other powers into the commercial advant age to ourselves. We have a just right to expect our European policy to be the American policy of European courts. It is so manifestly incompatible with those precautions for our peace and safety which all great powers habitually observe in matters affecting them, that the shorter water way between our eastern and west ern seaboards should be dominated by any European government. We may confi dently expect that such purposes will not be entertained by any friendly power. We shall in the future, as in the past, use every endeavor to main tain and enlarge our friendly relations with all the great powers, but they will not expect us to look blindly upon any project that would leave us subject to the dangers of hostile observation or environ ment. We have not sought to dominate or absorb any of our weaker neighbors, but rather to aid and encourage them to estab lish free and stable governments resting upon the consent of the people. We have the clear right to expect, therefore, that no the clear right to expect, therefore, that no European government will seek to estab lish colonial dependency upon the territory of these independent American States. That which a sense of jastice restrains us from seeking they may be reasonably ex pected willingly to forego. It must not be a^umed, however, that our interests are so exclusively American that our entire inat tention to any events that may trans pire elsewhere can be taken for granted. Our citizens, domiciled for purposes of trade ia all countries and in many of the islands of the sea, demand and will have onr adequate care in their personal and commercial rights. Necessities of our navy require con venient coaling stations and dock and harbor privileges. These and other trading privilgees we will feel free to obtain only by means that do not in any degree partake of coercion, however feeble the government from which we ask each concessions, bat having fairly obtained them by methods and for purposes entirely consistent with most friendly disposition toward all other powers, onr consent will be necessary to any modification or impairment of the con cession. We shall neither fail to respect the flag of any friendly nation or the jnst rights of its citizens nor to exact like treat ment for onr own. Jastice and consideration should char acterize onr diplomacy. Offices of intelli gent diplomacy or friendly arbitration in proper cases should be adequate to the peacefnl adjustment of all international difficulties. By such methods we will make onr contribution to the world's peace, which no nation vaines more highly, and avoid the opprobinm which most fall upon the nation that ruthlessly breaks it. The doty devolved by law npon the President to nominate and with the advice and consent of the Senate to appoint all pnblic officers whose appointment is not otherwise provided for in the constitu tion or by act of Congress, has become very burdensome and its wise and efficient discharge fall of difficalty. The civil list is so large that personal knowledge of any considerable number of applicants ia impossible. Tbe President mast rely upon representations of others and these are often made inoonsideratly and without any jnst sense of responsibility. I have the right, I think, to insist that those who volunteer or are invited to give advice to appointments shall exercise consideration and fidelity. A high sense of doty and an ambition to improve the ser vice should characterize all public officers. Beyond this obvions dnty I hope to do something more to advance the reform of the civil service. This ideal, or even my own ideal. I shall probably not attain. Retrospect will be a safer basis than prom ises. We shall not, however, I am sore, be able to pat oar civil service upon a non partisan basis until we have secured the incumbency that fair-minded men of the opposition will approve for impartiality and integrity. As the namber of such in the civil list is increased, removals from of fice will diminish. While tha treasury surplus is not the greatest evil, it ia a aérions eyU. Onr revenue should be ample to the most ordinary annual demands upon oar treasury with a sufficient margin for those extraordinary bat scarcely lees im imperative demands which arise now and then. Expenditures should always be made with economy and only upon public necessity. The construction of a number of modern, war ships and their necessary armament shonld progress as rapidly as consistent with care and perfection in plans and workmanship. The spirit, conrage and skill of onr naval officers and seamen have many times in onr history given to weak ships and inefficient guns a rating greatly beyond that of the naval list. That they will again do so on occasion I do not doubt, but they ought not by premeditation or neglect be left to the exigencies of unequal combat. We shonld encourage the establishment of American steamship exchanges as commerce demands, and re liable and rapid means of communication. Until tbeee are provided the development of our trade with States lying south of us is impossible. Onr pension laws shonld give more ade quate and discriminating relief to tbe Union soldiers and sailors, their widows and orphans. Such occasions as this should re mind us that we owe everything to their valor and sacrifice. It is a subject of congratulation that there is a near prospect of the admission into the Union of Dakota, Montana and Washington Territories. This act of jus tice bas been unusually delayed iu the case of some of them. The people who settled these Territories are intelligent, enterpris ing and patriotic, and the accession of there Northwestern States will add strength to tbe Nation. It is due to the settlers in -he Territories who have availed themselves of the invi tation of our land laws to make homes npon the public domain that their titles should be speedily adjusted and their honest en tries confirmed by patent. It is very gratifying to observe the general interest now being manifested in the reform of our election laws. Those who have been for years calling attention to the pressing necessity of throwing about the ballot box further safeguards in order that onr elections might not only be free and pure, but might clear ly appear to be so, will welcome the acces sion of aiiy who d;d not so soon discover the need of reform. The national congress has not as yet taken control of elections in cases over which the constitution gives it jurisdiction, but has accepted the adoption of the election laws of the several states, provided penalties for their violation and the method of their supervision. Only the inefficiency of state laws or the nnfair or partisan administration of them could suggest a departure from this policy. It was clearly in the minds, however, and in the contemplation of the framers of the constitution that such an exigency might arise, and provision wisely made for it. The freedom of the ballot is the condition of our national life, and no power vested in Congress or it the execu tive to secure or perpetuate it should remain unused. Upon occasion the people of all the Congressional districts have an equal interest that the election in each shall truly express the views and wishes of the majority of the qualified electors residiog within it. The results of such elections are Dot local, and the insis tence ot electors residing in other dis tricts that they shall be pare and free does not savor at all of imperti nence. If in any of the states the public se curity is thought to be threatened by ignorance among the electors, tbe obvions remedy is education. The sympathy and help of our people wiil uot be withheld from any community struggling with special embarrassments and difficulties con nected with the suffrage if the remedies proposed proceed npon lawful lines, and are promoted by jnst and honorable methods. How shall those who practice election frauds recover that respect for the sanctity of the ballot which is the first condition and obligation of good citizenship? The man who has come to regard the ballot box as a jugglery has renounced his allegience. Let ns exalt patriotism and moderate onr party contentions. Let those who wonld die on the field of battle, give better proof of patriotism and higher glory to their country by promoting fraternity and jastice. Party success achieved by nnfair methods or practices that partake of revo lution is hurtful and efferveacent. Even from a party standpoint we shoald hold our differing opinions with matnal respect, and having submitted them to arbitrament of the ballot, shoald accept adverse judgment with the same respect we shoald demand of onr opponents if the decision had been in onr favor. No other people have a government more worthy of respect and love, or a land so magnificent in extent, so pleasant to look npon, so fall of generous suggestion to en terprise and labor. God has placed npon onr head a diadem and at onr feet power and wealth beyond definition or calculation. Bat we must not forget that we take these gifts upon the consideration that jastice and mercy shall hold tbe reins of power and the upward avenues of hope shall be free to all tbe people. I do not mistrust the future dangers have been in freqnent ambush along the path, bat we have un covered and vanquished them all. Passion has swept some of onr communities, bat only to give as a new demonstration that the great body of onr people are stable, pa triotic, and law abiding. No political party can long pnrsns an advantage at the ex pense of the public honor, or by rude and indecent methods without protest and fa tal disaffection in its own body. The peaceful agencies of commerce are more fully revealing the necessity of unity of all onr communities and the increasing intercourse of onr people is promoting mu tual respect. We shall find unalloyed pleasure in the revelation which onr next census will make of the great resources of some of the states. Each State will bring its générons contribution to the great aggregate of the nation's in crease and when the harrest from the fields, the cattle from the hills and the ora from the earth shall have been weighed, coanted and rained, we will torn from them all to crown with the highest honor the State that has most promoted education, virtue, justice and patriotism among its people. Bkitj. Harrison. oar for im and be and and or re us re of in in it or is INAUGURAI PARADE. The Procession That Moved Through Washington To'Day. Torrents of Rain Game Down, bat the Grand Ceremonies Went on all the Same. Description of the Proceedings in the Senate and Ont. THE SENATE. Scenes in the Chamber To-Day. Washington, March 4.—Tho Senate Chamber was metamorphosed during re cess, which ended at 9:39 a. m. The seats were reserved on the floor for Cleveland, Harrison, Morton, ex-President Hayes, ex Vice President Hamlin, State Governors diplomatic corps, Supreme Court, etc. The galleries rapidly filled at a quarter before 11 o'clock, when word came that the House was excited over the refusal of the Senat« employes to admit the Representatives, families to the gallery, on the ground that forged tickets had been issued and sold as high as $25 to $50 each. The House passed a resolution directing the SergeaDt at-Arms to force a passage to the galleries. It does : not appear that any fraudulent tickets were issued, though some genuine ones were doubtless sold, and when tbe House .resolution was presented in the Senate at 11 o clock, Edmunds adroitly settled tbe trouble by giving acquiesance in the resolution, with tbe proviso that the President of the Senate might prescribe regulations respecting the identity of ticket holders. Agreed to. Hannibal Hamlin, the vener able ex-Vice President, was escorted to a seat at]the right of President protem In gals. As he moved across the chamber he was' greeted by a generous clapping of hands, the first demonstration of the day. Blaine came in at this mo ment by a rear door and modestly took a seat it the extreme rear of the senatorial body, but could not escape dis covery, and a ripple of applause ran over the chamber. This was the signal for a wave [of cheers as Senator Hale went down to escort him to a more prominent seat. Gen. John C. Fremont only shortly preceded the entrance of Gen Sherman and Maj. Gen. Schofield. Then came the diplomatic corps in gorgeous court uni form in striking contrast with the plain civilian dress of the American officials. At two minutes before noon Cleveland and his cabinet entered and took seats as signed them. Then Harrison, on tbe arm of Senator Hoar, appear at the door and walked to a seat at Cleveland's right, the audience rising. The same ceremony was repeated with Morton. Before taking his seat he wns sworn in by Ingalls. At 11:59 President Pro Tem. Ingalls ros and closed the Fiftieth Congress. Then Vice President Morton called the Senate of the Fifty-first Congress to order in special session. After the swearing in of new members the Vice President announced without fur ther preliminaries the Senate would pro ceed to the platform at the east front of the capitol to witness and participate in the ceremonies of inaugurating the President elect. The procession then moved in the following order : Marshal Wright, of the Supreme Court; Marshal Wilson, of the District of Colum bia; ex-Vice President Hamblin; Supreme Court; Sergeant at-Arms Canady, of the Senate; Senators Hoar and Cockrell, com mittee on 'arrangemeota; President Cleve land and Preeident-elect Harrison; Vice President Morton and Secretary McCook; members of the Senate; diplo matic corps; heads of departments; General Sherman,^General Schofield and staff; Ad miral Porter; Honse of Representatives and members elect; Governors of States and others admitted to the floor of the Senate. A minute later and Harrrison From White House to Capital. Washington, March 4.— Harrison, ac companied by the inauguration committee was taken in a close carriage drawn by four grey horses to the White House about half past ten o'clock. The rain pouring down in torrents drove many off the streets, and made sorry work of the deco rations. Arrived at the White House, Harrison was received by Cleveland and his cabinet in the blue parlor, where they were soon joined by Morton. At 11 o'clock Cleveland, Harrison and Morton took car riages for the capitol. The first carriage was an open landau and contained Cleveland, Harrison Hoar and Cockrell. The second, Morton and Collom. Mrs Cleveland witnessed the departure from a window. Then the carriages moved oat with its Indiana vet erans formed as gnard of honor, marched out to Pennsylvania avenue, and took an assigned p'ace in the procession which took ap the Pne of march to the capitol, mingled wita a torrent of rain and ap planse. At 11:35 the head of the procession reached the Capital and at 11:15 the presi dential party alighted at the senate portico admid great cheering. Thongh the rain was poaring its heaviest, Cleveland pro ceeded to the president's room, and Harri son and Morton to the vice-president's room, whence at noon, as already described, they went into the senate chamber prepa ratory to the inaugural address. Fleming. His Resignation. New York, March 5. —Col. Andrews, of the Eads' Tehanntepec ship railway, has received the resignation of Hon. William Windom as president of that concern. Andrews has also received information that the Mexican government has granted the changes requested by the company predi cated npon the demands of foreign capi talists and will guarantee the interest on $60,000,000, estimated to be necessary to complete the road. as of a of a j I THE INAUGURAL. The same characteristic good ! sense and taste toned to a higher key mark tbe first official utterances of President Harrison hat were so observable in his brief cam paign speeches. After indulging in a few well-chosen words of retrospect, suggested by crossing the century threshold of on r constitutional existence, showing a happy contrast of advancement in other and bet ter things than population and wealth,^he is led naturally to the subj'cc of pro tection of home industry, the lead ing issue of tbe last campaign. With many halting and not a few backward steps, our people nave been seeking to ac complish their independence in material things as well as that of political ties* which only were broken by the Declara tion of Independence made good by seven years of exhaustive warfare. Then the great obstacles in the way of home manufac tures were a lack of capital and skill. Now we have both in'ample measure, and that which most needs protection is the wages of our working men. Manufactur ing is now as ever the prolific source of wealth and independence. But we have found "what constitutes a State," to be "high-minded men," men of brain as well as muscle, educated, well fed, well clothed, well boused, and to insure all'this, well paid. The rise and progress of our nation and government consist not in the rise of one class over and above another, but of the whole body of the people and the very ground on which they stand. The main contrast between the United States and other countries should be looked for in the superior condition of its working people, and as these con stitute the real governing class with us, labor should be honored and well rewarded, educated to be more versa tile and productive, and protected both against the aggressive demands of capital to secure an undue share of the joint earn ings, and against tbe influx of cheap labor from abroad. Iu this war against ignorant cheap labor the great blow was struck in the liberation of slaves; another must be against the importation of cheap, ignorant contract labor from the lowest classes of Europe, the coolies of the continent. Nowhere have we 3een braver and more sensible words addressed to the Southern whites than jn this inangnral address of President Harrison. There is no flattery, neither is there any exasperating censure. The South is told with sincere friendliness that it shoald seek wealth and prosperity iu the diversification of her industries and the development of her untouched and un tried resources. These she has in even fuller measure than the Northern States that have found them such rich sources of wealth The South is further told that she is standing obstinately in the way of her own peace and prosperity by failing to aid iu the elevation and to secure tbe attach ment, confidence and co-operation of the blacks. Not by way of threat, but wholly as a matter of self-defense, the South is re minded that there are yet unused powers of the constitution that may be called into exercise to secure the parity and the free dom of the ballot. The people of all . the congressional districts have an equal interest that the result in each shall express the views and wishes of the majority, nor is it any impertinence on their part to insist that the elections shall be free and honest iu every district in the country. The Presi dent reiterates what he has so well said before, that he has no Southern policy, but one and the same policy for every portion of the country. As the laws are general, their administration shoald be equal aud uniform. Rightly understood, no surer pledge of friendliness could be given to the South. Fiat juaticia mat coelum. Let jastice be done though the heavens fall, is a very old maxim, but very little understood. The fal ling of the heavens iu any peri lous or de structive sense is the remotest of all possi bilities. But the doing of justice among men will cause the spirit of heaven to fall upon aud dwell with men. TAKING THE OATH. A Half Million People Witness the Ceremony. Washington, March 4. With simple and solemn ceremony, in the presence of all the wisdom and authority embodied in the co-ordinate branches of the Government and snrronnded by the representatives of all the great nations of the face of the globe, Benjamin Harrison was to-day inducted into the highest office within the gift of the American people. Never was each a crowd in Washington be fore. It is estimated that half a million strangers camped in the city last night, filling every inch of hotel and boarding house accommodation, and drawing to the full limit on private hospitality. Even then many were forced to sleep on floors, some on billiard tables, and even the wel come recess of an occasional bath tab was not to be despised. THE SAME. Cabinet Nominations Sent to the Sen ate and Confiimed. Washington, March 5.— President Har son to-day sent to the Senate tbe following nominations: Secretary rf State, James G. Blaine, of Maine. Secretary of Treasnry, Wm. Windom, of Minnesota. Secretary of War, Redfield Proctor, of Vermont. Secretary ofNavy, Benj. F. Tracey, of New York. Secretary of Interior, John W. Noble, of Missouri. Post Master General, John Wannamaker, of Pennsylvania. Attorney General, W. H. H. Miller, of Indiana. Secretary of Agriculture, Jeremiah Bosk, of Wisconsin. Washington, Morch 5.—The Cabinet is confirmed. Thx Cabinet members, as heretofore named, were nominated to the Senate to day and immediately confirmed. THE FOREIGN POLICY With hardly less interest than attached to the well known views of President Har rison regarding our domestic policy, we have scanned his inaugural to asertain his views aud position on foreign affairs. No trained diplomat coaid have used more cautious and unexceptional language. And yet it is there in fall body and force, the whole Monroe doctrine and much more. When it is said that "we may confident ly expect that no friendly European power will seek to dominate any of the water ways across the isthmus or seek to estab lish a colonial dependency within any the American Statee," it is equivalent to say ing that any such attempts will be con strued as acts of hostility, and so the press of England, France and Germany con strues it. That we have not sought to dominate or absorp any of our weaker neighbors is literally true since the over throw of the slave power in this country. President Harrison, speaking for the Re publican party and for the whole couutry since the abolition of slavery, has the clearest right to claim that the policy of the United .States is not and has not been aggressive. Indeed the very spirit of onr institutions precludes the possibility of this. We have no way of holding or gov erning conquered provinces under an willing subjection. * * * President Harrison goes further thau the Monroe doctrine when he declares that "our interests are not so exclusively American that we can be inattentive to events transpiring elsewhere, but American citizens domiciled in other countries for the purposes of trade, demand and shall have our adequate care for their personal and commercial rights." The rights and inter ests of American citizens, the world over, are going to receive adequate protection. * * * As rapidly as consistent with care aud perfection of plans and workmanship the construction of a navy is to be p whed and steamship exchanges are to be fostered. The necessities of our navy will require coaliDg stations aad harbor privileges in all parts of the world. These we shall seek only by honorable and peaceful means, but when thus obtained no other powers shall impair these conces sions without our consent. Thus Germany is notified of our position iu re lation to Samoa, and the meaning is fully understood by the German press and no doubt by the government. We are not committed to the fortunes of any native being of the Samoans, but to the full en joyment of all the rights we have acquired on the islands. The comment of the Eoglish press is very conservative and guardc 1, but no where in tbe world has the message been so carefully read and its meaning soweit understood. It is the terse cc umeut of one of the leading English papers that hereafter England has to reckon with an American navy. England is no longer to be the sole and undisputed mistress of the seas and their commerce. Other nations may marshal their forces and spend their utmost strength of resources for the posses sion of small sections of land, but the con test between England and the United States, already begun, will be for nothing less than the control of »11 the coasts of all the continents and islands of the ocean and all the external commerce of all the nations of the world * * * At the beginning of our government the Navy was a mere branch of the War De partment. The time is coming when this will be reversed and the Navy will include the War Department and the larger part of the State Department for foreign affairs as well, for our foreign policy will be de termined and mainly supported by our Navy. This contest between England and the United States may never issue in war. England knows and estimates our strength better than we do, and with such a leader as Gladstone and the full triumph of the cause he represents, there is more likely to be a close and complete alliance of all English-speaking nations than any conflict in arms between th9m. England can only maintain her position among the nations for a century to come by such an alliance. Of peculiar interest to the people of Montana, in conjunction with those of Dakota and Washington are the words of congratulation uttered by President Hairi son at the near prospect of the admission of these Territories as States. It is a pub lic assurance and pledge ou his part that nothing shall be wanting to aid this con summation so devoutly wished for by us. As the only remaining act to complete our admission, besides what we do for our selves, is to be done by the President in issuing his proclamation, we can go for ward with complete assurance that the administration is with uu heart and hand in making Montana a State as soon as it can be done. President Harrison, who knows what he is speaking afoot, ■ays "the people who have settled these Territories are intelligent, enterpris ing and patriotic, and the accession of these States will add strength to the Nation." This is very different from the language of one Sparks, who pronounced these settlers to be 95 per cent, frands. President Har rison says these settlers shoald be aided in having their titles Bpeedily adjusted and their honest entries confirmed by patent. The last administration did all in its power to hinder and defeat the adjustment of these titles and treated them all as dis honest. The land laws will henceforth be administered in a very different spirit and settlement encouraged. Expression of German Opinion. Berlin, March 6. —The National Gazette on Harrison's inangnral: "There is no reason to donbt the Preeident's pacific principles, or the sincerity of his opinion regarding a peaceful adjustment of inter national difficulties, although he] recom mends the strengthening of the navy. His tone toward foreign countries proclaims tbe beginning of a new era in American de velopment and the display of a more asser tive policy by the United States.