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The Denison review. [volume] (Denison, Iowa) 1867-current, May 01, 1912, Image 10

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PAGE TEN
Taft Takes Teddy to Task
Charges Made Before Elections.
"In Indianapolis, I am informed, the
complaint of the Roosevelt committee
that fraud had been committed in the
primaries appeared in an afternoon
newspaper sold on the streets before
the primaries were opened.
"The truth is that it has been per
fectly evident from the first that the
deliberate plan of Senator Dixon has
been to claim everything exultingly
and with the utmost confidence and to
meet the reports of the elections of
adverse delegates by directing in ad
vance the bringing of trumped up con
tests.
"It is hardly necessary to say that
this is not in accordance with the
square deal.
The President Answers! Attacks and Arraigns Roosevelt in
Massachusetts Speech. Most Interesting Document.
(Continued from Page Two.)
single instance has any attempt been
made to show fraud.
"It is true that the printing of
the ballots was delayed, due to the
tardy litigation of the Roosevelt com
mittee, and the ballots were not deliv
ered at some precincts until some
tiitoe after the opening of the polls,
but this generally occurred in pre
cincts where there was no contest
whatever and did not prevent a fair
vote in every precinct where there
•was a contest. If there was fraud why
did not the Roosevelt committee show
it in court?
"Is it a square deal to run away
from the opportunity provided by law
to establish fraud and injustice and
only claim it in the newspapers and
in charges against one's opponent?
Denies Unfair Patronage Charge.
"Sixth—Mr. Roosevelt charges that
never before has patronage been so
shamelessly used in politics as in my
behalf to secure my nomination.
"I do not deny that under the pres
ent system of appointments federal
office holders will be interested in pol
itics and take part therein, and will
support those to whose appointment
they attribute their preferment. Un
der present conditions, however, and
under the policy which has been pur
sued in this administration, there are
in office today at least 70 per cent
of those who were in office by ap
pointment under Theodore Roosevelt.
"In view of his candidacy, it is
natural that a great number of these
officeholders should favor him rather
than me, and such is the fact, and Mr.
Roosevelt cannot be ignorant of it. In
spite of the great activity of a number
of such officers against me, not a single
man of them has been removed.
Fought for Merit System.
"Under the present system all pres
idential appointments to local federal
offices in republican states are as a
general rule made upon the recom
mendations of the senators and rep
resentatives of the republican party,
subject, of course, to the condition of
fitness.
"If appointments are to be made for
political purposes and rewards, this
is as good a system as any but it
ought to be abolished, and all the of
fices embraced in a classified merit
system. I have recommended this
change in three separate messages and
have pointed out that it would save
the country much more than $10,000,
000 in annual salaries, would save val
uable time of the executiye and con
gressmen, and would relieve the poli
tics of the country of the bane of fed
eral patronage.
"Congress has done nothing, how
ever, and so I have followed the usual
rule, as my predecessor did and as his
predecessors did.
Indiana Men Helped Roosevelt.
"This makes federal offices in re
publican states congressional father
than executive patronage. For exam
ple, in Indiana, where Senator Bever
idge has secured the appointment of
a number of postmasters and other of
ficers, before his defeat, these appoint
ees of his were—a number of them—
active in behalf of Roosevelt.
"In Montana a number of federal
officers who bear my commission,
recommended by Senator Dixon, are
reported to be active for Mr. Roose
velt.
"In the south where there are no
republican congressmen and senators,
it is different. There, referees, per
sons of respectability, are selected,
who are requested to make recommen
dations for office. I continued Mr.
Roosevelt's referees in every state,
and three of those referees—one in Al
abama, one in Louisiana and one in
Texas—have now declared for Mr.
Roosevelt.
State Officers Roosevelt Aids.
"Under all these peculiar circum
stances the situation has arisen in
which the so-called political patronage
of the administration with respect to
the nomination in the next national
convention is divided, and the influ
ence of federal officeholders in the
Chicago convention will be less effect
ive for any one candidate than ever be
fore in the history of the party.
"Not only is Mr. Roosevelt enjoy
ing the support of many federal office
holders, but the patronage of a num
ber of the state governors is being
used for him with businesslike ma
nipulation that lacks nothing in ef
fectiveness.
"The patronage of Governor Had
ley in Missouri, of Governor Stubbs
in Kansas, Governor Glasscock in
West Virginia, Governor Osborn in
Michigan and of Governor Johnson in
California is all being used for Mr.
Roosevelt. I am not complaining of
these instances. As long as the merit
system is not completely established
they will recur. 1 mention them only
to show that in raising the cry as
to the shameless use of patronage
against him, Mr. Roosevelt again de
parts from the rule of giving his op
ponent a square deal.
"Roosevelt and Cannon."
"Seventh—Mr. Roosevelt charges
that in my administration I deserted
the progressives and became a reac
tionary. The insurgents had not
formed themselves into a faction un
til after my election. They began in
their opposition to Mr. Cannon and
the adoption of the previous rule of
the house of representatives.
"I had oeen afraid that Mr. Cannon,
with his well known tariff views,
might oppose a revision, and I looked
about immediately after the election
to see whether it would be possible
to secure votes enough in the caucus
to elect another speaker. I found that
it was not.
"I communicated with Mr. Roose
velt in respect to it, and he advised
me most earnestly to have a meeting
with Mr. Cannon. I visited Washing
ton in iJecember, 1908, At the re
quest of President Roosevelt I had an
interview with Mr. Cannon, in which
he agreed that if he were elected as
speaker he would help me redeem
the promises of the republican plat
form.
"I then visited the republicans of the
ways and means committee of the new
house, who were then in session, ex
plained my views with respect to the
tariff and the necessity of a revision
downward, and secured their acquies
cence in an agreement by which Phil
ippine free trade should be estab
lished. This arrangement with Mr.
Cannon and with the ways and means
committee was with the knowledge
and emphatic approval of Mr. Roose
velt.
Payne-Aldrich Tariff Bill.
"The Payne bill as it passed the
house was a better bill than as it
passed the senate. It had more sub
stantial reductions, though not so
many. In neither the house nor the
senate however, was schedule sub
stantially changed as it ought to have
been.
"I signed the bill not because I
liked it, but because I believed it was
the best I could get and it was a vast
ly better bill than the Dingley bill,
whose place it took. It recognized the
necessity for a revision downward of
the tariff. It offered an opportunity
for the establishment of a tariff com
mission, scientifically to ascertain the
facts upon which future reductions
might be based. It gave a maximum
and minimum clause by which we
were able to secure the abolition of
trade discriminations against us by
foreign governments. It made free
trade with the Philippines.
"It introduced a corporation tax in
which by taxing success and not fail
ure and by taxing the income of cor
porations when it is least felt—that
is, before the declaration of dividends
—we are able to realize $28,000,000 a
year.
Roosevelt Never Condemned Bill.
"The Payne bill was drawn with a
view to increasing the revenue. On
the 1st of July after my inauguration
there was a deficit of $50,000,000. If
I had refused to sign the Payne bill
it would have continued that deficit
to another year, it would have main
[tained the Dingley bill with higher
rates than the Payne bill, and it would
have lost all the advantages which I
have recited. It would have broken up
the republican party, so that I could
not have called upon the leaders to
help me in subsequent legislation
promised by the party platform and
which had to be enacted in the first
regular session.
"Has Mr. Roosevelt ever condemned
the Payne bill? Does he say he would
not have signed it if it had been pre
sented to him under conditions that
I had to meet? He has never said
that as far as I know, and the New
York platform of 1910, adopted by the
convention of which he was a part,
indorsed the Payne bill and approved
its passage.
"Is it a square deal, therefore, for
him to charge me with not being a
progressive when all that I did was
to deal with the party as it was in
congress and to get as much as I could
of the legislation promised out of
that party, torn as it was by a faction?
Work of Administration.
"In addition to the many progress
ive features of the Payne bill just re
cited we have in this administration
amended the interstate commerce act
which is now working admirably and
which I discuss at another point of
this speech.
"We passed the conservation bill
we passed the postal savings bank
bill we provided a commission to
recommend action with respect to rail
way stocks and bonds, which has made
a most useful report and recommend
ed the physical valuation of railways.
"We secured the ratification of the
Japanese treaty and thereby settled
satisfactorily a most critical question
between the two countries.
"We secured provision for and ap
pointed a commission on economy and
efficiency.
Made Liability Law Valid.
"We re-enacted the imployers' lia
bility act which has been declared
unconstitutional because of its juris
dictional scope, so that it has now
been held to be valid.
"We passed a number of safety ap
pliance acts for interstate commerce
railroads in order to reduce the death
and injury to employes.
"We secured the appointment of a
congressional commission to investi
gate the question of the workman's
compensation act, and that commis
sion has reported and the compensa
tion bill is now pending in congress
and will doubtless pass.
"We passed a mining bureau bill in
order to protect life in the operation
of mines, and we have just passed a
children's bureau bill for the promo
tion of the health and welfare of chil
dren.
"We cut down the expenses of the
government and increased the reve
nues as already mentioned so as to
change a deficit of $50,000,000 into a
surplus of $40,400,000.
Credit Denied by Roosevelt.
"This was all progressive legisla
tion. But I am not to have any credit
as a progressive because it was ac
complished through regular republi
cans.
"In all Mr. Roosevelt's history he
never failed to use
as
instruments for
•iWjWH
THE DENISON REVIEW, WEDNESDAY, MAY 1, 1912.
his purpose those whom he found in
power. Indeed, throughout his life he
has defended that course as the only
sensible course to pursue. I have
merely followed his example, and I
do not hesitate to point with satisfac
tion to the legislation which has been
enacted in my three years.
"For liini now to deny credit for
this after he gave it to me in his
speech in the New York convention,
is another instance of his failure to
meet his standard of a square deal.
Interstate Commerce Bill.
"8. In the first regular session of
congress the attorney general, with
the assistance of Interstate Com
merce Commissioners Knapp and
Prouty and Senator Townsend, agreed
upon the basis of needed amendments
to the interstate commerce law. The
bill drawn upon this basis passed very
much as we recommended it except
that telephone and telegraph compan
ies were put under the commission.
"It is an excellent measure, bring
ing the railroads much more complete
ly under the commission's control
than ever before We attempted to
embody other provisions in the bill,
which were defeated. These defeat
ed amendments Mr. Roosevelt de
nounces as vicious, and seeks to create
the impression that my administra
tion is entitled to no credit for the
act as it became a law, although it
was passed by republican votes and
signed by me as president.
"There were perhaps ten insurgents
and forty-two regulars who voted for
the bill in the senate, but he contends
that only the insurgents are to be com
mended for the bill.
Insurgents Violated Pledge.
"What were the vicious provisions
defeated by the insurgents? One pro
vision prohibited the future purchase
by one road of stock in a competing
road, another with clauses protecting
minority stockholders in roads where
such a relation already existed. An
other introduced a limitation as to the
issuing of stocks and bonds to be con
trolled by the interstate commerce
commission. Another made legal and
took out of the anti-trust law certain
temporary agreements between rail
roads as to rates.
"All these things had been recom
mended by Mr. Roosevelt and had been
promised in the platform of the re
publican party, but in the senate they
were stricken out at the instance of
the insurgents, on the ground that
they involved too great an amendment
to the anti-trust law.
"In view of his support of these very
provisions in his messages and else
where, is it a square deal for him now
to describe them as vicious?
Dsfends Commerce Court.
"Mr. Roosevelt also complains of
the establishment of the commerce
court as a reactionary step. It has
rendered a few decisions which have
not met the views of the interstate
commerce commission because it re
versed that commission's action and
therefore the cry is the court must be
recalled.
"The commerce court was created
for the purpose of expedition, so that
when a shipper secured an order
against a railroad company and an
appeal was taken it could be promptly
disposed of. The commerce court has
reduced the average time of the exam
ination of orders of the interstate
commerce commission from two years
to six months.
"If the Commerce court exceeds its
jurisdiction or makes a wrong decis
ion, then the supreme court is at hand
to remedy it, and that is what the su
preme court is now doing with its de
cisions but if the commerce court
is abolished, then the shippers of the
country will be remitted again at the
instance of the railroads to sixty or
seventy United States courts all over
the country, there will arise great con
trariety of decisions, and the delays
which are now reduced to six months
will agair be increased to two years.
Those arc the facts, and they are not
the loose and vague indictments of
one who does not know.
Roosevelt Changed Trust Stand.
"9. Then my course as to trusts is
held up to ridicule by Mr. Roosevelt.
In many a speech approved by Mr.
Roosevelt I claimed credit for his en
forcement of the anti-trust act. When
he was president I went out upon the
platform nd advocated as strongly
as I could the necessity for the prose
cution of trusts under that act.
"So did his attorney general. They
began the Standard Oil prosecution
and they began the tobacco prosecu
tion in Mr. Roosevelt's administra
tion and by his direction. My attor
ney general carried them on. The
active counsel in the Standard Oil
case was Mr. Kellogg, who was es
pecially employed by Mr. Roosevelt
for this purpose, and it was pressed
to a complete decree in the supreme
court ol the United States.
"Now I find Mr. Roosevelt coming
the other way, denouncing the anti
trust law and denouncing prosecutions
under it. He says that the decree of
the court in the Standard Oil case is
ineffective, that the price of the stock
has goi up, and in some way or other
I am responsible for the fact that the
price did go up and that my adminis
tration is to be condemned because
that decree was confirmed in the su
preme court.
Followed Colonel's Directions.
"The truth is that the decree as
finally entered and enforced was
drawn exactly as Mr. Roosevelt's at
torney general, in the bill which by
direction of Mr. Roosevelt he filed
against the Standard Oil company, had
asked that it be drawn.
"I disagree with Mr. Roosevelt as
to the effectiveness of the decree. I
think that in a reasonable time the
result of the decree will show that the
anti-trust law is a most useful statute.
The nominal increase in the price of
the stock of the constituent compan
ies (for the actual sales are not many)
is due to the fact that the public has
been heretofore denied a knowledge
of the real amount of money and cap
ital which each of these campanies has
and now it is known. Inquire among
the independent oil companies and it
will be found that today there is more
competition both in the purchase of
crude oil and the sale of refined oil
than for twenty years, and this even
if the price of oil has gone up.
It was true that the Standard Oil
company, when it suited its purpose,
was able to keep down the price of
oil and keep down the demand for
crude oil. Now it has lost control and
the market will follow the law of sup
ply and demand.
Defends Tobacco Decision.
"In respect to the tobacco decree
which was entered by the circuit court
the effect of the division of the tobacco
company into several competing com
panies is already seen. One of the
charges against it was that the price
of Burley tobacco, by reason of the
suppression of all competition in its
purchase, had gone down so that no
body could raise it with a profit ir.
Kentucky. That gave rise to the night
riders and the forcible suppression of
the planting of Burley tobacco.
"Today, due to the presence of the
various companies into which the
trust has been divided, each seeking
a supply, there is a greater competi
tion for the purchase of tobacco than
ever before and prices bid are higher
than in years past.
"Mr. Roosevelt proposes to abol
ish the anti-trust law and then to reg
ulate combinations and not to destroy
them. Mr. Roosevelt's description of
what he is going to do is a descrip
tion, not of a constructive plan,
of what he proposes to accomplish
but it all comes down to this—that
by some sort of executive tribunal
he is going to decide as between dif
ferent trusts that one is a good trust
and another is a bad one and he is
going to smash the bad trusts and he
is going to protect the good trusts.
He gives no other guide than that of
executive discretion, which really
amounts in the end to nothing but the
establishment of a benevolent despot
ism.
Denies Influence of Interests.
"10. With characteristic boldness
and lack of facts or evidence, and
resting on his false and distorted con
structiojr of my language as to gov
ernment by a representative part of
the people, Mr. Roosevelt charges that
I stand for the so-called interests and
special privileges. If nothing else
would serve, the record of my admin
istration as to suits against railways
to stop increase of rates and suits
against trusts of all kinds to dissolve
them and to punish their directors
must show to a fair minded public
that this administration has no favor
ites among lawbreakers or those seek
ing special priviliges.
Menace to Business Community.
"11. One of the real reasons why
Mr. Roosevelt ought not to be select
ed as a candidate of any party is the
natural distrust that the whole busi
ness community will have in respect
to the measures which Mr. Roosevelt
will propose in order to effect a revo
lution in the interest of social justice
which he advocates so strongly and
defines so vaguely.
"It is true that under the inspira
tion of the filing of the bill against
the steel trust he took such a strong
ground against the anti-trust law that
for a time some of the big business
community approved him but when
he went to Columbus, while he used
these same expressions in order to
hold this element to his support, he
at the same time advanced such rad
ical views as to the change of the
fundamental principles of our govern
ment that the general business com
munity lost sight of his promise to
avoid injury to big business and could
only contemplate the danger to the
security of all business by his threat
ened undermining of our constitution
al government and his attack upon
the independence of the judiciary.
Third Term Pledge Violated.
"My fellow citizes, I am here to
discharge one of the most painful
duties of my life. I am here in re
sponse to an obligation that I owe to
the republican party which selected
me as its candidate, and to the Amer
ican people who elected me president.
It is of such a high and exacting char
acter that I cannot escape it. It grows
out of a phase of national politics and
national life that I believe to be un
precedented in our history.
"Mr. Roosevelt ought not to be nom
inated at Chicago, because in such a
nomination the republican party will
violate our most useful and necessary
governmental tradition—that no one
shall be permitted to hold a third pres
idential term. Mr. Roosevelt fully
recognized this tradition in Novem
ber, 1904, when on the night of his
election he said:
'I am deeply sensible of the honor
done me by the American people in
thus expressing their confidence in
what I have done and tried to do. I
appreciate to the full the solemn re
sponsibility this confidence imposes
upon me, and I shall do all that in my
power lies not to forfeit it. On the
4th of March next I shall have served
three and a half years, and this three
and a half years constitutes my first
term. This wise custom which limits
the president to two terms regards
the substance and not the form and
under no circumstances will I be a
candidate for or accept another nomi
nation.'
Doubt on Other Pledges.
"He now says, although his lan
guage does not bear such a construc
tion, that he meant he would not ac
cept a nomination for a consecutive
third term. He says so in face of the
fact that the most noteworthy pre
cedent in which the tradition was as
serted and maintained was that of
1880, when General Grant was denied
a third term four years after he had
left the presidential office.
"It is not for me to enter into dis
cussion of the plain meaning of the
language he used. If he had frankly
announced that he had changed his
mind no one would be disposed to hold
him to a promise of that sort merely
because he had made it.
"The promise and his treatment of
it only throw an informing light on
the value that ought now to be at
tached to any promise of this kind he
may make for the future. The import
ant fact is that his declaration was
the statement of a principle essential
to the welfare of the republic.
Why Third Term is Sought.
"Mr. Roosevelt would accept a nom
ination for a third term on what
ground? Not because he wishes it
himself. He has disclaimed any such
desire. He is convinced that the
American people think that he is only
one to do the job (as he terms it) and
for this he is ready to sacrifice his
personal comfort.
"He does not define exactly what
'the job' is which he is to do, but if
we may infer from his Columbus
platform that it is to bring about a
change of the social institutions of
this country by legislation and other
means which he may be able to con
trol as president of the United States,
so as to enable the people to increase
the equality of condition and the
equality of opportunity of our citizens.
"I need hardly say that such an am
bitious plan could not be carried out
in one short four years. Were this
possible we ought to have a descrip
tion of the laws, the enactment of
which, and the executive orders, the
issuing of which, would accomplish
this end. No such laws or orders are
forthcoming.
No Solutions Offered.
''An analysis of his proposed reme
dies is impossible because he pro
poses no remedies. He announces
what he will do and how much he will
accomplish without the slightest sug
gestion of a constructive plan, and he
obtains support by an iteration and
reiteration of high purpose without
offering any practical solution to the
difficulties he proposes to overcome.
"We are left to infer, therefore, that
'the job' which Mr. Roosevelt is to
perform is one that may take a long
time, perhaps the rest of his natural
life. There is not the slightest reas
on why, if he secures a third term,
and the limitation of the Washington,
Jefferson and Jackson tradition is
broken down, he should not have as
many terms as his natural life will
permit. If he is necessary now to the
government, why not later?
"One who so lightly regards consti
tutional principles and especially the
independence of the judiciary, one
who is so naturally impatient of legal
restraints and of due legal procedure,
and who has so misunderstood what
liberty regulated by law is, could not
safely be intrusted with successive
presidential terms. 1 say this sor
rowfully, but I say it with the full con
viction of its truth."
'M
Save
your lambs
save your pro*
fits put your
flock in condition to
gain fast and get the good
of what you feed them. Every
sheep feeder and breeder knows how
worms cut down his pro
fits. Some try to dose the
worst cases with gasolene,
dis-
tobacco, and other
sfs?able mixtures. But THEOREATWORM DESTROYER
thai don't get rid of all the
and
YOUR
ffyasreerffg•
A soap bubble is a strong and en
during thing when compared to a po
litical reputation.
Notice in Probate.
State of Iowa, Crawford County, ss.—
In Probate.
In the matter of the estate of Jere
mia W. Bufflngton, late of Crawford
county, deceased.
Notice of Appointment of Adminis
tratrix.
To Whom It May Concern:
You are hereby notified that on the
15th day of April, 1912, the under
signed was duly appointed adminis
tratrix of the above entitled estate,
and all creditors of said estate are
notified to file their claims in the of
fice of the clerk of the district court,
in and for Crawford county, Iowa,
within one year from the date of this
notice, according to law, and have
the same allowed and ordered paid by
the said court or stand forever barred
therefrom.
Dated April 19, 1912.
ELIZA J. BUFF1NGTON,
Administratrix.
Conner & Lally, Attorneys. 17-3t
Notice in Probate.
State of Iowa, Crawford county, ss—
In Probate.
In the matter of the estate of Flor
ence G. Huffman, late of Crawford
county, deceased.
Notice of Appointment of Adminis
trator with Will Annexed.
To Whom It May Concern:
You are hereby notified that on the
30th day of March, 1912, the under
signed was duly appointed Adminis
trator with will annexed of the above
entitled estate, and all creditors of
said estate are notified to file their
claims in the office of the clerk of the
district court, in and for Crawford
county, Iowa, within one year from the
date of this notice, according to law,
and have the same allowed and or
dered paid by the said court, or stand
forever barred therefrom.
Dated April 6, 1912.
W. V. HUFFMAN,
A Remedy That Rids
Your flock
Worms
ON
®ES'1
CONDITIONER
riv.S. Th&t don't Stop your biggest I bo to market earlier keep healthy and make
„, .v w.you far bigger profits. We carry Sal-Vet inC
iOSuts. cener way.
zeBOf
MOIVnr
Here we are with you for
19! 2, with the following cars:
Apperson Jack Rabbit
Maxwell, E. M. F.
Flanders and Ford
Call at our new Garage south of the court
house and see these cars and get our prices.
Denison Auto Co.
W. A. McHENRY, President GEORGE McHENRY, Vice-Preaidaat
SEARS McHENRY, Cashier L. SEEMANN, An't Cashier
First National Bank,
DENISON, IOWA
Caplt*lt Surplus and Profits $140,000.00
Loans $745,987.89 Deposits $750,644.48
Interest'Paid on Time Deposits LoanslMade on Commercia. F-aper
Time Loans Made on Improved Farms at Current Fates.
We have a complete set of abstract books of Crawford County Lands
and Lots, and make abstracts of title.
We solicit your account on a reciprocal basis. We make five pub
lished reports of our condition annually to the Comptroller of Currency
and are examined by the National Bank examiner twice each year.
A°D
Si
"'I
SabVet
will positively
rid every animal
on your place of deadly
stomach and free intest­
inal worms and keep them so.
No pay if it fails. Sal-Vet is a
medicated salt—the sheep like it. All
you need to ?o is to let
them run to it freely—they
will doctor themselves.
Then watch them all put
gain fast,
They'll grow better fleeces,
packages from 75c up. Try
BACK IF SAL-VET FAILS
For Sale by
Will C. Bartlett, Agent
9-22 Denison, Iowa. Phones: C. C. 23-L. East Boyer 14-Z
I9I2 Automobiles
it.
(57)

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