Maysville weekly bulletin. [volume], May 12, 1864, Image 1

About Maysville weekly bulletin. [volume] (Maysville, Ky.) 1864-1866

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MAYSMLLE
;'EEK
ROSS & ROSSER, Publishers.
MAYSVILLB, KY.f THURSDAY, IVf AY 12 , 1864;
VOLX7MB 2 NUMBER 4?
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THE BULLETIN.
, PUBLISHED EVERY THUKSDAY BY
BOSS At BOSSPB.
Editors and Proprietors.
maysviixk.
MAY 12
THE MONEYLESS MAN.
BY BENBT T. BTASTOI.
Is there no secret p!ace, on the faee of the esrth,
"Where charity d welleth .where virtue hath bi rth!
Where bosoms in mercy and kindness will heave ,
And the poor and the Txetched shall "ask and
. receive!"
Is there no place on earth where a knock from
the poo
Will bring a kind angel to open the floor!
Ah! search the wide world wherever you can,
There is no open door for a moneyless man!
Go look in you hall where the chandelier's light
Drives off with its fcplendor the darkness of night;
Where the rich hanging velvet, n shadowy fold,
JSreepa gracefully down with Its trimming of
gold,
And the mirrors of silver take np and renew,
In long lighted vistas, the wildering view
Go there in your patches, and find, if you can,
A welcoming btaile for a monejless man!
Go look in yon church of clotid-reacLing spire,
Which gives back to the sun his same look of red
- Are;
Where the arches and tolumns are gorgeous
within,
And the'walla seem as pure as a soul without sin ;
Go down the aisle -see the rich, and the greut,
In the jomp and the pride of their worldly
. estate
Walk down in your patches, and.find if you can,
Who opens a pew to a moneyless man I
Go look to yon judge in his dark flowing gown,
With the scales wherein lav weigbeth equity
down;
Where ho frowns on. the weak, and emilescn the
strong
And punishos rijkt, whilst he justifies wrong;
Where juries, their Hps on the Bible have laid,
To render a verdict they've already raado
Go iKera in the court-room, and find, if you can,
Any law for the causo oi a moneyless man!
Go look in thu banks, where Mammon has told
His huodieds and thousands of silver and gold;
Wheie, safe from the hands of the starving and
poor,
Lies pile upon pile of the glittering ore;
Walk up to tho counter ah, there you may stay;
Till yoar limbs grow old, and yonr hairs turn
gy,
And you'll find at the banks not one of the clan
Wuh money to" lend to a moneyless man!
Then go to your hovel: no raven has fed
The wifo who has 6ufftred loo long for her bread;
Kueel down by her pallet, and kiss the death
frost From the lips of the angel your poverty lost;
Then turn in your agony upward to God, .
And bless, while it emites you. the chastening
red;
And you'll find, at the end of yoar life's little
span, -
There's a welcome above for a moneyless roanl
3fWho can Tead tho following beautifnl
lines and not feel that they contain truth as well
cspoe?y:. -
A smile upon fome kindred face,
When human hearts with grief bowed,
Is like the golden raya that chase
The darkness from tho summer's cloud.
"It lifts, and thrills, and brines a cheer
To pild with joy tho soddeet hours;
. It sj arkles on the soul as clear
As dew that sleep on fainting flowers."
TbLovk of rAi6E. The love of distinction
pervades ever) class of society. The lines of the
. poet Ytung are beautifully expressive of this
universal passion:
The love of praise, howe'er concealed by art,
. Glows mora or less, and reigns ;Q every heart.
The proud to gain it toils on toils endure;
The modest shun it, but to make it sore.
- It a'dsthe dancer's skill, the writer head
And heaps the plain with mountains of the dead,
Nor ends it here; it nods with sable plume
febines on onr hearse, atid g-ittcrs on our tomb.
Kt?8iKO. If there is anything ia row
liersof modem society that is truly often
iiveTo our ideas of delicacy, it is lbs vulgar
eomrobjHiesa to which kissieg has been de
graded As to the shaking of hands that,
tlngh we should not have it too discrimt
nately practised , iaa matter of comparative,
ly little moment; bat the bassial salute
, the pteesore of ibe lips-should be an Id
terchonge of affectionate greetings, or tender
farewell. Sacred, to the dearest connections.
Our parents onr sisters onr wife our
loved one, ready to become onr wife our
bosom's inmate, the friend of our heart's
'fore-rto them,- and "to tb em only, 1 baa.
been truly said, should be consecrated the
" lips of de'licacy. " ' '
Leisttbs UoCBS. It was a beautiful-observation
of the late Wm. lllilt.tbat
' "there is room enpugb in bumao life to
crowd almost everv art and science in it.
If we paxe no day without line v.sit no
place without the eompaoy of a book we
may with ease fill libraries or empty tbem
of their, contents. The more we do, the
. more we can do; the more busy we are, the
more leisure we have."
Tho Democratic) Platform.
To Editor of the New Tori 27e'o$:
1 he Chicago Times, an able and fearless
Democratic journal, and one whose editorials
we generally read with great pleasure.under-
tskes to a recent article to ascribe the tri
umph of Black Federals in Connecticut, at
the late State election, to the fact that the
Democratic, candidate suffered under the
disadvantagt of being supposed to be favor
able to a cessation of hostilities against the
South, or in other words, because he was
charged with being for peace.
And in speaking of the coming Chicago
Convention and the Usue of the Presidential
contest this year, the editor uses the follow'
ing language:
"Such a Convention is soon to meet, and under
thecircumotunces cannot be considered presump
tion to submit to the Democracy of Connecticut
anl of all the States the fact that the election
there has proved the impolicy of committing: the
party to any declaration which involves, even
indirectly, the cessation of hostilities until the
insurgent states acknowledge tho authority of
til. wunihunvui x ug ujctj ui i fcjr VI ilia pcifiia m
the Northe.n States do not ask and do not wish
that the war be prosecuted to enforce the negio
policies now offered as the terms of peace, but
they demand its continuance until the Confeder
ates consent to return to the Union.
"We simply present the fact tnat this i the
popular Kenti nent, omitting in the connection
all cnideration of its correctness. Whether it
be right or wrong, the success of tho Democratic
party isoonlingent upon its agreement with tins
sentiment. TJuionum is stronger than Aboli
tionism, and wo can triumph in the Providential
election by presenting a candidate and platform
which appchl directly and ftrongly to thi ab
sorbing naiional feeliug. Tne presentation must
be of a fashion which will operate as au injunc
tion upon all cavil and misrepresentation other
than rude, deliberate falsehood."
If this does cot go the full subjagntion ,
coercion, blood and shoddy doctrine, and
frankly admit that "the success of the
Democratic party is contingent upon its
agreement" with such a doctrioe, then it
means nothing.
We admire the care with which the edi
tor avoids all consideration of the ''correct
ness" of the doctrine so palpably wrong
that no honest Democrat, having the good
of his country at heart, need consider a mo
ment as to its full and complete rejection.
The Democratic party is an entity. It
still exists. It will always exist, so long as
it adheres 10 principle so long as it advo
cates doctriuej, the correctness cf which is
clear and self evident. It began in 1703,
when Dlack Federalism in New EngUnd,
uuder the guidance and lead of the elder
Adams, undertook, through the agency of
the Federal Government, to encroach upon
the rights of the States. The issue was then
made, wbe'.her the Federal Government,
the creature, was to master and trranize
over the creators, the States; whether the
agent waa to-control the principal, cr the
principal to con'rol the agent; whether, io
short, we were to have a consolidated cen
tra! despotism or a Federal Government of
limited powers an agency subject to the
Constitution and States which created it?
That is the issue now.
Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Madison presorted
this issue fairly in the celebrated resolutions
passed by the Virginia and Kentucky legis
latures of 1798. Those resolutions, from
that day forth, constituted and now consti
tute the chief plaok in the platform of the
Democratic party. They embody plain,
self-evident truths, which no honest and
intelligent roan, familiar with the history of
our Government, can for a moment ques
tion. These truths underlie all other tenets
of the Democracy. Take them away, and
you takeaway at once the only distinguish
ed differences between Democrat & Federal
ism. Black Federalis rejoiced with exceeding
great joy, when it falsely claimed that Gen.
Jackson bad, in 1862, yielded by his proc
lamation the great doctrines of 1793. It
made bim a Doctor of Laws of Harvard and ,
Yale Colleges and toasted bim at a great
rate, because he threatened South Carolina
while be used, successfully, bis influence
to 6ecure her justice and remove the griev
ances of which phe complained.
But Black Federalism counted without
its host: 'Whenever, as io 1818, the ques
tion came up seriously to bo considered
again as to the powers of the Federal Gov
ernment and the rights of the States, the
Democracy of the Union, true as the needle
to the pole, spoke out in tones of thunder.
It turned to the history of the past.consider
ed fully and fairly the relations of the
States toward the Federal ageucy at Wash
ington, and, impressed with the self-evident
trutbs.intbe resolutions of '98, embodied
them in the platform of the party. Fifty
years bad wrought no change in the rights
"ol the States nor any ia the character of the
Federal Government. Fifty years bar1
wrought no change in the words of wisdom
embodied io the celebrated resolutions
which emaDated from James Madison, the
father of tb.3 Constitution, and Thomas
Jefferson, the apostle of civil liberty and
author of the Declaration of Independence
a paper which asserted the old thirteen
to be "tree and independent States " Fifty
vesr's had wrought no change in Black
Federalism, which, in every possible guise,
was seeking to undermine the great doctrines
ol State tights. PiUy years had wrought
no abatement nor change in the vigilance
and patriotism of the Democracy. And
just fifty years after the adoption of the
res..lutioo of '98 the Democracy of the States
again turned to them in the boor of need
and adopted them down as a guide through
all dangers. -
Gen. Lewis Cass the bosom friend of
Andrew Jackson the distinguished hero,
and diplomatist of the North, accepted the
Domination of tht Democracy for President,
and in his letter ol acceptance pledged him
self to uphold and maibtain the resolutions
referred to. So did the gallant William O.
Butler of Kentucky, and right faithiu ly
has the latter adhered to bta pledge. So
did the whole Democratic party North,
South, East and West.
Agaio io 1862, were the same celebrated
glorious resolutions embodied by the Dru
ocracv, ia tb Baltimore platform upon
which Gen. Fraiik Pierce, was elected.
He indorsed them". And every State in the
Union but four, voted for him, and thus
ratified them: Ilia cabinet stood with him
upon the same platform. Alas," how few of
them io the North, have proved faithful to
these principles. How few of those blstaut-
office seekers, that swarmed about Wash
ington to catch Federal crumbs, and swore
by the resolutions of '93, have adhered to
their oft repeated pledges.
Where are the Dickinsons of New York
ever ready to soap a crumb Butler of
Massachusetts now warring on Virginia's
daughters and their little ones Holt of
Kentucky pandering like a miserable sy
cophant, where thrift will follow fawning
where is Guthrie, too, associated with Pren
tice, and the bloody coercionists of his State
But I digress
Again in 1856, the same glorious truths-
practical truths, as they soon promised to be
were embodied in the platform of the De
mocracy, and Air. Uucbanao, as be himsel
said, became the platform. lie was elect
ed, with John C. Breckinridge, as Vice
rresident both on the same platform on
the same ticket. Douglas sought a nomi
nation on the same platform-wss willio
nay, anxious to be the standard bearer of
the party, and do battle for the great prin
ciples of State rights, as enunciated io the
resolutions of '93.
And, still again in 1860 when the dark
cloud of Black Federalism.which bad grown
into irtgptiul proportions, and was threaten
ing to burst into torrents of destruction and
overwhelm everv vest'ge of State rights
and convert our form of Government into
consolidated despotism, to be controlled by
tne miserable fanatics who lord the country
with such a high hand tne Democracr
met io Charleston. The object was to agree
upon a platform, and select a leader to resist
the inarch of the destrovers, who have
since involved the country io bloodshed and
ruin. 1 be party differed about men. But
as to the great truths contained in the reso
lutions of '98 so frequently considered so
often asserted and proclaimed there was no
difference of opinion. Democrats from the
South: Deroocrts from the North: Demo
crats Irom tfi- East, and Democrats from the
West all all cordially agreed upon re
affirming, re-indorsing, and upholding the
Ciucinnati platform and the resolutions of
'98, as containing the bunting trutha and
doctrines of the Democratic party.
otephen A- Douglas the giant of the
Northwest with all his friends, agreed to
these trutb- as eternal principles. James
Guthrie of Kentucky, with his friends from
the South and West, agreed to them.
Dickinson ol New York, Butler of Masa
chusetts. Lane of O.-egen. Slidell of Liuiai
ana. Cobb of Georgia, Davis of Mississippi,
and John C. Breckinridge of Kentucky
all, stood shoulder to shoulder affirming and
proclaiming the great principles of Sta'e
sovereignty. Still they diffarred about men.
1 bey adjourned to Baltimore.
In Baltimore the fatal division as to men
occurred. But in reference to the resolu
tions of '98, both wings inscribed them on
their banners.
Douglas of Illinois, Johnson of Georgia,
with tbeir friends, proclaimed the great
truths ot Joffdrsoo and Madison througoout
the land, as their rule of faith and conduct.
Every where they were held up as bunting
principles and self-evident propositions,
underlying the fabric of our Government.
The resolutions of '93 received the support
of both wings of the New York Dem
ocracy. So, too. thronghout the East and
Northwest.
Breckinridge of Kentucky, and Lane of
Oregon, proclaimed the same truths. No
man claiming the name of a Democrat dared
question them.
Buchanan and bis Cabinet, the renegade
Holt of Kentucky, Cushiog of Massachusetts,
Seymours of New York and Connecticut,
the Dickinsons, the Dean Richmoods and
the Albany Regency, the Tammany II all
and the Mozart Uall Democracy, the Ohio
Democracy, and the California Democracy,
the Democracy of Maine and the Demo'
cracy of Texas, the Democracy of Virginia
aod the Democracy of Pennsylvania all
taught, ond all held to the principles of '93
as true none doubted their "correctness."
Are these principles less true now? Truth
U immutable, unchangeable, and immortal.
The Constitution we are all struggling to
support and save from the ruthless destroy
ers now in power, is the same now it was
when Jefferson penned the resolutions of '93
The facts, the otjects, the purposes which
led to the formation of the Federal Consti
tution which has guaranteed the rights of
the Slates and imposed unmistakeable re
strictions npon the Federal agency, are the
same now as they were then. Adherence
to the great truths contained in those resolu
tions io times past is what gave to the
Democracy its power, its hold upon the
popular affection, and eoabled it to guide
and direct the Government so successful,
and save it from Black Federal destruction.
Those truths have been to the nation its
"pillar of fire by night and of cloud by day"
its compass its salvation from ruin.
Why abandon truth, now in our day of
trial and need? Strike from the Demo
cratic banner the principles of '93 aud its
power is gsne. Deprive the Democracy ol
truth", so long advocated, to feanessly pro-'
claimed, so sel'-evident and so plain, and
you may as well succumb at once to the
black cohorta of Federalism. Never, never
let it be said that the Democracy is no
longer an aJvocate of principle. Never
yield a great trntb, an immntable prinoiple
to mere expediency. Oace strike the flag
of State rights once yield even for the
moment the truths of 98 and the country
is lost, forever lost. Then State sovereignly
will be among the thing of the past. Then
iherightof self government will begone.
The Black Federal will clap their hands
for Joy. and all lovers of civil liberty will
weep tears of gloom and sorrow. -
The principle of State sovereignty' as sat
forth in the KenTockv resolutions, penned
by Jefferson, is in the following word:
"That whensoever the General Govern
ment assume and delegate powers,not coo
lerred by the Corjblilut.oD, its acta are unau
thoritative 'void aud of no force; that each
State aceeJed. as a State and is an integral!
party, it co-State : forming as to itself the
other party ; that the Grovetomentoreated by
this compaot wa not made the final aqd, ex
clusive judge of the extent ,ot lb a powars
delegated tu it.ainca that would have made
it discretion; and not the Cboatttotion,' the
measure of its powers; that, asm-all other
- -; i . -. t
.-.fvrr-.. ; -I V. '
The following capital story is told of a
'constable in Pennsylvania. He had served
a legal precept of some sort, on a particular
friend of his. who, greatly drunk at the
lime, rebelled against the law and its
myrmidon, seizing the officer and shaking
almost to pieces. The parties meeting a
few days after, Jim, the offender, was pro
fuse in bia apologies.
'You know. Jake,' said be, 'I would not
have served yoa so if I had been sober! it
was the devliah whiskey did it all.'
The omoial at last molinea and relented
under Jim's expostulations. 'As to the
baking, said be. 'I don't bear any malice,
or valley it a cent on my own accouot: but
as an officer, Jim, recollect whoever shakes
me, ahaktt the CommonvoealtW
cases of a compact, among parties having no
common judge, each party has an equal right
to judge-tor itself, as well bf the Infractions
as tne mode and measure of redress."
As set forfh Io the Virginia resolutions
penned by Madison, the same principle I
thus declared:
"Virginia views the no wars of the Genera
Government as resulting from the compact
to which the States are parties, as limited
uy ine piain sense ana intention or the in
sirumeni constituting that compact as no
further valid, than they are authorized by
the grants enumerated in that compact; anl
that, in place of a deliberate, palpable, and
dangerous exercise of powers not granted in
said compact, the States, who are parties
inerato, have the right, and are in duty
bound, to interpose for arresting the progress
of the evil, and for maintaining, within their
respective limits, the authorities, rights and
u Denies appertaining to them."
Lot the Demooaacv. when it assembles in
onicago io July, Inscribe these truths upon
tbeir banner, as in former times! Let the
party advocate "the trutn.the whole truth,
and nothing bat tbe truth." This is no time
for half-way, clap-trap, mealy-mouthed
resolutions. This is not the hour for a policy,
the "correctness" of which any man can
question.
Jjet pesce be proclaimed on the housetops.
on the mountains and in the valleys in the
cities aod in the hamlets.
With peace upon their banner. Democrats
will strike terror among tbe bloody tyrants
who now rule. With peace npon tbeir ban
ner, good men of all parties will awell their
ranks. With peace upon their banner, the
widows aod tbe orohans, tbe fathers, the
fathers, tbe mothers, the wives and the
daughters of the land will pray for God's
blessing in their favor, and uod will bless
them.
Finally, "whatsoever things are true:
whatsoever things are honest; whatsoever
things are just; whatsoever things are pure;
whatsoever thing are lovely, and whatso
ever things are of good report, if there be
any virtue, any praise," let the Democracy
of the land think on these things nnd pro
claim Ihem. With such truths and doctrines,
victory will perch upon their banner, and
peace will dwell in the land. SE3.L.X.
STRETCHED UPON THE RACK
In a recent speech in the Senate Hon. L.
W. Powell, of Kentuoky, thus stretched
the double-faced Charles Sumner of Mass-
chasetts.apon the Rack.
i have beard the Senator declare in this
amber that under the Constitntion we
naa no power to interfere with slavery in
me oiaies. xo-day be tell us that it is
constitutional to strike and crush slavery
YTucicvur we can una II.
The Senator swears to suDDort the Con
stitution, and declares in his place that he
wou,u oos assist in tne execution of the fu
guive slave law, a law made in obe-
aience to tbe (command of the Con.
stitution. The Senator disregards th a Con
stitution, his oath of office, and everythin
Buuuiu Dioa tne conscience or a iuat
idea. I have mmaHmu f. li-- . a..
description of preachers who deliver noth.
ing but political essays. I never heard one
or that description but once. When I - go
Into a church and a minister commence
preachmg It that way. I sit and listen out
enhVeTCl1 htt -e f' the Dame Of Chris
hffi; . do.DOt.ri "d leave because the
til-; ; 8lVe to me'bnt 1 "main until
the services are concluded. But, air I never
go back to that church again; for I think
m,u,st?Ith" doe. not preach?
Christ and Him crucified pollutes the pulpit
In which he stands, and is an unworthy sir.
vant of that blessed Kf , A
K nuu in LUB
ing of peace.
But sir, let us ea on a l?tH rnYfV tit.
address of tbe Senator; Hera U an
upon civil war. The Senator will remem
ber that these extracts that 1 read from the
and good man. to carrv out hi .hnliiinn honor.w. s. ."'::. ',u lu'
schemes. .,." "P"cn general prop
The Senator from Massachusetts talka a Th nni fmM'.. . i
glibly about war as if he had .11 hU u IIIa nl.t. V.mI a?"'V "3t V W8 C?nl8
. . . - mv i r- w uwiwa uitsiiiMiHfi in irarapnai .
n t V1e" n' u othin5 had ever de- where the happiness of homes has be.tf
Hghted his eyes but backed and bruised ar- shivered by the Unfriendly arnis of .S
mor .nd broken blades. He has talked bors. and kinsmen have suTLR'
ahnnt fM k..- " 7" , T t -V" . I . " "T" -uuk oeueatn tne
----- w. .,. a uoiu-nguieuus aca rigur; meet nerve dv a Kinsmen's
uo una auvocaiea it mroua-hout; ha has in
1 m, . .
tea an toe men and all the
hand. Thla tr
civil war, which stands accursed triraoar in?
monev thav tne Calendar rr tirfca
wanted, and to-day he eulogizes war. Great God I the Senator from lit
How, what do you think has heretntam setts a AVI that, nioil n... - .1 - .
I .u- . .. . . . . r . uu accm
uccu me tenet 01 mat honorable Senator? all the annals of time
A a T hFn - : .3 .1 i .
. uoiui o oniu, luuaa woo nave out one
predominant idea are not wise counsellors.
The Senatcr has changed the whole enrrnnt
ot his thoughts within the last few years
uu iuis suoject or war. jjet ma read
assachuV
accursed in!
Why sir. he some
times speaks of this as a war of Massachrr
setts. To continue r
But the muse of history, in the h-ihini
rdcord of future transactions of nations, in.
: j t . . . - . x
ojjireu vy a
from anired hr- a haw an A lff .
a most elaborate oration, very handsomely I touched to fin er anxIKilitlaa: shall -
years
see wnai tne Senator then
ago. iiet ns fi8B Borfow of the en n nt xv an b1iii .w-
SSld of nearp'l , . "". . ....
..j if .u.i : ... . . -- uuuuce miernauooai war to De Civil war.
ana it everybody in thi nhamhar wtirt hoa i .. . . ..... ".
j u: , .7 . . auu tne partasers in it as traitors to Ooi?
w iLLlHSSetl II ! H pnnniii-r n ra rt rta eu I . -"
l. -"------------' ojr wufc an(1 enemies toman.
wuuirr io tne princiDies laid
A Sermon fob Young Ladies. Dow, J r.,
n one of his sermons, gives the following
Ivice to young ladies:
'My Young Maidens I know yoa all
want to get Married as soon as yoa enter
our teens; but it is better to remain single
nd live upon the cold soup of solitude than
to marry misery and wed woe. I have but
poverty-stricken opinion of tbe majority
of my sex. They are corrupted by the mis
called refinements ot the age, so inflated
with pride, so fooled by fashion, so afraid
of tbe soil on which they live, so given to
cultivating whiskers and mustaches, while
their morals are in the most wretched state
for want of weeding, and so overgrown with
air, vanity aod laziness, that scarcely one
n twenty is worth being entrusted with a
wife."
Woman. A gallant cotemporary thinks
that this world would hardly be worth liv-
Dg in, were it deprived of woman. Listen
to bis rhapsody. "Ye would remain in a
arden from which tne flowers have been
taken, or in a grove from which tbe 6irds
ave departed, or beneath a sky that the
weet stars had forsaken I Let cvnics
prattle a they may ,our existence here with
out the presence of the other sex, would be
only a dark and cheerless void. The light,
tbe smiles ana aaections or woman, are the
bow of beauty and promise, which spans the
fe of man from the cradle to bia grave."
A dissppointed maiden says that "tbe
reason an old maid is generally so devoted
to ber cat is, that, not having a husband.sbe
aturally takes after the next most treacher
ous animal."
Indian Eloquence. The following speci
men of elegiae pathos waa delivered by an
ndian over the contiguous graves of her
nshand and infant.
Tbe Father of L;ght and Life has taken
from me the apple of my eye and the core
of my heart, and hid them in these two
graves. I wi a moisten the one with ray
teara and the other .with the milk of my
breast, till I meet with them again In that
country wber the ena never .seta.'
Ta Sbaoh tor Pliasub. How little
do we know, when we blindly pnrsnaeome
wishedfor obfeot. faoeying that, when at
tained, it will realise oar iosdest anticipa
tions how little do we know that we may.
fact, hi seek leg oor own misery; or at
east, that-disappointment may ensue and
that the greatest pleasure the prise was oap-
ble of affording may have consisted in its
parson r x
..T T . I . I I 111! 11 ..
A: Gbeen One. An exchange tells a
good ttcry of an innocent couotrymao whs
chanced to be In-one of our cities on Sunday,
nd who conclude to go to church. Arri
ved there, he waited outside for a moment,
when to his surprise, the organ struck up.
which he concluded that some .sort of a
shave down' .waa about to commence, just
at that moment a gentleman invited him to
walk in and take a' seat. . 'Not 'xackly
Mister I ain't used to such doln's on San
day, and besides,. I don't daace..
be has run
. . .. . k r
aown by himself I will admit that I. have
not capacity to see the truth or to state it.
Here is an extract from an oration, made by
Hon. Charles Sumner, entitled the Gran
deur of Nations, a few years a-o.
mi. juumiin, v a at is tne aate or it?
Mr. POWELL. The 4th of July. 1S45.
and I would rather have it dated back at
that time than now, because it expressed
tbe Senator's ideas when everything was
cool and calm and quiet, aod there was not
tbe excitement of civil war. I have a right
to use it as a weapon against him. He is
using this war as an instrument to destroy
slavery. That Is his whole object; he haY
none other; and I think he will get up and
avow that to be the case. I am sure he
will not deny it. Now, sir, let us look to
what be said an war in that address:
'in our age there can be no peace that is
not honorable; there can be no war that is
not dishonorable.'
And those words are pot in capital letters.
According to bis own tenets, the Senator is
now urging on a dishonorable war. I do
not say that if he utters the truth when he
made tbe speech from which I have iust
reaa, ne is now advocating a dishonorable
war because in that speech he said there can
be no war that is not dishonorable. I sup
pose the Senator in the coarse of his life
has had two ideas, a war idea and a peace
idea, and when he was on the idea he
thought nothing under Heaven was good
but peace. I do not concur with the Sena
tor in that sentiment, for I think there are
times in the affair of nations when it is riht
to go to war. I read it merely to show The
Senator's' inconsistency. '
Mr. SUMNER, The Senator will allow
me to say that at the time I made that re
mark I had very little idea of the barbar
ism of slavery.
Mr. POWELL. I have no doubt of that.
and if the Senator would look into himself
be would find that he is more barbarous than
perhaps any slaveholder that ever lived.
The Senator is the perfect embodiment of
barbarism the barbarism of fanaticism I
am a slaveholder; aod if I believed that ' I
bad about roe half the barbarism tbe Sena
tor has, I should be disposed to hide from
the civilized world. But, sir, let me go 00
with the the speech from which I am quo
ting: 'War is utterly ineffectual to secure or ad
vance the object at which it professes to
aim. The misery which it excites contrib
utes to no end, helps to establish no right,
and therefore io no respect determines jus
tice between the contending nations.'
Why does the Senator carry on this war?
Just for the love of blood, havoc, public
plunder, and the destruction of human life?
tie boldly and clearly and most perspicu
ously declared in 1815 that it never will ef
fect its aim. Yet we fiod the Senator in
that most ridiculous attitude, at war with
himself. That is the barbarism that fan at
ici6m teaches. That is tbe barbarism that
fanaticism teaches. It briogs him into a
most atriking contradiction. But I will
read a little further from the honorable
Senator's most elaborate speech. He says:
Christianity forbids the whole custom of
war.
Ia the gentleman, in order to carry ont his
one idea of destroying negro slavery, not
Only to overthrow the fixed and firm prin
ciples of bis life, but is he to overthrow
Christianity? The whole system of Chris
tianity? The whole system of Christianity
is to g by the board because tbe Senator
wishes to effect through the instrumentality
of arms one single "oir-jact the abolition ol
slavery. He is wil. ins to forego not only
hi former principles about human affairs,
bat to overthrow the re.jgioo of the blessed
Saviour himself, to bring about that, to bim,
most desirable of all object.
The honorable Senator from Maasaehn
eetts further .says on this subject of Christi
anity and war:- -
It was not until Christianity beoiraeoor
rupted that its followers beoame soldier,
aud its priest learned to minister , at the al
ter of the God of battles. j
I admit with the-Senator that many of
the clW in hie region ofxeubtry have be
come very much corrupiedyb6eaase -they
preach war and nothing else; but I suppose
the honorable Senator ia .wftliog to sea., not
only the church and the clergy, but every"
thing,-else, corrupted to carry out this Due
Here the Senator declares that thoia who?
partake in these civil wars, or in inter
national wars, which be says are civil wars
are traitors to uoa ana enemies to man
Why, sir, to take the Senator's own posi
tion here as true, he stands to-day a traitor
to God acd ao enemy to' man. And yet
that Senator is forever pranting about tha
barbarism of slavery. Had it not been for
the eternal ringing of that word In mv ear
I would not have put the Senator to the
cruel torture of quoting to-day his princi
ples wnica ne now stands op and openly
violates. ,
The Senate will bear me witness that th!'
is the first time since I haVe been a mem
ber of the body that I have attempted even'
to resist or cast back these accusations upon'
the Section of country from which 1 came.
1 bey are distasteful to me; but, sir, there is
a point beyond which forbearance ceases to.
be a virtue, and I think we have reached
that point.
Let me read another sentence from! . this?
address. The Senator says:
"A man is higher than the the beast of
the field; as the angels are higher than man;
as Christ is higher than Mars; as he that
rulelh his spirit is greater than he that ta
keth a city, so are the victories', of peace
higher than the victories of war.' .
That is very handsomely said, and in the'
main it is very true. The Senator theri
goes on to inveigh against standing atmles.
He speaks of the vast expense of maintain-,
ing tbem', and quotes a table of expenses of
other countries; and yet that Senator la' en
gaged here in a war. When I say he is en
gaged in a war 1 will do the Senator tbe
justice to say that he only advocates it on
bis lips; he advocates it here by speech', by
word, by letter. He attempts to fire the
hearts of the people everywhere to join In
this crusade. Tbe honorable Senator dope'
not go where he would hear the rattle pf
small arms or smell gunpowder. Were I
for this war as ferociouslyjns that Senator js,
I think I would tike up a musket and bo
into the field. But I am opposed to the
war (though I do not intend to discuss that")
for tbe reason I have so often stated beve.
I have not much fa rth in the sincerity of
those who always preach war and nevfrf
fight. "It would be better for them to fight, at
little, and then people will think they ira'
in earnest. L he Senator is willing that'
other people's blood shall be shed. He la
willing that a million of the young men
of the country shall be sacrificed. He 14
willing that tbe whole land be laid mourn-
ng that the weeds of tbe widow
and the tears of the orphans shall
every where be seen. He is willing;
that the hard earnings of tbe labor- '
ing man, though his wife and children may
be-starving, shall be wrenched from' him by
the ruthless hand of the tax gatherer In
order to defray the expenses of this war
and to pay the Interest on the immense debt
that is accruing. AU these things he ia wil
ling to see for tbe purpose of -carrying outa
fanatical idea. That be boasts' of; that he'
gloats over; but, air, he never aeeketh the
battle even afar off. He does not go with
in sound pf the dram and fe; nor is he
like the war-horse that smelleth the battle'
afa off. I repeat X have not muoh -co nil'-,
denee in the sincerity of that description of
patriots. .
Mr. President, I have said all I Intend fV
say on this matter. It was not yparrce:
to open- rivy mouth on this" amendment. -I
had determined to content myself with, the
very elaborate speeohea made , by my ool
leaue the Senator from Delaware, (Mr.'
Sauisbnrv,) and the Sena'or from Indiana,
(Mr. Hendricks;) bat, girt such -were the id
consistencies of the Senator from New Ec.
gland to wbom l have referred; sncb were'
the assaults upon : the Democratic party
sash were the aesanlts npon my ewrPSUte,
that I felt called apon to tay a word ir tbe)
vindication, ia doing that 1 thought' it bet
right that I shootd allow tbe Senator from
Massachusetts to look into hla own' mirror,'
and hence I have held op the epeech' he'
made some time ago to hi vision. '
He that will sell his lame, will also eetf
the public interest.- - 'u - ;-
It .is f afer to be hurt Wealth.' oft taesY
than tote prbadwl-ri.;. , 0''J .' , ,
..i 1 i. : '.. i .'1 1 ' 1 1 ' ' ".'7 .
Jt is better to reconcile aa enemy thairtor
conquer h'ni; .-. ; y ILJ.L. '
. ; j';i.i-:iJ.
HBii3MlSil&.
J