Manchester Democrat. [volume], August 02, 1899, Image 6

About Manchester Democrat. [volume] (Manchester, Iowa) 1875-1930

Image provided by: State Historical Society of Iowa

                
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BROSSOH & CAB&, Publishers.
MANCHESTER, IOWA.
The kissing bug has a soft snap on
a sure thing.
A man is like the hammock to this
extent: He is apt to live where he
'hangs out.
Taking a hair of the dog that did the
biting also applies to the general run
of growlers.
Whatever you may say of trusts it
should abvnyfe be kept in mind that
they are not incorporated idiots.
Vacation in its root meaning may im
ply emptiness, but few people are like
ly to say there's nothing in it.
This movement to prevent a certain
liind of divorced people marrying again
would show the marriage rite Is being
closed for repairs.
As soon as it bec6mes thoroughly un
derstood that eggs will cure consump
tion the hens will probably incorpo
rate uuder the laws of Jfaw Jersey.
When Li Hung Chang in so conserva
tive a country as China is strong
enough to pull down the Chinese wall
it shows he's got something of a pull.
As boxing is called a scieuce and Sul
livan prdys for the ring success of his
favorites, somebody after a while may
be making him out a Christian Sci
entist.
i, A Western poet has written some
verses to a girl, saying at the end of
each stahza: "1 dreamed of you last
night" Poets can do. that because It
doesn't cost money.
A Nansen talks of trying to find the
south pole in 1902. He probably thinks
the people will have ceased by that
time to be interested In personal his-,
torles of the late war.
King Corn won a gallaut victory in
England last year. During the twelve
months the British Government used
124,000 gallons of cjrn whisky in the
manufacture of smokeless powder.
Emperor William has bought two ele-
1
plutntH, which will be used hereafter
•111 his big parades.' This, however,
must not be regarded as conclusive
evidence of the Emperor's intention to
make a show of himself.
The hostility to the Americans which
was so pronounced in France during
the Cuban war has so far subsided that
the Parisians are now wiling to furnish
lodgings to visitors from the United
States at much higher prices than have
ever been charged before.
The statement that the telephones in
England are very poor will create no
surprise. Electricity ns a household
and business agent is a little too swift
for the conservative Britons to manage
with perfect satisfaction. That is pos
sible only In America, which might be
profited by imitating the more deliber
ate habits of their English cousins,
while the latter could easily stand a
slight infusion of American enterprise.
A French medical paper contains a
strange story by Dr. Koveos of a rela
tive of his, whose beard and mustache
from being prematurely white sudden
ly became dark. The editor adds a
story of an old priest whose white hair
fell off because of an atack of erysipe
las and was replaced by raven locks.
Are these stories myths like those of
the ancient Greeks regarding rejuven
escence, or was "goat's Juice" used by
any chance?
Another of the school of imaginative
scientists asserts that he has discov
ered that music when properly pro
duced Is so soothing and' lulling to the
digestive organs that It can be mode
In time to take the place of food. As
the scientist neglects to tell just how
long this Interesting experiment would
take it is quite evident that he hasn't
carried his tests that far. But it's a
nice theory and there can be no objec
tion to the learned discoverer's follow
ing it out to the bitter end.
The class of music to which the "Hot
Time" belongs is, of course, not ex
alted. It Is not chamber music or con
cert music. It Is Just the slap-dash, go
as-you-please sort of thing that suits
the crowd in Its hours of effervescence
and outdoor celebration. The Ameri
can people happen to be "built that
way." They gravely chant "America"
in the parlor and when they take to
the street or to the battlefield they
change the tune to the primitive lilt
of "Yankee Doodle" with Its words of
superlative banality. If this tendency
is immoral, then Lord help us all! As
a nation, we are doomed, and the won
der Is that the ghastly end lias not
come long ago.
•j. The Boston "Journal" quotes the
prediction uttered by General Horace
Binney Sargent in his oration on Mem
orial day, I860.
Comrades, though few of us may live to
see it, I feel sure that the last survivors
of the Grand Army of the Itepublic will
celebrate this annivertiury after soine duy
of glory, when the sons of rebels aud our
Sons shall have fallen side by side in some
common cause of foreign war, us our sires
and their sires fell side liy side under the
eye of the great rebel, .. the Virgin
ian, Washington. :f
'litis prophecy has been literally ful
filled. The predicted "foreign war"
has re-emblazoned America's national
c«iraeter, restored the unity of licr peo
ple, and—ns Editor Wattersou phrases
It—' flung her geography Into the sea."
I lie c/.ar of ltusslu Is quoted ns say
lug recently: "I am sick and tired of
life. What with its responsibilities, Its
hypocrisies, Its festivals aud Its lies, I
wish I were out of it." It would be
strange, indeed, If a ruler so conspicu
ous had permitted himself to express
this sentiment publicly, but the atti
tude ol mind is not so fantastic as It
might appear to some youugperson who
has tired of life because of its poverty
and hardship. The czar's fate is that
other.of the two extremes In neither of
which Is to bo found the truest happi
ness.
The sympathies ol tlic whole country
were aroused by the recent abduction
from New York City and tho subse
quent recovery of little JInrlon Clark,
a babj 20 months old. Many aspects
of this case nre worthy of study. In
earlier days It was a comparatively
CUM act to steal a child mid carry It
wlieie its Identity was lost, while the
bereaved parents were left without
hope d! Its return. Such cases were so
common that the accidental reunion of
parents with their loss-lost children be-
carae a familiar feature In literature
and on the stagp. The prompt recovery
of the Clark baby shows that, while the
world is all the time growing larger, in
another sense it Is constantly decreas*
iug in size. The growth of great mod
ern cities, aud the free movement of
people from place to place, would at
first seem to make it much easier to
carry out successfully a crime of this
kind to-day than it was in the past but
modern inventions have more than off
set these changed conditions of society.
hen this child was stolen, such a
glare of publicity was thrown upon the
crime that no nook or corner of this
great country could long afford the
criminal a hiding-place. The telegraph,
the steam railroad, the perfected police
system all lent their aid, but more val
uable than all else were the services of
photography and the newspapers. The
daily journals so faithfully reproduced
the baby's portrait that a young wom
an in a country postoffice, as soon as
she saw the strange child, said: "Why,
that looks like Marion Clark." Thfe
modern daily press has many faults,
but occasionally it perforins a service
so important as somewhat to coudone
them.
A Trench president, if he clioses, can
live like a prince. His salary is $125,
000, and the annual allowances for in
cidental expenses are equally large.
The Klysee Is splendidly furnished and
kept in repair as histown residence,and
the palaces of Fontalnebleau and Bam
boulllet are also maintained by the
state for his use during the summer.
There are large shooting preserves at
Marly, where he can enjoy outdoor
sport during the autumn. The lato
President Faure liked ceremony, splen
dor and statolluess. Taking the view
that the French people did not wish to
have the presidential office maintained
in an unpretentious way, he adopted
much of the etiquette of European
courts, drove nbout constantly in
cottck-aud-slx uuder military escort.and
gave brilliant entertainments in town
and country. Generously as the state
provided for lilm, lie expended a large
share of ills private wealth in keeping
up luxurious appearances and in enter
taining guests like the czar with splen
did pomp. President Loubet has uot
been long In office, but It is aparent
that he intends to live less pretentious
ly and in closer accord with old-fash
ioned Ideas of republican simplicity.
In comparison with his predecessors in
office he is a poor man, and he has the
frugal tastes of the class of small coun
try landholders from which lie sprang.
He represents the great element of
rural France, which studies and prac
tices economy anil dislikes wasteful
ness aud luxury. Pleasure-loving Paris
laughs over the rumors of reform and
retrenchment in the kitchens and serv
ant-halls of the Elysee, but the presi
dent's conduct meets with hearty ap
proval in the country towns and vil
lages, where thrift has never ceased to
be a virtue. Even the boulevard wits
were silent when the president, re
turning to his mother's home In Monte
Iimar, gave oil unstudied exhibition of
filial reverence. CatclUng a glimpse of
her while hair as he drove in triumph
through the town In a magnificent
coach behind an escort of cuirassiers,
he sprang to the ground, ran toward
the platform where she was seated and
embraced her agqln 'and again, while
she was sobbing from joy and pride. A
president who is not ashamed of his
humble peasant mother and remembers
her counsels of thrift and carefuluess,
stands for the best qualities of staid,
rural France. There is so much that
Is sordid and contemptible in the pub
lic life of the republic with the strange
hurly-burly of the Dreyfus case, that
a touch of the simplicity of earlier and
better times Is welcomed.
IMPROVEMENT IN RAIL MAKING,
Joint. Done Awny With and Smooth
ness of K11 [i nin if Secured.
Great claims are made for a rail pat
ented by Daniel Mlnthorn, of Western
New York. The familiar "T" rail is
dispensed with entirely, and a rail on a
triangular base substituted. -This is
HAIL i.v A RNIAXAULAN IIASB.
made In two parts. The head Is formed
separately, with grooves on the under
side, and can be made of high-grade
steel, wlillo the base, which may be of
inferior metal, is made triangular, as
stated, and as sbownjn the cut. After
the base Is laid on the ties the head is
slid In its place, Its outwardly bent
flanges fitting Into the grooves of the
I'aillieud.
The advantage of this is In avoiding
the wuir and tear at rail joints. An
other feature is that after the head has
become worn on one side It can easily
bo taken off and turned without remov
ing the triangular support. It is also
slated that the interior of the rail may
be utilized as a conduit to contain tele
phone or telegraph wires, thus avoid
ing the stringing of tliefn on poles at
the side of the road.
Twain's PyJamaB.
Marls Twain lias an Intense dislike
for clothes, and If it were possible
would rcinalu lu his pyjamas day in,
da.v out. And whenever he can do so
lie eats breakfast iu them, receives his
friends and works in tliein. His favor
ite mode of writing is to lie tint on the
door on ills stomach in his pyjamas,
with a pipe in Ills mouth. When on
lecture tours he never gets out of Ills
sleeping clothes until it is time to go
to hall or opera house. When the fit
strikes him lie likes to exercise, and
then with his customary shamble will
sluillle nloug for miles and exhaust the
most athletic companion. But he feels
far more at home in ills pyjamas than
iu a street suit or evening clothes.
Cheerful Novels.
In a recent article In the Independent
Margaret Delaiul makes a strong plea
for the cheerful novel: "For my part,"
she says, "I find as I grow older I want
the novelB I rend to end well. A story,
let us sny, of Siberian convict life might
lie tulcl with truth so far as facts go
and with art in its telling, and yet leave
the render miserable and unhappy. See
clear, think straight, understand rncts,
as they lie. good and bad. In the wide
seitlngof eterulty-but believe! believe!
believe! Believe in the Integrity or the
moral purpose of the universe—believe
in God and ill little children—believe in
the goodness of the world!"
..... Itusslaii Bueptffi1.
1 lie Russian scepter is of solid gold,
and contains HtS8 diamonds, 3UU rubies
anil lu emeralds. •iVS:
E i. lla.i JL Lead.
'J U'O-thlrils ol nil the letters posted
in dm pobtoaires of the world are
English.
s5V*!. f-
The question of what nietals are used
In the coinage of a nation Is a matter of
no consequence other than as they af
fect money supply. Tile terms free
ni£I unlimited coinage applied to gold
or silver mean that the mints will re
ceive and coin for the benefit of the
owners of all such metal that may be
offered for that purpose, thereby leav
ing money supply to be determined by
the productiveness of the mines. From
time immemorial down to 1873 money
supply was fixed by the joint product
of the gold aud sliver mlues of the
earth without any attempt on the part
of man to lu any way limit the coinage
of either metal. The fact that some
nations struck their coins from one
metal exclusively whilj other nations
struck their coins from the other did
not constitute monometallism iu any
sense so long "as the entire output of
both metals was coined and entered
into the money mass Hint fixed the
world's price level. Mouey supply
could not be curtailed by Eugland
making licr coins of gold alone, while
Germany coined only silver and France
coined both metals Indiscriminately.
The fact that England refused to colli
silver simply left a larger stock of that
metal to be coined In Germany, Aus
tria, ltussla and France. While the
fact that Germany, Russia and Austria
struck their coins from silver alone
enabled Eugland to secure larger
amount of gold. Indiscriminate coin
age of both metals In France at the
ratio of 15Vi to 1 fixed the relative val
ue of gold and sliver coins at the
French coinage ratio wheresoever
coined and made the result, so far as
money supply was concerned, the same
as though all nations coined both
metals.
The world's price level depends upon
the world's stock of money. When the
stock is large prices are high, when It
Is scant prices are low. Price is nn
expression of the relation existing be
tween money and other things. As
money is only a means to nn end and
not an end Itself, when fluctuations In
money supply are so violent that price
levels suddenly or rapidly rise or fall it
causes great disturbances In the busi
ness world aud changcs the relation of
debtors to creditors, doing an injus
tice to one or the other. Honest money
is money In which debts can be paid
without doing injustice to either debtor
or creditor. In order to be such, the
money volume must increase from
year to year In the same proportion
that population and demand increases,
because any change in its purchasing
power between the time that a debt is
Incurred and tbe payment of the same
Involves the transfer of property from
one of the parties to the other without
compensation. When money supply
keeps even pace with demand the suc
cess of men engaged in business will
be gauged by the Judgment, industry
and capacity of the men themselves
uninfluenced by a rise or fall in prices
due to changes in the value of money.
The supply of gold has fluctuated vio
lently from time to time througbout all
history. The same is true of the.sup
Ply of silver, but it has usually so hap
pened that the supply of one was large
when that of the other was small, thus
each in turn counteracting the evil in
fluences of the other. Besides, with
both metals In use nnd consequently a
larger money volume the variations
from time to time In the supply had a
less violent effect upon prices than
would be the case it one metal only
was coined and the volume of money
was smaller. The effect upon business
and production of an Increasing or di
minishing money volume Is widely dif
ferent aside from the Injustice that
accrues to debtors or creditors. An In
creasing volume of money and rising
prices tempts all money Into active cir
culation, starts all the wheels of Indus
try into motion, furnishes employment
for all labor, and, If continued through
a period of years, gives to labor a
larger share of the wealth it produces
than It would receive under any condi
tions, because uuder such clrcum
stanccs money Is constantly losing Its
power over other things, so that to hold
It Idle causes loss to its owner, while
under rising prices an investment al
ways means to part with that which is
growing cheap in exchange for that
which is growing dear.
Under such circumstances with all
labor employed and with products
steadily going to a premium while
money Is going to a discount, the com
petition for labor will be so slinrp Hint
It will be employed at a small margin
of profit to employers and the laborers
will receive as wages a corresponding
ly large share of the products of their
toll. When such conditions prevail
production reaches Its maximum aud
but few debts aro created. The money
lender and usurer lit such times aro In
but little demand. On the other hand,
when the money volume Is diminishing
nnd priccs falling hoarding money in
idleness is the only sure road to wealth.
The Judgment, Industry aud capacity
that would win a fortune uuder normal
conditions can now only court bank
ruptcy.
Those engaged lu production must
anticipate lower prices and reduce
costs to meet such prices. This meaus
a reduction of wages and a consequent
curtnlliiient of both production and
consumption, if this condition contin
ues a long time the savings of the la
borers arc first consumed ou account
of enforced idleness and the competi
tion for an opportunity to earn daily
bread becomes so severe that the la
borers have no voice
111
regulating the
share of their product that they shall
receive as agos. During such periods
In the world's history when the mines
were productive civilization advanced
by leaps and bounds, slaves disappear
ed and freemen multiplied upon the
earth. But during those other periods
whan tile mines were not productive
and prices continued to fall laborers
lost first their savings, then their lib
erties and finally the money changers
destroyed nil other classes and civiliza
tion itself disappeared.
In view of the power of money as a
controlling factor in the Industrial
world it will lie readily seen that a
combination of the world's creditors
and money dealers, if permitted to ma
nipulate the money supply through dic
tating coinage laws, legal tender nets,
and the Issue of bank notes for circula
tion would thereby be enabled to plun
der the world ad libitum. Such an or
ganization was formed nearly half a
century ago. It was through its agency
that silver was clandestiucly demone
tized In the United States In 1873. It
Is In the Interest of that same class
that the Republican members of the
banking, currency and coinage commit
tees have been recently holding unoffi
cial sessions at Atlantic City, If Mr.
Henderson Is not pledged to' appoint
congressional committees In the inter
est of that organization lie stands no
show whatever of being elected Speak
er of a Republican Congress. There
Is only one question that equals In im
portance tiie money question, and that
Is the question of creating a large
standing army. Militarism would mean
death to the republic, and the end ot
liberty.—National Watchman.
The Go'd Standard Farmer.
I cannot but pity many of our fellow
men who find It difficult to obtain even
the bare necessities of life, crying for
their oppressors. Why. how mtich, or
rather how little—sense It takes to real
ize that something Is wrong when we
tluil millionaires able to pile up other
millions from year to year, while upon
the other hand, the lnau with a few
thousand Invested In real estate can,
by constant effort, only make a living.
Yet too many of them are like the
farmer (ho is a McHannaite), who said
to me, "Times are all right, money Is
plenty, but somehow I cannot pay my
debts." Poor fellow, he was much
like another farmer who said, "I can
not read and don't know much about
politics, but Mr. S says tbe gold
standard Is best and he ought to know.
Mr. S was a banker and held mort
gages against the farmer for probably
all that he was worth.
It is passing strange that these same
men, when they go to a merchant In
their own town, won't believe htm, but
think he is laying for them and is mak
ing large profits upon everything he
sells, when In reality it takes careful
financiering to keep afloat.
Now, what kind of an anlmnl is the
gold-standard farmer? His genealogy.
Is beyond my ken, nnd I have frequent
ly tried to discover the source of his
perversity. Hate seemingly has per
meated his very soul he so detests
anything not having the brand* "Re
publican" upon It, that he refuses to
even view it. Like one whom I saV
once knock a paper out of the hands oi
a person nnd kick it after it was upol)
the ground. Such people will always
vote the ticket according to its label
the.v need masters, and for my part I
would hnve no objections if I and mine
were not Included In the serfdom and
have to suffer as well. There is hope
dawning. I now find some, whom wj
regarded aB hopeless, are Inquiring af
ter the truth, nnd may the people unite
and In 1000 sweep over this fair land\
with such force as to presage the utter
destruction of the golden calf worship
ers. Let Americans rule In America.
No treacherous Briton need give us ad
vice. x.
Visiting tho Wishing Well*.
In Scotland old customs die hard,
especially in the highlands, as -was evi
denced on the first Sunday In May,
when the time-honored practice of pay
ing a visit to the wells, the waters of
which are known for their healing vir
tues, was observed by hundreds of per
sons.
Y'oung nnd old journeyed from In
verness during the day to St Mary's
well, which Is situated near to the
blasted Culloden lieatli, and after
drinking the water a coin wns dropped
into the well. This act is supposed to
be an earnest of good health and suc
cess during the year.
The practice of visiting "wisliing
wells" has descended from father to
sou, and despite the fact that many
ministers point out thnt It is not con
ducive to keeping the Snbbutli holy, and
Is only fit for superstitious barbarians,
still the numbers who go to the well
never diminish.
Not only wns the practice observed
in parts of Iverness-shire, but in Ross
sliirc also numbers of people visited
tho famous healing well of Cralglehow,
deposited their coins and returned np
parently satisfied that trouble ond sick
ness had effectually been guarded
agaiust in the coming year.
Hlftb-Priceii Ice Cream.
"I tuk two gals down street last
night to git 'em some ice cream," said
George Washington Snowball, "but
when I got down I 'inos' had a fit of
heart disease."
"What was the trouble? Did they
ask for a second helping?"
"Secou' lielpiu' uotliin'. Dey didn't
ebeu git de first helpln'."
"What was the reason? Did you dis
cover that you had left your money at
home?"
"No. sail dnt wasn't what wns de
matter at all. We went down street
jus' ns linppy ns you please, snh—one
gal on each arm, you know—an' when
we got in sight ol de ice cream saloon
I read dnt sign, an' I fought I should
dmp dead."
"What did the sign sny?"
'it snhl: 'Ice Cream, $1.25 Per Gal.'
I had two gnls. you know, besides maw
self, an' I hadn't no pocket full of
money. Say. mister!"
"Well?"
"Do you fink dnt one ob deip trustses
has got hold ob de ice cream busi
ness?"— Harper's Bazar.
Russian l'easuuts Grow Wealthy.
Twenty-six years ago a little party
of Itussian peasants settled on govern
ment lund 111 Hutchinson County, South
Dakota. TheyareMeuuoultesund came
to this country because ihey were not
allowed to follow their religion at
home. Now tlicy own iu common 10,
000 acres of fertile laud, more than half
of which Is under the plow. The 200
members of the community live to
gether ill long, low houses. They eat
at a common table and every member
Is obliged to do a certain amount of
work daily. Altogether the property
of the settlement, which is held In com
mon, is vnlned nt $500,000. Tho com
munity is governed by the eltester, or
preacher, who decides all disputes be
tween members. They have nothing to
do with lawsuits, tobacco, war, or poll
tics. The members of the community
nre not ci.ti/.cns of the United Stntes,
having never applied for naturalization
papers.
Cans oir. IfflS
The comedian boarder allo.wed his
eyes to roam around the table until
they rested ou the strawberries.
"Any oue," he said, addressing the
sweet singer, "could see that these ber
ries were uot brought up right."
"And why not?"
"Because they come to the table with
tlieir caps ou."
Then the landlady gritted her teeth.
In France there nre 0,000,000 smok
ers. Of every 15 there are 8 who smoke
cigars. 5 who use pipes and only 2 ad
dicted to cigarettes. Still these com
paratively few smoke 800.000,000 eig
aretttt A yaar.
^-c.ifrt-'x & -=W \s tsw
BRYAN IN CHICAGO.
GREAT THRONG GREETS HIM AT
THE AUDITORIUM.
Cheer Him Loudly at Entrance and
During Hi« Speech Leader Talks
Strongly Against Imperialism and
Trnsts. ":V '.^v:
The old leaders and the old platform
were reindorsed by the great Democratic
meeting at the Auditorium in Chicago
held under the auspices of tbe Chicago
platform Democrats. Bryan aud Altgeld
were the old leaders whose names and
whose presence evoked tumultuous cheers.
The principles of 1890 were cheered at
every reference, and equally emphatic
and enthusiastic were the bursts of ap
plause and cheers that greeted every de
nunciation of the war of couquest iu the
Philippines. These were the four fea
tures of the meeting that stood out boldly
and In even measure seemed to hold the
affection of the 7,000 men and women
who thronged the immense interior.
To Bryan was given a welcome the
manifestation of which was limited only
by the power of human expression. The
audience was singing "America" and the
big organ was rolling out its volume of
music to tbe rhythm of voiceB wheu Mr.
Bryan stepped upon the stage.. There
was a cheer from the stage and the sing
ing was converted into a roar of answer
ing cheers. Mr. Bryan was received with
long-continued applause* the people stand
ing up and cheering for some mluutes.
He said:
Mr. Ch&lrmau uud Ladles and Gentlemen:
I am not going to trespas supou your time.
You have already listened for as long a time
as you are accustomed to attend a meeting,
and it would not be proper for me to enter
at nny great length upon any ot the ques
tions which are uow before the public.
am somewhat embarrassed lu speaking
In Chicago, because the advocates of the
Chicago platform are divided Into two kinds
audIt Is not my business to employ the se
cret service to ascertain what Democrats
are firmest believers In the party's creed.
All Chicago platform Democrats "look alike
to me," aud my aim Is not to drive out of
tbe Democratic party any professed believ
ers In tbe Chicago platform, but to so Im
press upon all Democrats tbe Importance of
the principles nt stake (bat nil local differ
lencos will be forgotten In the determination
,to curry this government back to tbe found
ations laid by tbe fathers.
When Lincoln M'as appealing to the people
of the country In 1858 be gave utterance to
a sentiment thnt must be the sentiment of
every one who realizes tbe magnitude of tbe
struggle lu which we are engaged. After
baying tribute to the founders ot the
country and to the. declaration of Independ
ence be used these words:
"1 chnrge you to drop every paltry and In
slgitlflcutit thought for nny mnu's success
It Is notblug: 1 am uothlng Judge Douglas
Is nothing but do not destroy that Immortal
emblem of humanity, tho declaration of
American Independence."
So In this country to day we find some dls
cuBSlug persons, some dlsucsslus whether
this mau or that man or. some other man Is
tbe best representative of Democratic doc
trine. I appeal to you as Lincoln did, to
drop every paltry thought about any mau,
and thluk only of tbe principles cuuudated
by the Democratic party lu 1890 principles
tbnt carry us back to tbe landmarks of tbe
constitution.
We are Interested first In writing a plat
form nnd we want a platform that fits tbe
Democratic party, platform written like
the last platform, not by party bosses, but
by the voters of the Democratic party (ap
plause). When we get a platform that fits
tbe Democratic party It will be easy enough
to find lu stale and nation candidates who fit
tbe platform, but it is tbe principle above
the mau, nnd no man Is fit to be a leader
when he Is wanted to lead who Is not fit to
be a follower when some one else Is wanted
to lead.
Iu the brlt'f lime that I shall occupy your
nttentiou I desire to cpowd iuto a'few propo
sitions an argument on three subjects. 1
neod uot tell you that tbe Democratic plat
form of 18UG will be reaffirmed as tbe ilrst
plunk of tbe Democracy of 1000.
Orcasloually some one talks about getting
off of that platform, but on investigation
It Is geuerally fouud that tbe mau who
wants to get off of It was oever, in fact,
upon tbe plntform. The people who made
the fight aud who by winning the fight
saved the Democratic party In 1890 are still
lirui in the faith, and there Is only one plank
In that platform of which 1 shall speak to
night, and that Is tbe one plank toward
which most of the criticism Is directed.
'Ready to ilefend All flunks.
I would defend every plank where every
plank Is assailed. But there are some who
say that if we will just drop the money ques
tion we will make It easy for those who
left us to come back. Tbe fight In 1890 was
won on tbe money question, it was tbe
mouey question expressed In a specific rem
edy that afforded us tbe means of dlstlu
gulsblug the bi-IIever Iu bimetallism from
tbe believer In the gold staudard.
And if they tell you to-day that events
have viudkated the gold staudard you can
answer tbeui, first, that wheu Mr. McKln
Icy sent a commission all the way to Europe
to get rid of the gold staudard be admitted
that we were right In 189U when we said tbe
gold standard was not satisfactory.
Some of you may be so prejudiced that
you can not do Justice to Mr. McKlnlev, but
I am so falr-mluded that I can give blm
credit for slucerlty wheu he appointed three
distinguished men nnd seut them all the
way to Europe to cry out In every market
place: "Help, help the American people out
of the bole tbut the gold standard has nut
them into!"
Not ouly can you point to tbe fact that
the commission wem to Europe as an evi
dence that tbe gold standard was not then
satisfactory, but you can polut to the fail
ure of tbe commission to secure Interna
tional aid as nu evidence that independent
action Is absolutely necessary to secure suc
cess.:
If-they tell you that tho discovery of gold
in the Klondike nnd tbe importation of gold
from abroad has given us more money and
made better times you can reply to tbem
that when they say that they confess the
truth of the quantlrlve theory of tnouey
and you can add that If a little gold from the
IClond.ke or a little gold from Europe Is able
to make a little better times, that If we
would opeu the mluts to tbe coinage of sil
ver as well ns gold and take the money out
ot our own mountains and have our own
money now nnd at ail times we could have
a great deal better times, and not denend
on English gold either from tbe Klondike or
from our own exports.
You can remind them that when we were
discussing tbe silver question nnd our abil
ity to uialntalu the purity they said that be
cause of an increasing production of silver
we could uot keep tbe metals together. If
tbnt argument had weight when they made
It we can now say that an Increasing pro
duction of gold makes it easier to keep the
metals together than It used to be wheu
they found fault with us. But thla Is an
old question nnd one about which we have
talked many times.
There Is another questlou half new and
half- old—the trust question—that was lu
the campaign of 18D0. enough to get all tbe
trusts onto tbe o.bcr siue, and yet not
enough to make tbe people understaud what
the trust quesilou means. And even uow
you will find people who say that tbe Re
publican party is doing all that It can do.
Why, tbe trust is KO bad and so Indefensi
ble that even In Ohio In a state convention
controlled by Mr. Hanua they bad to adopt
a resolution declaring trusts to be bad, and
when that convention coudemns tbe trusts
who in all the world will dare defeud the
trusts? The trust is bad because of tbe
monopoly feature. When a few people con
trol'a product necesstry to human existence
then those few control to a large extent the
,|]ves and tbe happiuess of all who produce
those article*, ail who work in produciug
aud alt who furnish tbe raw material used
In Us manufacture.
And ean we afford to build up In this na
tions system by which a few Bball transmit
wealth from generation to generation, where
tbe masses can only hope for a clerkship
under some trust, and If they say that there
Is np way to stop the trusts, that the Repub
licans nre do'ng ali they cun remember that
It Is within the power of tbe president to
appoint an attorney general who will en
force tbe law against trusts evcu If he has
to go out of the Republican party to get the
attorney general.
And If the law upon the statute books Is
insufficient It Is wlthlu tbe power of the at
torney general to propose laws which are
sufficient, and If the constitution stands In
the way It Is within the power of tbe attor
ney general to recommend an amendment
to tbe constitution which will give to Cou-
fect.
ress plenary power to deal with this sub-
fcorce the Republicans.
But the Republican party Is powerless to
annihilate the trusts so loug as the trusts
furnish tbe money to keep the Republican
Sas
arty in power, so that the administration
It in It* power to extinguish the trusts
If It so desires.
When we come to the Philippine question
again they say: "What cau the administra
tion do?" There were two months between
the signing of the treaty and the breaking
out of hostilities, two months lacking six
days, and when we asked tbem what tbey
were going to do they said tbey hadn't had
time to decide what to do—not time to de
cide what to do.
Wby, there are but two sources of gov
ernment, force and consent. Monarchies are
founded upou force, republics upon consent.
Our declaration of Independence declares
that goveruuieuis derive their just powers
from the consent of the governed. Is that
doctrine true or Is it false? If It Is false
how long ought it to take us to decide what
to do In tbe Philippines?
We recognised the truth of that declara
tion when we went to war with Spain. We
•aid tbe people of Cuba are and of right
•ustat to BE fret. Why? BICSUM they live
near us? No. Because they are part Span*
Ish? No. They were and of right ought to
be tree because tbey wanted to be tree and
governments come up from the people.
If they were and of right ought to te free,
who can draw a line between tbem and the
people of the Philippines? Where 1 sthe
philosophy that entitles one to liberty and
another to vassalage? You say you don't
know what to do?
If you find a pocketbook and ou it tbe
name of tbe owner, do you have to count the
money in the pocketbook before you know
what to do with the pocketbook?
If the doctrine set forth In the declaration
Independence Is sound then we can not
rightfully acquire title by conquest. If the
doctrine set forth In tbe declaration of In
dependence Is sound we cau not rightfully
purchase 8,000,000 of people nt $2 apiece
from an allcu monarch, whose rebellious
subjects we ourselves armed to fight agaiust
their monarch.
There Is a principle Involved, and when
the principle Is once understood Its appllca
*|oni Is uot difficult, and If the people of the
Philippine Islauds nre and of right ought to
be free, then this nation should, without one
moments delay, anuounce to those people
that we are there as friends and not as ene
mies to establish a governmeut which shall
be their government and not our govern
ment when It Is established.
Not only ought we to do that now we
ought to have done It In the beginning and
If the promise made to Cuba bad been made
to the Filipinos not one drop of blood would
have beeu shed in the Philippine Islands.
And we would be sendlug school teachers
to Manila to teach them Instead of soldiers
to tell them that the declaration was a lie.
The Filipinos came Into our bands by ac
cldeot of war, and coining Into our hands
tbey must be dealt wlth accordlng-to Amer
ican principles and not according to Euro
pean principles. Tbey sny that if we were
to give these people their Independence
other nations of Europe would laugh at us.
^ot Afr.tld of Hidiculc.
Are we afraid to be laughed at? Why,
more than 100 years ago, when there wore
but 3,000,000 people In this country, our
forefathers dared to give the world a dec
laration at which the people of the old
world laughed, but for which our people
fought. When tbe framers of tbe declara
tion of Independence wrote among the self
evident truths that all men are created
equal, endowed with inalienable rights,
that governments are Instituted among men
to secure these rights, deriving their Just
powers from the consent of the governed,
tbe people of the old world laughed.
But tbey didn't laugh long. Because our
forefathers maintained their declaration and
for more than a century this republic has
been tbe most potent factor In all the world
In influencing tbe destiny of the human
race.
Shall we be ashamed to admit now that
we believe In tbe declaration of Independ
euce?-I repeat that we must deal iVlth these
people according to American principles.
Ihey desire their Independence. Let us say
to them, as we said to Cuba, "Stand up, be
tree!" and then to all tbe world say,
"Bands off, and let every republic live!"
Tell me that we dou't kuow what to do?
All we have to do Is to read our nation's his
tory, to watch the natlou as It traveled
the pathway to lead from the little name of
might to the lofty name ot right, and then
you cau tell what this nation must do It
It Is true to Its past. You bave In your city
a poet who has written the best poem on the
Philippine question. Dr. Taylor has crowd
ed into a single verse more philosophy
as well as poetry, more philosophy than you
will flud in a whole speech on the side of
Imperialism, and If he never does anything
else he has done enough In that writing of
this one poem to give him a claim to the
consideration of his fellow tuen.
Let me quote the verse, although It may
be familiar to you:
"Did our liberty bell rlug In vain was the
declaration a lie?
Must we turn to the old world again, with
tbe penitent prodigal's cry?
Must we remain so and remain In the vein
of Europe and barbaric parade,
And boom out a gun to open a pathway of
trade?
Must we strut through the-world and blus
ter and brag?
That the dollar mark's stamped on tbe brave
old flag?
I ask the question of you, did our liberty
bell ring in valuV Why, history tells us
that when the declaration was about to be
signed tbe people gathered In t^e streets
and waited for the slgual, and finally when
those Immortal names were fixed to thut
Immortal document the old liberty bell rang
out nnd tbe people cnught up the souud and
cheered aud cheered ngalu.
And from that day to this that great
relic ot (evolutionary days has been carried
from state to state and from city to city
aud eyes are filled with tears as they look
upon It. Did our liberty bell ring iu vain?
Shall its tones no more be heard? Was tbe
declaration a He? Have we been false for
109 years In teaching tbnt governments
come up from the people? Must we turn
to tbe old world again with the penitent
prodigal's cry? This nation Is not a prodigal
son.
Thla nation has not wasted its substance
In riotous living. This nation Is not ready
to turn back ond with trembling voice ask
to be classed amoug the hired servants of
royalty.Tlits nation uas not sinned against
heaven, and God grant that the crowned
heads of the old world may never have oc
casion to kill the fatted calf to celebrate the
return of this republic from ludepeudeuce
back to the creed of Cain.
What should the Democratic party do?
Wby, there Is but one thing that It can do.
Sometimes 1 bear the people say that If tbe
party la not careful ubout this question of
Imperialism It Is going to lose votes. My
friends, when tbe declaration of Independ
ence Is repealed there will never more be a
Democratic party In this country or a need
for one.
Our faith Is built upon It and we can not
turn our backs upon tbe teachings of the
fathers. Every wrong to be righted finds
Its Inspiration in that document. We cau
not ask for a single reform without showing
that all we ask conforms to tbe principles
of the declaration ot Independence.
And so the Democratic party must be true
to the foundation principles of this govern
ment. It believes lu the Independence of
tbe Individual in Industrial life and savs to
tbe trust, "You shall uot crush the life out
ot the struggling manhood of this couutry."
It believes lu Independence In the financial
world and says to the foreign flnaucler,
"You can not make the policy for 70,000,000
of American citizens." It believes in the
doctrine of liberty aud independence every
where, nnd when we plead for tbe right of
people to govern themselves, although they
differ from us In color aud In race and lu
history, we ure uot pleadlug for tbem. We
nre pleading for the safety of our owu in
stitutions.
Lincoln said that tbe safety of this na
tion was not In Its army or Its navy, but In
the spirit of liberty, In the spirit that prizes
liberty as the heritage of ull men In all
lauds everywhere, and be said that If we de
stroyed this spirit of liberty we plant the
seeds of despotism at our own doors.
Anawem a Question
You ask me why tbe Democratic party be
lieves in giving independence to the Fili
pinos. I reply, because we can not destroy
self-government lu the orient without en
dangering self-government in the United
States. It Is not for tbe Filipinos that we
plead. It Is for 70,000,000 people, the great
est In the world, and yet a people not great
euough to do* barm to the humblest people
lu all the world.
We are preparing tor the campaign of
3900. The national committee met to-day
aud prepared for Its work. We are going
out to fight. You ask me whether we are go
ing to win. I tell you 1 believe we ought to
win and there Is no way upon which you
can predict success except to deserve suc
cess. We are not going to ask, "Is this
thing popular?" or "Is the other thing pop
ular?" We are going to ask, "Is this thing
right?" and if this thing Is right tbe Demo
cratic party would rather go down as the
champtou of the right tbau to win as the
champion ot tbe wrong.
Don't be afraid of defeat.- I can speak
from experience, and having met face to
face a large number of those who were
kind enough and generous enough to give me
their support in 1890, I can say to you with
out flattery that having seen them/l would
rather go down with tbem to eternal defeat
than be president and bave to ask England
what to do for my couutry.
Long continued applause followed the
conclusion of Mr. Bryan's speech.
Mixed Allegory.
Even in the pulpit the Irishman's
speech presents, on occasion, the eccen
tricities which afford so much joy to
unprejudiced listeners.
"The Church," said a brave, hard
working little priest to his Western
parishioners, "the Church, my frlendB,
Is like a ship that sails proudly on
through this sea of trouble that we call
tbe world. The waves of sin beat in
vain against her stalwart sides, and
the waters of error dash about her
prow and do her no harm.
"And why is this?" he asked, with
Impressive earnestness, "Why is this,
my friends? Because she Is founded on
a rock not on sand, but on a rock, a
solid rock, from which no power can
dislodge her!"
Tne largest llower In the world, It is
8iiId* is the bolo, which grows on the
island of Mindanao, one of the Philip
pine group. It has five petals, measur
ing nearly a yard in width, nnd a sin
gle llower has been known to weigh
twenty-two pounds. It grows on the
highest pinnacle of the land, about 2,
000 feet above tbe level of tbe sea.
There are some curious superstitions
concerning waves. The Arab sailors
believe that the high seas off the coast
of Abyssinia are enchanted, aud when
ever tbey find themselves among them
they recite verses which they suppose
have A Wndtncy to cubdue them.
DEFICIENT REVENUE.
With nuy sort of economy tlie rev
enue ot tlie past year should hnve been
sufficient to meet the expenditures.
Not that tbe protective tariff lins
proved a success, liut tlie war tax and
the Union Pacific Railroad sale have
provided vast sums wlilch have been
squandered.
In showing that the deficit tills year
Is out of all proportion to the necessi
ties of the case, the Boston Post says:
'What does this mean? It means
that the $200,000,000 popular loan arid
the $100,000,000 from special-war taxes
have not been enough to meet the cost
of the war and the extravagances of
the Republican Congress. And as for
the future, It mcuns that, unless the
party In power makes a reform In its
policy, we shall lmve to keep'on pay
ing war taxes in order to meet current
expenses ami borrow more money of
the people to pay for foreign con
quests."
It Is needless for tho Post to suggest
the possibility that the party In power
will "make reform iu Its policy." With
such men as Alger, Piatt, Hanna and
the like In control of the Republican
party no sort of reform need be hoped
for.
But the "object lesson" given the peo
ple by the Hanna-McKinlcy syndicate
will work a reform not In tlie Repub
lican party, but amoug the honest
voters of the land, who will recognize
tbe seriousness of the situation and
hurl from power the lueu who are
piling up national debt and increasing
national taxation.
Republican organs nre busy making
excuses and devising plnns with which
to fool the people. Put this work will
prove futile, for tlie deficit cannot be
Ignored ond the extravagance which
produced It can neither be excused nor
explained away.—Exchange.
That Defic't*
Careful analysis of tbe treasury re
port shows that the past year lias been
characterized by an expenditure en
the part of the McKlnley administra
tion unparalleled by that of any year
In the history of the republic. Of
course, the Republican officials -en
deavor to break tlie force of the Indict
ment brought against them by their
own figures and allege that the great
expense was occasioned by the war
with Spain. The New York Journal
refuses to take this view of the situa
tion, and disputes the proposition as
follows:
"As a matter of fact, the war with
Spain has not caused the deficit. "On
the contrafy, If there had been no war
and no war taxes the deficit would have
been larger and would have startled
tbe country. Republican extravagance
has been hidden by the war.
"The cost of the war is shown thus:
18D9. 1898.
War Depnrtmeut. ..{223,00),009 -f92,000,00(1
Navy Department. 05,000,000 60,000,000
Total {294,000,0U0 {151,000,000
"Subtract from $294,000,000 tbe cost
of both departments In 1888, and you
have
Cost of the war ......$143,000,000
"To meet the cost of the war Con
gress voted extra taxes and a bond
debt. The returns from these extra
taxes are seen in tbe following table:
Increase lu tobacco tax -{15.000,000
Increase In spirit tax 7,000,000
Increase In beer and ale tax.... 40,000,000
Stamp tax 42,000,000
Miscellaneous internal revenue. 8,000,000
Total {112,000,009
Sales of Pacific Railroad bonds. 12,000,000
Sales of war bonds 175,000,000
Total Increase revenue over
1898 {299,000,000
Expenses of tbe war 143,000,000
Extra revenue not used for war
purposes {156,000,COO
"Thus It wljl be seen that so far from
tbe war having caused the deficit It
actually produced an extra revenue of
$1B6,000,000, and yet the total deficit
for the year Is $88,875,000."
Observe, the deficit reported over all
revenue Is $88,875,000. Add this to the
extra revenue of $150,000,000 and the
total deficit 1b $244,000,000. Surely the
American people will hold McKlnley
and his party strictly to account for
this monumental debt piled upon their
shoulders by tbe most extravagant ad
ministration that ever ruled to ruin at
Washington.
Swift War Brines 8peedr I*eaceT
It is not condoning the Injustice and
Iniquity of the Philippine campaign of
conquest to say that more troopB and
a competent commander should be dis
patched to Manila forthwith. If the
campaign Is to continue—and It Is idle
to look for a suspension of hostilities—
It should at least be pusbed to a speedy
conclusion. Under existing conditions
we are not only inflicting wrong and
Injustice upon the Filipinos, but we
are sacrificing American soldiers to no
purpose whatever. The sacrifice should
end, and there is but one way to end It.
Force the fighting. Send .enough troops
to Luzon to sweep the Island from end
to end. Send 50,000 men If necessary
send 100,000 if necessary send 200,000
If necessary, and send with them Nel
son A. Miles, tbe senior major general
of the army, whose place is In the
field Instead of In Washington. The
object of war is peace. In mercy to
tbe Filipinos and to our own soldiers
let lis wage swift wnr in Luzon that
we may have speedy peace. The an
nexation question will have to wait.—
Chicago Chronicle.
Kentucky's Democracy.
Republican Bmall-fry politicians are
l'eeling Joyful over the long-drawn-out
fight in tbe Democratic Kentucky State
Convention, but it is safe to say that
their happiness will be short-lived.
There Is scarcely any doubt about the
election of Goebel, the party candidate
for the Governorship, even if he should
not poll the full strength of the organi
zation.
Kentucky Is a Democratic State, de
spite the fact that It was nip and tuck
between McKlnley and Bryan in 1890.
This Is proven by the fact' that In tbe
year following the chief candidate on
the Republican ticket was beaten by
nearly 18,000, while in the Congres
sional elections of last year our party
bad a plurality in the different districts
of over 30,000.
The Kentucky Democracy stands bx
the Chicago platform of 1890, subject
to revision by the next National Con
vention of the party. This is the proper
attitude to take, and on this point no
votes will be lost—New York News.
Tyrannous Press Censorship.
It Is said that the President Is dis
satisfied with the censorship at Manila.
He has, therefore, ordered General
Otis to give notice to newspaper corre
•pondMU tint tb«r mfut sot »rtit
the censor by filing dispatches »t Hong
Kong. If they do their "usefulness to
their papers will cease immediately.".
Tyranny so Impudent Is hardly conceiv
able even in Russia. A free people.'
whose government Is merely their ex
ecutive and not their master, Is delib
erately tricked, blinded and bam
boosled by men clothed with the brief
authority of a four-year term. Tli«
whole theory of American politics, th«
very principle upon which the Ameri
can policy Is founded, Is annulled by
this wanton violation of the freedom o4
the press.
If the Amerlcnn people are to be de
nied all knowledge of how their bust' .v
ncss is conducted by their chosen ser
vants, and they submit, what hope la
there that the same policy will not be
attempted in domestic affairs? The ...
syndicates which govern the McKlnley
government fear nothing so much a*
publicity, and they will not hesitate to
attach the muzzle to the press If publlo
outcry becomes too loud. Many month*
ago the Post-Dispatch pointed out that
the Philippine question was essentially
an American question. This has been
nbundantlv confirmed by recent events.
It Is Impossible to consider it Ih an/,
other light. The methods used In tha
Philippines In the name of tbe AmerM
can government are no less dangeroua
to the people of America.—St. Louis
Post-Dispatch.
Unsuspected F|gn in Michigan.
Circumstances and the Itch for hold
ing office bring forth good political
fruit sometimes In the most unexpect
ed places, as witness Russell A. Alger's
coming out as the enemy of trusts and
as the champion of the plan of electing
United States Senators by the -direct
vote of the people.
This declaration on the part of Mc
Kinley's Secretary of War Is apt to re
call, of course, Satan's promise to he
good when he was sick and his forget
fulness after his recovery. Alger wants
tbe assistance ofyihe voters who are
opposed to trusts aad who are In favor
of taking the control of the United
States Senate out of the hands of mil
Uonalres.
Still. It Is good sign to see even a
man of Alger's kind recognize the fact
that the anti-monopoly sentiment of
his own Stnteds a precious thing to
conjure with. The fight against the
despotic money power must be going
bravely fofward, even in tbe lumber
camps of the Northwest, when this
chip of it pretends to be the people's
friend.—New Xork News.
McKlnley Has Mo Policy.
Some overzealous administration or
gans nre alleging that President Mc
Klnley is "personally conducting the
war in the Philippines." Of course,
tbe President Is doing notblng of the
kind. The war in the Philippines is
uot being conducted Just now by nny
body. General Otis has contracted bis
lines and Is doing the best he can with
nn Inadequate force to hold the terri
tory which his troops occupy. There
would have been no war in the Philip
pines if any one had possessed any sort
of a policy. McKlnley hail none nnd
as a consequence nobody else had one,
and thus the war broke out and has
since that time beeu conducted In a
haphazard sort of way.
But this sort-of thing cannot go on
forever. McKlnley must discover and
announce some policy. He must de
clde whether he wishes to wage a war
of coDquml or to promise the Filipinos j.
a provisional government and fair
treatment—Chicago Democrat. 'x,:
McKintey Shoulders Ibis*'9"
1
Papa's boy, having done valiant ser
vice In the army, Is now going to adorn
the marine.corps. Of twenty-four ap
polntmenta of lieutenants, from civil
life last Wednesday, ten candidates
were rejected by the examining sur
geons as physically disqualified. Oue
had organic heart disease. Yet all these
defects Were "waived." Papa's boy
had to have a commission, because
papa may be useful to the Honorable
William McKlnley In the national con
vention next year. Hence the Honor
able William McKlnley puts upon the
pay rolls of the navy ten young men
who are a« weak In their bodies as in
their heads. This, at least, can't lie
charged to tbe Honorable Embalmed
Beef Alger or to Eagan. The President
will have to shoulder it himself.—Chi
cago Chronicle.
The Issues Made Up.
The issdes which divide the two
great parties are already made up.
Hanuu-McKinleylsm covers nnd In
cludes all that the Republican party
stands for now and will stand for In
tlie coming presidential campalgm The
Democratic party stands now-nnd will
stand in llie next national campaign
for every declaration of the Chicago
platform, with a most positive declara
tion against Imperialism, ngnlDBt the
American colonial empire and many
syndicates, ngalnat a military estnlr—
lisliment thnt will compare favorably
with thosf of the monarchies of Eu
rope agatllst the "mother of trusts"—
high protettlon—against every public
policy. In fact, that Is born of Hanria
McKiuleytSm.—Kansas City Times.
Jefferson's Brand of I xpanslon.
The sort of expansion that Jefftfrson
believed Ih and accomplished Is en
dorsed by every patriotic American,
but it lg a very different sort from the
Hunna-McKlnley-Wnll street brand of
expansion, or Imperialism. Thomas
Jefferson, true to the spirit of tbe Dec
laration ot Independepce and the con
stitution, 41d not desire to expand
American ferritory'beyond the confines
of the American continent. Jefferson
did not advocate nor desire that tills
country^ ebould go beyond Its own
hemisphere or enter upon wars of con
quest In foreign lauds and in Asiatic
waters. Be would bave been false to
his well-known principles, which are
to-day the principles of the Democratic
party, if he had.—Wheeling Register.
A Trimmer's Pecord.
We kno* that Mr. McKlnley Is an
amiable gentleman, but we defy his
friends to point to-a single act which
shows courage or leadership or to an
utterance which was not made to ex
cite applause rather than to state a
conviction. His record paints him a
trimmer, runner after public opinion,
a polltlcM weathercock.—Buffalo En
quirer.
Britain i'lsys Two Ways.
While Great Britain eggs McKlnley
on to crulh ten million Filipinos, shs
hesitates to take the field against sixty
thousand Boers,—Grand Rapids Degx*
«rit
mi