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CATO SELLS' ADDRESS.
Before the Democratic State Conven tion August 15, 1859. The following" address was delivered before lite democratic' state convention by the temporary chairman, Hon. Onto Sells, of Vinton: Gentlemen of the Convention: I ap preciate the honor conferred upon me ly the state committee and congratu late you, gentlemen of the convention, upon this auspicious gathering: of low a dmocracy. This convention is the best evidence of the reason why the republican press of the state has for several months given much attention to my speech and your deliberations, «md I very much mistake your purpose if you do not give them abundant rea eon for even greater activity in the fu ture than we have given them in the KQSl. The fact that I held a federal posi tion under the Cleveland administration and have not recently given public ex pression to my views, is prooabiy ine reason why I have been frequently, and sometimes very wrongfully, misrepre sented, and for that reason more es pecially am 1 glad of this opportunity. The original line*1 of demarkatlon be tween the two great. political parties was so plainly drawn that there can be no misunderstanding as to the cause of. their formation or the purpose of their existence. The federalist, whig, no-nothing and republican parties were conceived by, and have always served the purpose of, an Angla-American ar istocracy, while the democratic party was originated by the author ot the declaration of independence, and repre sents the real genius of American insti tutions. xhe republican parly is the legitimate out-growth of paternalism in govern ment, and is responsible for both class legislation and anarchy, while demo cracy constitutes the eessnce of govern ment of the people, by the people and for the people, in which an absolute acquiescence in the decision of the ma jority is the vital principle from which •there is no appeal but to force, the im mediate parent of despotism. Demo cracy Is the only hope ot Washington's and Jefferson's wise and successful for eign policy—peace, commerce and hon est friendship with all nations, entang ling alliances with none—and for the enlargement and enforcement of the Monroe doctrine until It is established and recognized by all nations of the world. Democracy means a speedy re turn to the simplicity of the fathers of the republic, and the dethronement of everybody and everything which would put the dollar above the man. It means that once again the time has come in American politics when no man can truly represent democracy who will not subordinate personal ambitions and acquisitions to the public weal, and who has not the moral courage to burn lila bridges behind him and walk out Into the open to join the crusade against the avaricious tendencies of the times. 1 take it that no one will seriously question that the republican party ha^ closely adhered to the principles of Alexander Hamilton, nor, lamentable as It may be, that the democratic party has not at all times been faithful to the teachings of Thomas Jefferson, and I am one of those who believe that the campaign of 1896 has brought the de mocracy to a realization of its depart ure and inspired the country with an Invincible patriotic citizenship. Like a decision of a court of last re sort, the platform of the national con vention is the law of the party until superseded by another platform framed by the same authority, and controversy here as to reaffirmation of the Chicago platform would be- both unwise and inopportune. Just what the democratic national platform of 1900 will contain I do not know, but I firmly believe that it will be along the lines of the last platform with such an indictment of the McKln ley regime for its maladministration, clftss preferment and unconstitutional conduct as to insure the support of ev ery citizen who has been, is now, or •wants to be a Jeffersonlan democrat. And I sincerely hope that no demo cratic convention will subject itself to a "Round Robin" charge of censorship,, but that all will be respected in the ex pression of, and contention for, an honest conviction, and that when the national convention has again spoken, the will of the majority will be acquies ced in by a reunited and irresistible democratic party, and thus make cer tain the supremacy and consequent prosperity of the liberty-loving law abiding, home-bulldlng and Industrious masses over the snow favored classes who, for selfish purposes, advocate or tolerate the prostitution of the execu tive, legislative and judicial powers of the government, the federal constitu tion, Monroe doctrine and Declaration of Independence. It Is one of the highest attributes of American citizenship, as it Is one of the fundamental principles of our party, that every citizen shall at all times, and under all circumstances, be fully pro tected In the exercise of his sovereignty, and while we regret it, there is abso lutely no justification for condemna tion of those who. because of a sense of duty, left our ranks in 1896, and I am certain that I voice the prevailing feel ing of the regular democracy, when I earnestly Invite them back to their democratic home but to those who, with malice aforethought, either di rectly or indirectly, helped to make re publican supremacy possible, because they thought and still think that party more serviceable to their personal ends, I say there is but one republican party 'i this ^country and the democratic *»arty cannot, and, "by the eternal," shall not serve their selfish purposes. I remember only too well the Phari saical attitude and assumed patriotic expression of the republican self-ap pointed guaivliar.s of tin rational honor who. to further party ends, did, by (voice or pen, pat our democratic broth ers on the back, and in tones, which, if they could now hear would causes them remorse of conscience, say: "You are the ideal citizen," "you put country above party." And now that they have accomplished their purpose, they turn the deaf ear and proceed to forget their patriotic demonstrations and false de votion. while with the fruits of their deception, in extra session, they enact the laws most offensive to the new found allies and reserve their promised legislation for another campaign of falsehood and misrepresentation. The action of the republican per suaders and democratic persuaded re uals the scene on the mountain top when the devil appealed to Christ, the only difference I have been able to dis cover. being that Christ did not, while our democratic friends did, take the bait, and with what results? They said tlicy would reform the currency, and' what have they done—appointed a com minion to intercede for international! bimetallsm with impicd instructions to fail—passed two sessions of congress having a republican mujority in each branch, without making a serious at-1 tempt at legUlttfiv* ».ction and adjourn- ed after. appointing 1 a ^congressional committee to which they referred all monetary legislation that they might the more certainly postpone definite ac tion until after the next presidential election. The republican party came into power list? than thirty months ago with a pledge of superior love of country em blazoned on the stars and stripes as a campaign banner. In honor bound to demonstrate that a pol tical party could be as non-partisan and patriotic In the admin'slraMon of the affahs of the gov ernment at Washington as were those who departed from the paths of a life time to make McKinley's election pos sible and now with a party record un paralled in our national history, these self-same republican malcontents have the unblushing audacity to again seek partisan advantage by affecting to de nounce, discredit and deceive the three so-called elements of the democratic party. President McKinley is either politi cally dishonest or absolutely weak and the preponderance of evidence clearly establishes the latter. Of the two, it is more dangerous because It lacks th^ element of self-preservation which al ways inures caution. The comparative efficiency of the civil service had so far demostrated the usefulness of the merit system as to be a matter of uni versal congratulation, when its debau chery was made manifest by the pro mulgation of the president's order with drawing some 10.000 official positions from the classified llRt. And this from the party which in its St. Louis plat form boasted that it was the author of the merit law, had always sustained it and then "renewed" Its "repeated dec larations" that the "law shall be thor oughly and honestly enforced and ex tended," and whose candidate for the presidency, in his letter of aceptance said "the republican party will take no backward step on this question, it will seek to Improve but never to degrade the public service." "What has occurr ed since the election." says the Chicago Times-Herald, "to change the attitude of the republican administration from one of progress and extension to that of retrogression and contraction In the scope of the merit system?" Nor have the spoilsmen been confined to the de partment at Washington, for they have thrust their grimy hands Into -the army and navy at the cost of disease, d^ath. scandal and national disgrace. After three years, of Algerlsm, during which self stultification has been the price of recognition or promotion, and retire ment or dismissal the reward of merit, the secretary of war is forced to re sign and made a scapegoat for the commander-in-chief of the army, while Gen. Miles Is continued In "innocuous desuetude." and Commissary General Egan retains his shoulder straos and draws full pay. Capt. Neall is dismiss ed from the army in disgrace for a $4. 000 shortage, made good, while the de partment of justice has for eighteen months given no excuse for permitting Capt. Carter to retain his uniform and pay after being found guiltv of embez zlement of more than a million dollars. The Nicaragua Canal bill was killed to prevent competition with the trans Continental railroads and the railway companies given $40,000,000 a year for $20,000,000 worth of work in carrying the United States mall. The Dlngley tarlff has been so prolific of evil as to give birth to twin monstrosities. In a single year it has produced more trusts than one hundred years of our previous national life and a government deficit of $90,000,000. by far the largest in the history of the country. Proclaiming as they frequently have that no polftical.texQipttoi. can so far restore the democratic party to power as to make free coinage of ©liver legis lation possible before 1906, it has for 'some time been apparent to every read er of republican newspapers, both In and out of Iowa, that they have with great premeditation been Industriously preparing to make a noisy and vigorous attack upon bimetallism with the evi dent intention of subordinating the new issues created and forced upon the peo ple by the McKinley administration, and the Iowa platform has completely exposed their hand in this state by at tempting to make prominent the money question alone, taking a double position on the tariff que.stlon and saving prac tically nothing about trusts, expan sions, militarism and other issues in which the people are just now largely interested. It is a well conceived and carefully matured plan to divert nubllo attention away from the real alms of the republican leaders but it will fall of its own weight. Bimetallism is as rriuch a fundamental principle of de mocracy as equality of rights, and this convention would betray the party should It fail to declare for the rein statement of stiver to its legitimate Place «n the nation's monetary system. But the McKinley administration has developed conditions and issues which, were they to become operative would forever overthrow all democratic prin ciples and make of but little Impor tance what kind of a monetary system prevails in the country. The very fact that the republicans are determined, if possible, to smother the question of protection, trusts, imperial colonization, militarism, foreign alliance and klnderd issues. Is a sufficient reason why the democracy should not permit them to hide }hese buring questions. Our re publican friends will have ample oppor tunity with the cry of "cheap money" and "debauched currency" to attempt to make silver a "bogy man." but they will never again be able to deceive the people as they did in 1896. They are "up to" other Issues as well as the money quesetion, and will have to meet and answer them on every stump in Iowa, and the more they try to avoid, dodee. or duck, the more ae?ressively will democracy drive such issnes home and push them to the front. They have made the new issues, are, responsible for therr. and must meet them squarely or desert the field and take the conse quences*. The trust plank In their rtale platform Is suffie'ent proof that Inwa renubllcanSi believe in Emerson's maxim that "con sistency is the hobgoblin of little minds, adorned by Htttle statesmen and philos ophers and divines." Their resolutions say in part, "we.commend the action the Iowa delegation in congress In sup port of protection by the Dingley tar iff and In direct contradiction add, "industry and commerce should be left free to pursue their methods aco-ding to the natural laws of the world," fol lowing which Is this remarkable, and so far as I have been able to discover, the only reference during the proceed ings of the convention to the induRl*!al conditions now existing In the United States, "but when business aggrega tions known as trusts prove hurtful to to people, they must be restrained by national laws, and if need be, abolish ed." Thus they commend the Dingley tariff made by a national law in pur suance of the McKinley policy, to re strain industry and commerce acording to th^ natural laws of the world, and seek by subterfuge to pose in opposition to the "business aggregation known as trntsts" when, mark you. not now, but when "they prove hurtful to the peo ple" and that, too, In the face of a con gressional record which puts them In the attitude of the devil rebuking sin which furlnshes the-,eyidence for their own conviction 61 hypocrisy, in sincerity and abject slaverv to the masters whom they serve. The object of high protection is to prohibit outside competition and the purpose of the u*ust is to prevent inside competition. Trusts are as much the product of high protection as diseases Is the result of filth, and the Iowa republican congres sional delegation knevP it on March 31, 1897, when they voted against the Dock ery amendment to the Dingley bill, which provided for putting on the free list all articles manufactured by a com bination seeking to limit, regulate or control supply or price. The McKinley tariff laid the founda tion for the persent trust system and the Dingley tariff raised it about 11 per cent. In 1890 the republican party placed custom duties at an average of 42 per cent, and In 1897 raised it to 53 per cent, which Is at least 43 per cent above for elgn competition..The J30,000,g)0 knit goods trust Is protected and subsidized with 50 per cent the *35,000,000 National Lead Company trust, with a cent and a half a pound on lead the $45,000,000 western lumber pool with two dollars per thousand on lumber the $128,000,000 sugar trust, to which we pay $20,000,000 tariff taxes annually the $375,000,000 steel trusts with $6.72 per ton on steel, and the $50,000,000 American tin plate trust with one and one-half cents a pound on tin plate. And thus they run from tooth-picks to patriotism. A very large part of the trusts of the country are protected in like manner, and while all have raised the price of products nearly, If not quite, equal to the tariff or competition rate, in no in stance have the wages of labor been correspondingly increased. The trust prohibits competition, destroys individ ual enterprise, raises prices, debases labor, transforms commerce Into piracy, multiplies the accumulations of millian aires, Increases poverty, breed aristo cracy of wealth and distrust of capital. It is the antagonist of the public peace and the promoter of Industrial distur bances. It is not that It may, or will or when It does, for it Is now sucking the very blood of the people. The trust Is the child of McKinleylsm, and if re medial legislation is delayed^until rep ublican conventions, congresses and state legislatures declare their business aggregations, known as trusts, have in fact proved hurtful to the people, it will be only when the beneficiaries of special legislation have ceased to con tribute to Hanna's campaign fund and his baneful Influences have been forever removedi from the white house and the United States senate. Republican insincerity on the trust question is further emphasized by the attitude of Attorney General Griggs who, relying on an adjudication con ducted by his predecessor, which did not cover the facts, declined to make a-test case, and in the most hlgh/hand ed manner disposed of the que thing? can be so far.righted as to be certainly and parrhanenfly eectlve, rests with the sovereign citizen. So far as I am able now to determine, the most effective way to destroy the trusts is to remove the, at present, most apparent cause by amending the tariff laws and placing on the free list evry thing used or made or sold by a trust. That is a simple, conservative and prac tical policy. Its execution would not depend upon the zeal of the attorney general of the government or the state. I would also have both congress and state legislatures pass laws for their control and taxation, each making it a felony, punishable by both fine and penitentiary sentence, to form, conduct or be in any manner interested in a trust, and if after a fair trial It is ap parent that trusts, corporations or other monopolies are determined to defy the laws made in justice to all, I would re sort to the initiative and refependum with government ownership of public utilities, and above all and without de lay, I would have the federal constitu tion so amended as to require' the elec tion of United States senators by a di rect vote of the people. It is entirely possible that all these things will not be fully realized by the means I have Indicated, but of this I am certain. The democracy, as now constituted, recognizes that its mission as a party organization is to fight the battles of the masses and It will enter upon this conflict, not with the cloven foot of the Iowa republican platform, but in good faith, determined to do whatsoever honesty of purpose and fearless effort shall develop along lines of its accom plishment. It Is not the purpose of the demo cratic party to wage a war of exter mination against any man, men or leg itimate in'erest. It will be in the future as it has In the past at all times and under all circumstances, as fully pro tect an honest and equitable organiza tion of capital, as it will the organiza tion of labor, and, In doing so, make equal and just requirements/ for the protection of each. The democracy beMeves that the func tions of government should not be an instrument for the oppression of any man or class of men, and that just to the extent that It is so used an injus tice is perpetrated in the name of law and the powers of government prosti tuted. Andrew Jackson correctly stat ed democratic doctrine when he said: "Distinctions in society will always ex ist under every just government, equal ity of talents, of education or of wealth cannot be produced by human Institu tions. In the full enjoyment of the gifts of heaven and the fults of superior industry, economy and virtue every man Is equally entitled to protection by law," nor would we be severe, beyond the limit of good conscience and judg* ment. But, the time has arrived whew It must be determined whether man ot money is master, and foi\myself I say there are two kinds of anarchy In thia HON. CATO SELLS. turning it over to the states, and At torney General Renrley, with much dec lamation and no affirmative action, as dextrously imposed the duty of prose cuting criminal trusts upon the county attorneys of Iowa, who, being respect ors of precedent, follow the example of my good friend, Julius Lischer, county attorney of Scott county, who is report ed to have conferred the honor upon the court house janitor. The trusts are the creations of the republican party and It will stand by them. The New York Sun, which speaks for the president, says: "The republican party and the democratic party and every other party Is Impotent against the trusts because the trust arise from a business necessity. The legislatures might as well make statutes against multiplication or the rule of three." The Community of interests of leading industrial trusts is more than a "gentlemen's agreement," for the same controlling stockholders figure largely in each. So far as its Instigators and intriguers are concerned, this new in dustrial diarchy is composed of some firteen or twenty multi-millionaires whose ramifications include a control of raw material, manufactured products, and transportation facilities of the en tire country. Alarmed lest their bene factor, the republican party, should be overwhelmed by an outraged people, Chauncey Depew decried all combina tions but the railroad pool. Havemeyer condemned everything but the sugar trust, and Rockefeller forgot his ortho dox teachings, and prayed exemption for the Standard Oil Company. When they were reminded that the tariff sys tem, which is either the mother or co partner of them all, was blulded by a like commulnty of interests, they turn ed as if by magic from rending each other, to Join hands aglnst seventy-five million Americans and are reported to be now engaged in the organization of a monster combination of monopolies more threatening to the peace and the prosperity of our, people than war or pestilence, and fraught with greater danger to our institutions than any ca lamity that has ever befallen the repub* lie. The trust evil is deep rooted and strongly fortified, its resources, influ ence and effects permeate the white house, legislative halls and many other powerful places. Whether or not these country, that one is inspired by greed for pelf the other by want of bread— .that of the two the former is the more dangerous because most powerful and insidious, and as between thenivI will divide with the man who has the hun gry wife and babe. An income tax Is now, and for many years has been, the principal means of raising revenue In England, Germany and many other foreign countries. The principle is not now in this country. For nearly ten years It was the source by which we raised money to carry on the rebellion and reduce the debt in curred by the war. There was not then, as there is now, a cause for the determ ined opposition that exists against such a law, for the reason that during those days the wealth of the country was more venly distributed, while now, and largely as the result of special leg islation since the close of the ttar, large fortunes have acumulated in the hands of the few who are unwilling to bear their just proportion of taxation, whether direct or indirect. It is cer tain that that part of our population known as the predatory rich will resist to the uttermost the party which, or the man who, makes an honest effort to equalize the burdens and privileges of government by legislative enactments, In any manner, calculated to remove the preferments they have enjoyed since the rebellion. I verily believe that the income tax plank of the plat form of 1896 was more objectionable to the plutocratic classes than the much vaunted free coinage resolution. That the republican campaign managers secured their largest subscrip tions to insure its defeat. They will continue to fight it un der cover until out into the open, and when they do expose their hand, It will contain vicious weapons. The experi ence of every government where it has* been fairly tried is that an Income tax is the most just and equitable way of raising revenue yet devised, and I shall be grievously disappointed if the de mocracy shall not perpetuate the fight even to an amendment to the federal constitution with national and state legislation that will Insure its enact ment and enforcement. Tbe grandest, beciuse It was the most* unselfish military achievement In the world's history was accomplished when 1 Spain surrendered to the Unltetd Statfes and Cuba was released from colonial tyranny. Immediately following our declaration of war, the 'American con gress solemnly proclaimed to the world that the "United States hereby dis claims any disposition to exercise sov ereignty, jurisdiction or control over said island, except for pacification thereof, and. asserts its determination when that is accomplished to leave the government and control of the island to its people." That disclaimer breathed the spirit of '76. It respected the fed eral constitution and reaffirmed the Monroe doctrine. It was an expression of national devotion to human liberty without precedence in the annals of history. It was a inspiration to the op pressed of every color, race and clime to demand the privileges of self gov ernment. To have said then that It ap plied only to Cuba and not to other Spanish possessions would have been mockery of our pretentions. To say so now, 1b to turn backohe wheels of time. If the Cuban resolution was an hon est expression of our intentions, how can we justify our refusal to extend like treatment lo the Filipinos? From the standpoint of an American, the Philippine war is wJLhout justification in law or morals. It is contrary to our traditions and institutions, and in con flict with the principles for which tbe revolution, rebellion and Cuban wars were fought. For us to contend that the Filipinos are in rebellion Is to as sert the sentiment of George the third when he sent the redcoats to slaughter the troops of Washington, but leB8 ten able, because the colonies had ac knowledged British sovereignty, while the Filipinos declared the Independence of the archipelago before Bunker Hill was baptized in freedom's blood, and are now but continuing their struggle for liberty against another and more powerful, if less righteous foe. Presi dent McKinley has never announced his policy towards the Philippines, and upon that question the republican state platform Is as silent as the grave. William McKinley, in his dual capac ity of president and commander-in chief of the army, is carrying on the Philippine war without authority of congress. He is wholly responsible and we must determine his policy accord ingly. The fact that Judge Day was appointed chairman of the p^ace com mission and Minister Hay was recalled from the court of St. James and made secretary of state, thus forming an con fidential cable between London and Paris by way of Washington, and that soon afterwards the peace commission which had been instructed to demand a coaling station only, forced from Spain the cession of the Philippine group, that 'the president about that time ask ed for a standing army of one hundred thousand men, and following this but before hostilities had been commenced, Agonclllo, as an emissary fronrt A'g uinaldo, was denied audience at Wash ington, that England soon placed Em peror William in the false altitude of an enemy of the United States in Sa moa that the administration has al ways refused to treat with Aguinaldo on the basis of the Cuban resolution that when Aguinaldo sent an officer to General Otis, protestins that he had not authorized an attack on our forces and proposed a neutral zone to prevent further hostilities, General Otis replied that "the fighting had begun and must go on to the grim end that t'grlm war" still goes on with the ravages of death to our brave boys and the de tails to the press and mails censored by an incompetent general in command of the American army, who, unable lo retain his conquered territory, is now fighting lest he shall be driven into the Pacific ocean with such a record, is there any possible doubt but that the president's Philippine policy Is colo nial empire, militarism and English alliance? Is not such a policy destined to advance the prophecy of the venera ble republican, Senator Hoar, who said, "The downfall of the United States will date from the administration of Wll Miam McKinley?" Imperialism Involves not only the ac quisition of remote territory by con quest, but a denial that governments derive .their just pbwers from the con sent of the governed. Never before has this question been squarely presented to cur people. and now only because the president has usurped the powers of congress and disregards the constitu tion. The acquisition and permanent retention of the Philippines means col onial expansion In its most radical form. The Philippine islands are more than seven thousand'miles distant, lo cated in a tropical climate and in Asl ostic wateis, Inhabited by an alien race which, for more than a century, has waged war for self-government, and now repels our Invasion with the Mauser rifles we placed In their hands when they were our allies against the Spanish army. We forced the cession of the islands as a condition precedent lo peace with Spain, and are now slay ing the Filipinos to establish our au thority over them. Imperialism, mili tarism and all:ance are dependent upon each other, they develop together, and it is as certain that we have them all as ltSs that we have any one of them. The volunteer army is born of love of country. It is the product of demo cracy. Great standing armies are creatures of monarchs and the destroy ers of self-government. Militarism and democracy are incompatible. The as cendency of the army bodes evil for the republic. It is the weapon of the pow erful and a menace to the weak. It Is the entering wedge of imperialism and the forerunner of foreign entangle ments. Existing conditions make it ap parent that at this time there is an alliance between the United States and Great Britain, and I denounce it as un American. It is in conflict with the in spirations, aspirations and cosmopoli tan character of our country. We are not an Anglo-Saxon race. It is a mis nomer. As the boys who followed Hob son into the bay of Santiago were de scendents of Germany, Ireland, Bohe m'a ond Scandinavia, so are our people the best blood of all the nations of the world. In that very fact rests our se curity that, hereafter as theretofore, peace and plenty wl'l ab^de with us for ever. We have nothing of unkindness for the Englishman, but we do suspect the Court of St. James. England never did and England never will serve an other country, but from ulterior mo tives. She has been our unrelenting foe since the day when John Hancock signed the Declaration of Independence in letters HO bold that King George could read them across the sea, and she now courts our favor but to lead us as with a magician's wand, to serve her selfish purposes. It is not the part of an American to repudiate his benefac tors, and sooner or later England inurft know that she will have to deal with the sons of the men she slaughtered at Yorktown, and not with-the McKinley administration. Our people well remember that France, Russia and Germany were our friends in times of dire distress, and' they remember, loo, the England of '76 and '62. Not England but the whole of Europe, Is the mother of the white in habitants of the United States. It is a magnificent demonstration of their splendid citizenship that our German Americans populated, as one man de nounces the strained attempt to creato Y:r Sfr hostilities with Emperori William to give excuse for the Anglo-American alliance, and it should be Vesented by every American, whether by birth or adoption, who loves his country. The war in the Philippines should be brought to a speedy clo&e, the Filipi nos given self-government on the term of the Cuban resolution. Let us give to others the liberties vouchsafed to ourselves, and for the first time write on history's page National Liberator. We have reached a crisis In our na tional life. The Declaration of Inde pendence, Federal constitution and the Monroe doctrine are being devoured by avaricious cannibals. The money trust industrial trust and patriotic trust have masked In the false barg of "Destiny" for a desperate attack. The state and national campaigns up on which we are about to enter will be the turning point for the republlo and its people. Thef armies are form ing in battle array. The call for en listment has been made. It is not what you have been, but what you now are that puts your name on the muster roll Loyalty to the cause, for which we fight is the only requirement.. Our commander Is democracy's great* est leader—the able, fearless and In corrputible champion of equal rights and human liberty—the modern Thomas Jefferson—William Jennings Bryan. THE DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM. thG democfats of Iowa, In conven- IL-n Wambled, unqualifiedly and unre ?S?f«^»fn.dor82 Jhe.Chicago platform of 1896 In whole and in detail and declare our inwaverlng fidelity and adherence to the I®"1®'we proclaim our admiration loyalty to that peerless exponent of democratic principles, W. J. Bryan and favor his nomination In 1900. flS,lc« Vld ^motivei£.e We.Tejo Jn the «*a!»ed sen. timent and that prompted the gov ernment of the United States to take up arms In defense of the bitterly oppressed of Cuba In the successful termina- thJ* WHr wlth sPaln and ln Pa triotism^ and unsurpassed bravery dis played by our soldiers and sailors on Und and sea. The war for the liberation of tyranny-cursed island was worthy the ?»»of r®Pub i® the most civilisation that has flourished in the tides of tlmS, \Jor 8a,me reason that we glory war against Spain, w* an(l conde.mn the war against °ne war was f°r eman- th« People: the other for the S22ft5?o0na,n i0f l"e Pe°Ple. and if the war sJ? WUB right, and it was, that the nat!ves of the Philippines, ««ave c°mnr.ltted no offenpe save to &vS.1!lSPrl£and t0 be willing to light and to die for it. is wrong. The attempt un authorized by congress, to conqucr the Oriental islands Is a re pudiation of the American doctrine of consent affirmed In the Declaration of In dependence and in conflict with the prin ciple which George Washington and his Patr'ots of the revolution made sacrifices to establish. We also condemn the war against the Filipinos, believing iV-t0.i?ave "een lnsPire«! and by Great Britain ror the purpose of producing conditions that will force an Anglo-American alli ance, and we not only protest agaln«t the war demand Its termination by ex tension to the Filipinos of the same as surance given to the Cubans, but we re cord our deep seated antagonism to an al liance with Great Britain or any other European, power, and ex press our detestation of the attempts mmle In British Interests to dis rupt the friendly relations which have uniformly obtained between the United States and Germany. We oppose con quests of the Philippines,because imi'erai ism means militarism, because militarism means government by force, and because government by force means the death of government by consent, the destruction of political and Industrial freedom, and the obliteration of equality of rights and the B152??alnaUon of democratic Institutions. Third. We view with alarm the multi plication of those combinations of capital commonly known as trusts that are eon* Mntpn no nnd J.._.<p></p>Industry, viMiiiiiuui? miuwii us iru8i8 mat are c~.r centrating and monopolizing crushing out Independent producers ot' limited means, destroying competition, re stricting the opportunities for labor, ar tittcinli} llrnltlnir" rod wi prices, and creating an Indusirlarconoino^ different from* state socialism only In the respect that under socialism, the benefits ot production would go to all, while under the trust system, they go to Increase the fortunes of the Jew. These trusts and combines are the direct outgrowth of the policy of the republican party, which has not only favored these Institutions, but has accepted their support and solicited their contributions to aid thatparty in re taining power, which has placed the bur den of taxation upon those who labor and produce in times of peace and who fight our battles in time or war, while the wealth of the country is exempted from these burdens. We condemn this policy, and it is our solemn conviction that the trusts must be destroyed or they will destroy free government, and we demand that they be suppressed by repeal of the protective tariff and other privilege con ferrlng legislation responsible for them, by the enactment of such legislation, state and national, as will aid in their de struction. Fourth. We condemn the present sys tem of letting convict labor by contract to .private persons or corporations as now ln vogue In the state or Iowa,'and recom mend that the sane be abolished and that convict labor be employed solely and only In such work as will uot bring It Into com petition with free labor. Fifth. We urge that the legislation of the state carefully consider the exlstln* liquor laws with a view of eliminating the objectionable features of the mulct law and of substituting therefore carefully guarded legislation jUBt and fair and in the Interests of true temperance. Sixth. We condemn the administration of Leslie M. Shaw and the republican par ty for weakness and inefficiency aud for subservience to the monied and corporate interests as opposed to the interests of the people. To the support of the foregoing pr nelplet we cordially Invite tHe active co-operation of nil lovers of liberty and equality. THE FEMININE OBSERVER. The real pleasure of life la In hav ing what we want when we want It A good resolution kept is Indeed noble, but It Is better to break a bad one. The man who thinks he can sing •nd who Is not requested to sing will •Ing. If you are able to sleep well these nights do not grumble at the heat la the daytime. When the maid-departs the mlstr^ju for the first time realizes the trouble It is to get a meal. A woman never thinks she has writ, ten anything worth reading unless she gets her fingers colored with ink. The disposition that can cheerfully relinquish personal pleasure ln favor of others Is one Indeed to be envied. The woman at the summer resort who boasts constantly and loudly ot her family never makes the impression that she thinks she is doing. An old bachelor thinks he has clinch ed matters when he says the reason that he has never married and will never marry is that he is not- good enough for any woman living. After that If one should take him 4he has only herself to blame. And now the determined young housewife labors over a hot stove un' til she looks like a boiled lobster, us ing up pounds of sugar, fruit and pa tience to produce a dozen or two Jars of preserves that she could buy at a first-class grocer for half the price, and they would be Just as good. too.