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Manchester Democrat. [volume] (Manchester, Iowa) 1875-1930, September 20, 1899, Image 10

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CATO SELLS' ADDRESS.
Before the Democratic State Conven
tion August 15, 1859.
The following" address was delivered
before lite democratic' state convention
by the temporary chairman, Hon.
Onto Sells, of Vinton:
Gentlemen of the Convention: I ap
preciate the honor conferred upon me
ly the state committee and congratu
late you, gentlemen of the convention,
upon this auspicious gathering: of
low a dmocracy. This convention is
the best evidence of the reason why the
republican press of the state has for
several months given much attention
to my speech and your deliberations,
«md I very much mistake your purpose
if you do not give them abundant rea
eon for even greater activity in the fu
ture than we have given them in the
KQSl.
The fact that I held a federal posi
tion under the Cleveland administration
and have not recently given public ex
pression to my views, is prooabiy ine
reason why I have been frequently, and
sometimes very wrongfully, misrepre
sented, and for that reason more es
pecially am 1 glad of this opportunity.
The original line*1 of demarkatlon be
tween the two great. political parties
was so plainly drawn that there can be
no misunderstanding as to the cause
of. their formation or the purpose of
their existence. The federalist, whig,
no-nothing and republican parties were
conceived by, and have always served
the purpose of, an Angla-American ar
istocracy, while the democratic party
was originated by the author ot the
declaration of independence, and repre
sents the real genius of American insti
tutions.
xhe republican parly is the legitimate
out-growth of paternalism in govern
ment, and is responsible for both class
legislation and anarchy, while demo
cracy constitutes the eessnce of govern
ment of the people, by the people and
for the people, in which an absolute
acquiescence in the decision of the ma
jority is the vital principle from which
•there is no appeal but to force, the im
mediate parent of despotism. Demo
cracy Is the only hope ot Washington's
and Jefferson's wise and successful for
eign policy—peace, commerce and hon
est friendship with all nations, entang
ling alliances with none—and for the
enlargement and enforcement of the
Monroe doctrine until It is established
and recognized by all nations of the
world. Democracy means a speedy re
turn to the simplicity of the fathers
of the republic, and the dethronement
of everybody and everything which
would put the dollar above the man.
It means that once again the time has
come in American politics when no man
can truly represent democracy who will
not subordinate personal ambitions and
acquisitions to the public weal, and
who has not the moral courage to burn
lila bridges behind him and walk out
Into the open to join the crusade
against the avaricious tendencies of the
times.
1 take it that no one will seriously
question that the republican party ha^
closely adhered to the principles of
Alexander Hamilton, nor, lamentable
as It may be, that the democratic party
has not at all times been faithful to the
teachings of Thomas Jefferson, and I
am one of those who believe that the
campaign of 1896 has brought the de
mocracy to a realization of its depart
ure and inspired the country with an
Invincible patriotic citizenship.
Like a decision of a court of last re
sort, the platform of the national con
vention is the law of the party until
superseded by another platform framed
by the same authority, and controversy
here as to reaffirmation of the Chicago
platform would be- both unwise and
inopportune.
Just what the democratic national
platform of 1900 will contain I do not
know, but I firmly believe that it will
be along the lines of the last platform
with such an indictment of the McKln
ley regime for its maladministration,
clftss preferment and unconstitutional
conduct as to insure the support of ev
ery citizen who has been, is now, or
•wants to be a Jeffersonlan democrat.
And I sincerely hope that no demo
cratic convention will subject itself to
a "Round Robin" charge of censorship,,
but that all will be respected in the ex
pression of, and contention for, an
honest conviction, and that when the
national convention has again spoken,
the will of the majority will be acquies
ced in by a reunited and irresistible
democratic party, and thus make cer
tain the supremacy and consequent
prosperity of the liberty-loving law
abiding, home-bulldlng and Industrious
masses over the snow favored classes
who, for selfish purposes, advocate or
tolerate the prostitution of the execu
tive, legislative and judicial powers of
the government, the federal constitu
tion, Monroe doctrine and Declaration
of Independence.
It Is one of the highest attributes of
American citizenship, as it Is one of the
fundamental principles of our party,
that every citizen shall at all times, and
under all circumstances, be fully pro
tected In the exercise of his sovereignty,
and while we regret it, there is abso
lutely no justification for condemna
tion of those who. because of a sense
of duty, left our ranks in 1896, and I am
certain that I voice the prevailing feel
ing of the regular democracy, when I
earnestly Invite them back to their
democratic home but to those who,
with malice aforethought, either di
rectly or indirectly, helped to make re
publican supremacy possible, because
they thought and still think that party
more serviceable to their personal ends,
I say there is but one republican party
'i this ^country and the democratic
*»arty cannot, and, "by the eternal,"
shall not serve their selfish purposes.
I remember only too well the Phari
saical attitude and assumed patriotic
expression of the republican self-ap
pointed guaivliar.s of tin rational honor
who. to further party ends, did, by
(voice or pen, pat our democratic broth
ers on the back, and in tones, which, if
they could now hear would causes them
remorse of conscience, say: "You are
the ideal citizen," "you put country
above party." And now that they have
accomplished their purpose, they turn
the deaf ear and proceed to forget their
patriotic demonstrations and false de
votion. while with the fruits of their
deception, in extra session, they enact
the laws most offensive to the new
found allies and reserve their promised
legislation for another campaign of
falsehood and misrepresentation.
The action of the republican per
suaders and democratic persuaded re
uals the scene on the mountain top
when the devil appealed to Christ, the
only difference I have been able to dis
cover. being that Christ did not, while
our democratic friends did, take the
bait, and with what results? They said
tlicy would reform the currency, and'
what have they done—appointed a com
minion to intercede for international!
bimetallsm with impicd instructions to
fail—passed two sessions of congress
having a republican mujority in each
branch, without making a serious at-1
tempt at legUlttfiv* ».ction and adjourn-
ed after. appointing
1
a ^congressional
committee to which they referred all
monetary legislation that they might
the more certainly postpone definite ac
tion until after the next presidential
election.
The republican party came into power
list? than thirty months ago with a
pledge of superior love of country em
blazoned on the stars and stripes as a
campaign banner. In honor bound to
demonstrate that a pol tical party could
be as non-partisan and patriotic In the
admin'slraMon of the affahs of the gov
ernment at Washington as were those
who departed from the paths of a life
time to make McKinley's election pos
sible and now with a party record un
paralled in our national history, these
self-same republican malcontents have
the unblushing audacity to again seek
partisan advantage by affecting to de
nounce, discredit and deceive the three
so-called elements of the democratic
party.
President McKinley is either politi
cally dishonest or absolutely weak and
the preponderance of evidence clearly
establishes the latter. Of the two, it
is more dangerous because It lacks th^
element of self-preservation which al
ways inures caution. The comparative
efficiency of the civil service had so
far demostrated the usefulness of the
merit system as to be a matter of uni
versal congratulation, when its debau
chery was made manifest by the pro
mulgation of the president's order with
drawing some 10.000 official positions
from the classified llRt. And this from
the party which in its St. Louis plat
form boasted that it was the author of
the merit law, had always sustained it
and then "renewed" Its "repeated dec
larations" that the "law shall be thor
oughly and honestly enforced and ex
tended," and whose candidate for the
presidency, in his letter of aceptance
said "the republican party will take no
backward step on this question, it will
seek to Improve but never to degrade
the public service." "What has occurr
ed since the election." says the Chicago
Times-Herald, "to change the attitude
of the republican administration from
one of progress and extension to that
of retrogression and contraction In the
scope of the merit system?" Nor have
the spoilsmen been confined to the de
partment at Washington, for they have
thrust their grimy hands Into -the army
and navy at the cost of disease, d^ath.
scandal and national disgrace. After
three years, of Algerlsm, during which
self stultification has been the price of
recognition or promotion, and retire
ment or dismissal the reward of merit,
the secretary of war is forced to re
sign and made a scapegoat for the
commander-in-chief of the army, while
Gen. Miles Is continued In "innocuous
desuetude." and Commissary General
Egan retains his shoulder straos and
draws full pay. Capt. Neall is dismiss
ed from the army in disgrace for a $4.
000 shortage, made good, while the de
partment of justice has for eighteen
months given no excuse for permitting
Capt. Carter to retain his uniform and
pay after being found guiltv of embez
zlement of more than a million dollars.
The Nicaragua Canal bill was killed to
prevent competition with the trans
Continental railroads and the railway
companies given $40,000,000 a year for
$20,000,000 worth of work in carrying
the United States mall. The Dlngley
tarlff has been so prolific of evil as to
give birth to twin monstrosities. In a
single year it has produced more trusts
than one hundred years of our previous
national life and a government deficit
of $90,000,000. by far the largest in the
history of the country.
Proclaiming as they frequently have
that no polftical.texQipttoi. can so far
restore the democratic party to power
as to make free coinage of ©liver legis
lation possible before 1906, it has for
'some time been apparent to every read
er of republican newspapers, both In
and out of Iowa, that they have with
great premeditation been Industriously
preparing to make a noisy and vigorous
attack upon bimetallism with the evi
dent intention of subordinating the new
issues created and forced upon the peo
ple by the McKinley administration,
and the Iowa platform has completely
exposed their hand in this state by at
tempting to make prominent the money
question alone, taking a double position
on the tariff que.stlon and saving prac
tically nothing about trusts, expan
sions, militarism and other issues in
which the people are just now largely
interested. It is a well conceived and
carefully matured plan to divert nubllo
attention away from the real alms of
the republican leaders but it will fall of
its own weight. Bimetallism is as
rriuch a fundamental principle of de
mocracy as equality of rights, and this
convention would betray the party
should It fail to declare for the rein
statement of stiver to its legitimate
Place «n the nation's monetary system.
But the McKinley administration has
developed conditions and issues which,
were they to become operative would
forever overthrow all democratic prin
ciples and make of but little Impor
tance what kind of a monetary system
prevails in the country. The very fact
that the republicans are determined, if
possible, to smother the question of
protection, trusts, imperial colonization,
militarism, foreign alliance and klnderd
issues. Is a sufficient reason why the
democracy should not permit them to
hide }hese buring questions. Our re
publican friends will have ample oppor
tunity with the cry of "cheap money"
and "debauched currency" to attempt
to make silver a "bogy man." but they
will never again be able to deceive the
people as they did in 1896. They are
"up to" other Issues as well as the
money quesetion, and will have to meet
and answer them on every stump in
Iowa, and the more they try to avoid,
dodee. or duck, the more ae?ressively
will democracy drive such issnes home
and push them to the front. They have
made the new issues, are, responsible
for therr. and must meet them squarely
or desert the field and take the conse
quences*.
The trust plank In their rtale platform
Is suffie'ent proof that Inwa renubllcanSi
believe in Emerson's maxim that "con
sistency is the hobgoblin of little minds,
adorned by Htttle statesmen and philos
ophers and divines." Their resolutions
say in part, "we.commend the action
the Iowa delegation in congress In sup
port of protection by the Dingley tar
iff and In direct contradiction add,
"industry and commerce should be left
free to pursue their methods aco-ding
to the natural laws of the world," fol
lowing which Is this remarkable, and
so far as I have been able to discover,
the only reference during the proceed
ings of the convention to the induRl*!al
conditions now existing In the United
States, "but when business aggrega
tions known as trusts prove hurtful to
to people, they must be restrained by
national laws, and if need be, abolish
ed." Thus they commend the Dingley
tariff made by a national law in pur
suance of the McKinley policy, to re
strain industry and commerce acording
to th^ natural laws of the world, and
seek by subterfuge to pose in opposition
to the "business aggregation known as
trntsts" when, mark you. not now, but
when "they prove hurtful to the peo
ple" and that, too, In the face of a con
gressional record which puts them In
the attitude of the devil rebuking sin
which furlnshes the-,eyidence for
their own conviction 61 hypocrisy, in
sincerity and abject slaverv to the
masters whom they serve. The object
of high protection is to prohibit outside
competition and the purpose of the
u*ust is to prevent inside competition.
Trusts are as much the product of high
protection as diseases Is the result of
filth, and the Iowa republican congres
sional delegation knevP it on March 31,
1897, when they voted against the Dock
ery amendment to the Dingley bill,
which provided for putting on the free
list all articles manufactured by a com
bination seeking to limit, regulate or
control supply or price.
The McKinley tariff laid the founda
tion for the persent trust system and
the Dingley tariff raised it about 11
per cent.
In 1890 the republican party placed
custom duties at an average of 42 per
cent, and In 1897 raised it to 53 per cent,
which Is at least 43 per cent above for
elgn competition..The J30,000,g)0 knit
goods trust Is protected and subsidized
with 50 per cent the *35,000,000 National
Lead Company trust, with a cent and
a half a pound on lead the $45,000,000
western lumber pool with two dollars
per thousand on lumber the $128,000,000
sugar trust, to which we pay $20,000,000
tariff taxes annually the $375,000,000
steel trusts with $6.72 per ton on steel,
and the $50,000,000 American tin plate
trust with one and one-half cents a
pound on tin plate. And thus they run
from tooth-picks to patriotism.
A very large part of the trusts of the
country are protected in like manner,
and while all have raised the price of
products nearly, If not quite, equal to
the tariff or competition rate, in no in
stance have the wages of labor been
correspondingly increased. The trust
prohibits competition, destroys individ
ual enterprise, raises prices, debases
labor, transforms commerce Into piracy,
multiplies the accumulations of millian
aires, Increases poverty, breed aristo
cracy of wealth and distrust of capital.
It is the antagonist of the public peace
and the promoter of Industrial distur
bances. It is not that It may, or will
or when It does, for it Is now sucking
the very blood of the people. The trust
Is the child of McKinleylsm, and if re
medial legislation is delayed^until rep
ublican conventions, congresses and
state legislatures declare their business
aggregations, known as trusts, have in
fact proved hurtful to the people, it
will be only when the beneficiaries of
special legislation have ceased to con
tribute to Hanna's campaign fund and
his baneful Influences have been forever
removedi from the white house and the
United States senate.
Republican insincerity on the trust
question is further emphasized by the
attitude of Attorney General Griggs
who, relying on an adjudication con
ducted by his predecessor, which did
not cover the facts, declined to make
a-test case, and in the most hlgh/hand
ed manner disposed of the que
thing? can be so far.righted as to be
certainly and parrhanenfly eectlve,
rests with the sovereign citizen.
So far as I am able now to determine,
the most effective way to destroy the
trusts is to remove the, at present, most
apparent cause by amending the tariff
laws and placing on the free list evry
thing used or made or sold by a trust.
That is a simple, conservative and prac
tical policy. Its execution would not
depend upon the zeal of the attorney
general of the government or the state.
I would also have both congress and
state legislatures pass laws for their
control and taxation, each making it a
felony, punishable by both fine and
penitentiary sentence, to form, conduct
or be in any manner interested in a
trust, and if after a fair trial It is ap
parent that trusts, corporations or other
monopolies are determined to defy the
laws made in justice to all, I would re
sort to the initiative and refependum
with government ownership of public
utilities, and above all and without de
lay, I would have the federal constitu
tion so amended as to require' the elec
tion of United States senators by a di
rect vote of the people. It is entirely
possible that all these things will not
be fully realized by the means I have
Indicated, but of this I am certain.
The democracy, as now constituted,
recognizes that its mission as a party
organization is to fight the battles of
the masses and It will enter upon this
conflict, not with the cloven foot of the
Iowa republican platform, but in good
faith, determined to do whatsoever
honesty of purpose and fearless effort
shall develop along lines of its accom
plishment.
It Is not the purpose of the demo
cratic party to wage a war of exter
mination against any man, men or leg
itimate in'erest. It will be in the future
as it has In the past at all times and
under all circumstances, as fully pro
tect an honest and equitable organiza
tion of capital, as it will the organiza
tion of labor, and, In doing so, make
equal and just requirements/ for the
protection of each.
The democracy beMeves that the func
tions of government should not be an
instrument for the oppression of any
man or class of men, and that just to
the extent that It is so used an injus
tice is perpetrated in the name of law
and the powers of government prosti
tuted. Andrew Jackson correctly stat
ed democratic doctrine when he said:
"Distinctions in society will always ex
ist under every just government, equal
ity of talents, of education or of wealth
cannot be produced by human Institu
tions. In the full enjoyment of the
gifts of heaven and the fults of superior
industry, economy and virtue every
man Is equally entitled to protection by
law," nor would we be severe, beyond
the limit of good conscience and judg*
ment. But, the time has arrived whew
It must be determined whether man ot
money is master, and foi\myself I say
there are two kinds of anarchy In thia
HON. CATO SELLS.
turning it over to the states, and At
torney General Renrley, with much dec
lamation and no affirmative action, as
dextrously imposed the duty of prose
cuting criminal trusts upon the county
attorneys of Iowa, who, being respect
ors of precedent, follow the example of
my good friend, Julius Lischer, county
attorney of Scott county, who is report
ed to have conferred the honor upon the
court house janitor.
The trusts are the creations of the
republican party and It will stand by
them. The New York Sun, which
speaks for the president, says: "The
republican party and the democratic
party and every other party Is Impotent
against the trusts because the trust
arise from a business necessity. The
legislatures might as well make statutes
against multiplication or the rule of
three." The Community of interests of
leading industrial trusts is more than a
"gentlemen's agreement," for the same
controlling stockholders figure largely
in each. So far as its Instigators and
intriguers are concerned, this new in
dustrial diarchy is composed of some
firteen or twenty multi-millionaires
whose ramifications include a control of
raw material, manufactured products,
and transportation facilities of the en
tire country. Alarmed lest their bene
factor, the republican party, should be
overwhelmed by an outraged people,
Chauncey Depew decried all combina
tions but the railroad pool. Havemeyer
condemned everything but the sugar
trust, and Rockefeller forgot his ortho
dox teachings, and prayed exemption
for the Standard Oil Company. When
they were reminded that the tariff sys
tem, which is either the mother or co
partner of them all, was blulded by a
like commulnty of interests, they turn
ed as if by magic from rending each
other, to Join hands aglnst seventy-five
million Americans and are reported to
be now engaged in the organization of
a monster combination of monopolies
more threatening to the peace and the
prosperity of our, people than war or
pestilence, and fraught with greater
danger to our institutions than any ca
lamity that has ever befallen the repub*
lie. The trust evil is deep rooted and
strongly fortified, its resources, influ
ence and effects permeate the white
house, legislative halls and many other
powerful places. Whether or not these
country, that one is inspired by greed
for pelf the other by want of bread—
.that of the two the former is the more
dangerous because most powerful and
insidious, and as between thenivI will
divide with the man who has the hun
gry wife and babe.
An income tax Is now, and for many
years has been, the principal means of
raising revenue In England, Germany
and many other foreign countries. The
principle is not now in this country.
For nearly ten years It was the source
by which we raised money to carry on
the rebellion and reduce the debt in
curred by the war. There was not then,
as there is now, a cause for the determ
ined opposition that exists against such
a law, for the reason that during those
days the wealth of the country was
more venly distributed, while now,
and largely as the result of special leg
islation since the close of the ttar,
large fortunes have acumulated in the
hands of the few who are unwilling to
bear their just proportion of taxation,
whether direct or indirect. It is cer
tain that that part of our population
known as the predatory rich will resist
to the uttermost the party which, or the
man who, makes an honest effort to
equalize the burdens and privileges of
government by legislative enactments,
In any manner, calculated to remove
the preferments they have enjoyed
since the rebellion. I verily believe
that the income tax plank of the plat
form of 1896 was more objectionable
to the plutocratic classes than the much
vaunted free coinage resolution. That
the republican campaign managers
secured their largest subscrip
tions to insure its defeat.
They will continue to fight it un
der cover until out into the open, and
when they do expose their hand, It will
contain vicious weapons. The experi
ence of every government where it has*
been fairly tried is that an Income tax
is the most just and equitable way of
raising revenue yet devised, and I shall
be grievously disappointed if the de
mocracy shall not perpetuate the fight
even to an amendment to the federal
constitution with national and state
legislation that will Insure its enact
ment and enforcement.
Tbe grandest, beciuse It was the most*
unselfish military achievement In the
world's history was accomplished when
1
Spain surrendered to the Unltetd Statfes
and Cuba was released from colonial
tyranny. Immediately following our
declaration of war, the 'American con
gress solemnly proclaimed to the world
that the "United States hereby dis
claims any disposition to exercise sov
ereignty, jurisdiction or control over
said island, except for pacification
thereof, and. asserts its determination
when that is accomplished to leave the
government and control of the island to
its people." That disclaimer breathed
the spirit of '76. It respected the fed
eral constitution and reaffirmed the
Monroe doctrine. It was an expression
of national devotion to human liberty
without precedence in the annals of
history. It was a inspiration to the op
pressed of every color, race and clime
to demand the privileges of self gov
ernment. To have said then that It ap
plied only to Cuba and not to other
Spanish possessions would have been
mockery of our pretentions. To say so
now, 1b to turn backohe wheels of time.
If the Cuban resolution was an hon
est expression of our intentions, how
can we justify our refusal to extend
like treatment lo the Filipinos? From
the standpoint of an American, the
Philippine war is wJLhout justification
in law or morals. It is contrary to our
traditions and institutions, and in con
flict with the principles for which tbe
revolution, rebellion and Cuban wars
were fought. For us to contend that
the Filipinos are in rebellion Is to as
sert the sentiment of George the third
when he sent the redcoats to slaughter
the troops of Washington, but leB8 ten
able, because the colonies had ac
knowledged British sovereignty, while
the Filipinos declared the Independence
of the archipelago before Bunker Hill
was baptized in freedom's blood, and
are now but continuing their struggle
for liberty against another and more
powerful, if less righteous foe. Presi
dent McKinley has never announced
his policy towards the Philippines, and
upon that question the republican state
platform Is as silent as the grave.
William McKinley, in his dual capac
ity of president and commander-in
chief of the army, is carrying on the
Philippine war without authority of
congress. He is wholly responsible and
we must determine his policy accord
ingly. The fact that Judge Day was
appointed chairman of the p^ace com
mission and Minister Hay was recalled
from the court of St. James and made
secretary of state, thus forming an con
fidential cable between London and
Paris by way of Washington, and that
soon afterwards the peace commission
which had been instructed to demand a
coaling station only, forced from Spain
the cession of the Philippine group,
that 'the president about that time ask
ed for a standing army of one hundred
thousand men, and following this but
before hostilities had been commenced,
Agonclllo, as an emissary fronrt A'g
uinaldo, was denied audience at Wash
ington, that England soon placed Em
peror William in the false altitude of
an enemy of the United States in Sa
moa that the administration has al
ways refused to treat with Aguinaldo
on the basis of the Cuban resolution
that when Aguinaldo sent an officer to
General Otis, protestins that he had
not authorized an attack on our forces
and proposed a neutral zone to prevent
further hostilities, General Otis replied
that "the fighting had begun and must
go on to the grim end that t'grlm
war" still goes on with the ravages
of death to our brave boys and the de
tails to the press and mails censored
by an incompetent general in command
of the American army, who, unable lo
retain his conquered territory, is now
fighting lest he shall be driven into the
Pacific ocean with such a record, is
there any possible doubt but that the
president's Philippine policy Is colo
nial empire, militarism and English
alliance? Is not such a policy destined
to advance the prophecy of the venera
ble republican, Senator Hoar, who said,
"The downfall of the United States will
date from the administration of Wll
Miam McKinley?"
Imperialism Involves not only the ac
quisition of remote territory by con
quest, but a denial that governments
derive .their just pbwers from the con
sent of the governed. Never before has
this question been squarely presented
to cur people. and now only because the
president has usurped the powers of
congress and disregards the constitu
tion. The acquisition and permanent
retention of the Philippines means col
onial expansion In its most radical
form. The Philippine islands are more
than seven thousand'miles distant, lo
cated in a tropical climate and in Asl
ostic wateis, Inhabited by an alien race
which, for more than a century, has
waged war for self-government, and
now repels our Invasion with the
Mauser rifles we placed In their hands
when they were our allies against the
Spanish army. We forced the cession
of the islands as a condition precedent
lo peace with Spain, and are now slay
ing the Filipinos to establish our au
thority over them. Imperialism, mili
tarism and all:ance are dependent upon
each other, they develop together, and
it is as certain that we have them all
as ltSs that we have any one of them.
The volunteer army is born of love of
country. It is the product of demo
cracy. Great standing armies are
creatures of monarchs and the destroy
ers of self-government. Militarism and
democracy are incompatible. The as
cendency of the army bodes evil for the
republic. It is the weapon of the pow
erful and a menace to the weak. It
Is the entering wedge of imperialism
and the forerunner of foreign entangle
ments. Existing conditions make it ap
parent that at this time there is an
alliance between the United States and
Great Britain, and I denounce it as un
American. It is in conflict with the in
spirations, aspirations and cosmopoli
tan character of our country. We are
not an Anglo-Saxon race. It is a mis
nomer. As the boys who followed Hob
son into the bay of Santiago were de
scendents of Germany, Ireland, Bohe
m'a ond Scandinavia, so are our people
the best blood of all the nations of the
world. In that very fact rests our se
curity that, hereafter as theretofore,
peace and plenty wl'l ab^de with us for
ever. We have nothing of unkindness
for the Englishman, but we do suspect
the Court of St. James. England never
did and England never will serve an
other country, but from ulterior mo
tives. She has been our unrelenting
foe since the day when John Hancock
signed the Declaration of Independence
in letters
HO
bold that King George
could read them across the sea, and she
now courts our favor but to lead us as
with a magician's wand, to serve her
selfish purposes. It is not the part of
an American to repudiate his benefac
tors, and sooner or later England inurft
know that she will have to deal with
the sons of the men she slaughtered at
Yorktown, and not with-the McKinley
administration.
Our people well remember that
France, Russia and Germany were our
friends in times of dire distress, and'
they remember, loo, the England of '76
and '62. Not England but the whole of
Europe, Is the mother of the white in
habitants of the United States. It is a
magnificent demonstration of their
splendid citizenship that our German
Americans populated, as one man de
nounces the strained attempt to creato
Y:r
Sfr
hostilities with Emperori William to
give excuse for the Anglo-American
alliance, and it should be Vesented by
every American, whether by birth or
adoption, who loves his country. The
war in the Philippines should be
brought to a speedy clo&e, the Filipi
nos given self-government on the term
of the Cuban resolution. Let us give
to others the liberties vouchsafed to
ourselves, and for the first time write
on history's page National Liberator.
We have reached a crisis In our na
tional life. The Declaration of Inde
pendence, Federal constitution and the
Monroe doctrine are being devoured by
avaricious cannibals. The money trust
industrial trust and patriotic trust have
masked In the false barg of "Destiny"
for a desperate attack.
The state and national campaigns up
on which we are about to enter will
be the turning point for the republlo
and its people. Thef armies are form
ing in battle array. The call for en
listment has been made. It is not what
you have been, but what you now are
that puts your name on the muster roll
Loyalty to the cause, for which we fight
is the only requirement..
Our commander Is democracy's great*
est leader—the able, fearless and In
corrputible champion of equal rights
and human liberty—the modern
Thomas Jefferson—William Jennings
Bryan.
THE DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM.
thG
democfats of Iowa, In conven-
IL-n Wambled, unqualifiedly and unre
?S?f«^»fn.dor82 Jhe.Chicago platform of
1896 In whole and in detail and declare our
inwaverlng fidelity and adherence to the
I®"1®'we proclaim our admiration
loyalty to that peerless exponent
of democratic principles, W. J. Bryan and
favor his nomination In 1900.
flS,lc« Vld
^motivei£.e
We.Tejo
Jn
the
«*a!»ed sen.
timent and that prompted the gov
ernment of the United States to take up
arms In defense of the bitterly oppressed
of Cuba In the successful termina-
thJ*
WHr wlth
sPaln
and ln
Pa­
triotism^ and unsurpassed bravery dis
played by our soldiers and sailors on Und
and sea. The war for the liberation of
tyranny-cursed island was worthy the
?»»of
r®Pub i®
the most civilisation
that has flourished in the tides of tlmS,
\Jor
8a,me
reason that we glory
war against Spain, w*
an(l
conde.mn the war against
°ne
war was
f°r eman-
th«
People: the other for the
S22ft5?o0na,n
i0f
l"e
Pe°Ple. and if the war
sJ?
WUB
right, and it was, that
the
nat!ves
of the Philippines,
««ave
c°mnr.ltted
no offenpe save to
&vS.1!lSPrl£and
t0 be
willing to light and
to die for it. is wrong. The attempt un
authorized by congress, to conqucr the
Oriental islands Is a re
pudiation of the American doctrine of
consent affirmed In the Declaration of In
dependence and in conflict with the prin
ciple which George Washington and his
Patr'ots of the revolution made
sacrifices to establish. We also condemn
the war against the Filipinos, believing
iV-t0.i?ave "een
lnsPire«!
and
by Great Britain
ror the purpose of producing conditions
that will force an Anglo-American alli
ance, and we not only protest agaln«t the
war
demand Its termination by ex­
tension to the Filipinos of the same as
surance given to the Cubans, but we re
cord our deep seated antagonism to an al
liance with Great Britain or any
other European, power, and ex
press our detestation of the
attempts mmle In British Interests to dis
rupt the friendly relations which have
uniformly obtained between the United
States and Germany. We oppose con
quests of the Philippines,because imi'erai
ism means militarism, because militarism
means government by force, and because
government by force means the death of
government by consent, the destruction
of political and Industrial freedom, and the
obliteration of equality of rights and the
B152??alnaUon
of
democratic Institutions.
Third. We view with alarm the multi
plication of those combinations of capital
commonly known as trusts that are eon*
Mntpn no
nnd
J.._.<p></p>Industry,
viMiiiiiuui? miuwii us iru8i8 mat are c~.r
centrating and monopolizing
crushing out Independent producers ot'
limited means, destroying competition, re
stricting the opportunities for labor, ar
tittcinli} llrnltlnir" rod wi
prices, and creating an Indusirlarconoino^
different from* state socialism only In the
respect that under socialism, the benefits
ot production would go to all, while
under the trust system, they go to Increase
the fortunes of the Jew. These trusts and
combines are the direct outgrowth of the
policy of the republican party, which has
not only favored these Institutions, but
has accepted their support and solicited
their contributions to aid thatparty in re
taining power, which has placed the bur
den of taxation upon those who labor and
produce in times of peace and who fight
our battles in time or war, while the
wealth of the country is exempted from
these burdens. We condemn this policy,
and it is our solemn conviction that the
trusts must be destroyed or they will
destroy free government, and we demand
that they be suppressed by repeal of the
protective tariff and other privilege con
ferrlng legislation responsible for them,
by the enactment of such legislation,
state and national, as will aid in their de
struction.
Fourth. We condemn the present sys
tem of letting convict labor by contract to
.private persons or corporations as now ln
vogue In the state or Iowa,'and recom
mend that the sane be abolished and that
convict labor be employed solely and only
In such work as will uot bring It Into com
petition with free labor.
Fifth. We urge that the legislation of
the state carefully consider the exlstln*
liquor laws with a view of eliminating the
objectionable features of the mulct law
and of substituting therefore carefully
guarded legislation jUBt and fair and in
the Interests of true temperance.
Sixth. We condemn the administration
of Leslie M. Shaw and the republican par
ty for weakness and inefficiency aud for
subservience to the monied and corporate
interests as opposed to the interests of the
people.
To the support of the foregoing pr nelplet
we cordially Invite tHe active co-operation
of nil lovers of liberty and equality.
THE FEMININE OBSERVER.
The real pleasure of life la In hav
ing what we want when we want It
A good resolution kept is Indeed
noble, but It Is better to break a bad
one.
The man who thinks he can sing
•nd who Is not requested to sing will
•Ing.
If you are able to sleep well these
nights do not grumble at the heat la
the daytime.
When the maid-departs the mlstr^ju
for the first time realizes the trouble It
is to get a meal.
A woman never thinks she has writ,
ten anything worth reading unless she
gets her fingers colored with ink.
The disposition that can cheerfully
relinquish personal pleasure ln favor
of others Is one Indeed to be envied.
The woman at the summer resort
who boasts constantly and loudly ot
her family never makes the impression
that she thinks she is doing.
An old bachelor thinks he has clinch
ed matters when he says the reason
that he has never married and will
never marry is that he is not- good
enough for any woman living. After
that If one should take him 4he has
only herself to blame.
And now the determined young
housewife labors over a hot stove un'
til she looks like a boiled lobster, us
ing up pounds of sugar, fruit and pa
tience to produce a dozen or two Jars
of preserves that she could buy at a
first-class grocer for half the price, and
they would be Just as good. too.

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