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Manchester Democrat. [volume] (Manchester, Iowa) 1875-1930, September 20, 1899, Image 9

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W v"
W. J. BRYAN ON THu ISSUES
LARGE AUDIENCE HEARS DEMO
CRATIC LEADER.
Ha Holds to 16 to 1 as a Trimary Article
of the Democratic Faith—Insist* Fil
ipinos Be Given Independence
—Opposes Trusts*
DKS MOINES, August 1?.—At llic
auditorium Inst night Mr. liryan spoke
as follows:
"I am grateful to Father Nugent for
the kindly words with whlqh he has
presented me to this audience. I am
(lad'Of the religious character of the
audience, which is manifested by the
fact that some of our Methodist breth
ren say 'amen' to his sentiments.
(Cheers and luughter.) When you get
down deep enough for bed rock princi
ples, you can bring all the churches
and all the denominations together In
accord with a sentiment that makes all
men kin. And in this great conflict, we
are reaching bed rock. I esteem it a
great privilege to speak to this great
audience to see the people thufe mani
fest their interest in principles that
were declared dead in 1896. I want to
bring encouragement to you. There is
no more doubt of our ultimate triumph
than of tomorrow's sunrise. I believe
this because I believe In the intelli
gence and the patriotism, of the Amer
ican people, and In the omnipotence of
truth. (Applause.) If we are right, we.
will win. When It went against us In
1896,1 believed we were right a td would
yet triumph and If we were wrong, it
was best that we should have failed. I
believe that the good citizen desires the
triumph of that which is true, rather
than of that which he believes to be
true. No republican can more earnestly
rejoice In my defeat than I will do, if
he will prove to me that my defeat was
for the good of the country. I say It
selfishly, for I am going to live here for
some time yet. {Laughter.) For the
benefit of some republican newspapers
that have been given to announcing
that I-wan dead, I desire to say that
unless I get away from my present
plans, I will be here some years to
come. The good of the country should'
be the good of the whole country, and
of the whole plain people, not of the
men who hold the postofflces and the
positions.
"If we are right, we will succeed. And
events are vindicating the position of
our party in 1896. More than that: I
believe that every plank In the Chicago
platform was right (applause) I be
lieve that every plank In that platform
Is now right and I believe every plank
will be right in 1900. (Great applause.)
That platform did not deal with tem
porary questions. It applied the prin
ciples laid down by Thomas Jefferson
to the problems before the country.
,/The republican party, since Its vic
,:.tory, has not solved one of them. (Ap
plause.) No, not one. Its conduct has
only brought Into bolder light the Iniq
uHy that characterizes every dealing
r^of
1"
iBR'^
that party.
"The Dollar Above the Man/*
"I
will take as my text the statement
that the republican party Is putting
the dollar above th£ man. This is the
very antithesis of the republicanism of
Abraham Lincoln. Why, In 1856, when
It was first organized, the founders of
the republican party appealed to the
people to take the government back to
the prliifipreir
at
to
m'-
Mi.
Mi
X,.~.y
"Wavmnutun*
a nr~ Jeiv
ferson! Today, you would think from
Its policies that Alexander Hamilton
,was the patron saint of the republican
party. But when it was organized, it
appealed to Jefferson and to Washing
ton, In 1859 the republicans of Boston
were celebrating the birthday of Jef
ferson. Think of republicans celebrat
ing -the birthday of JefTerson! Abra
ham Lincoln was invited to be present,
and in expressing his regrets he p.Jd to
Jefferson as high an encomium as I
(pan pass upon him and to be Jefferson
is to be the greatest statesman the
toorld has produced. Mr. Lincoln sa'd
that the republican party believed in
the man and the dollar in case of con
fllct, believed in the dollar before
the man. As president, he called at
tention to what he feared as the ap
proach of returning monarchy, in the
attempt to place capital on an equal
footing with or above labor. If I were
say that today, what would they
call me? Demagogues would be the
mildest term. Yet Lincoln said it. and
if he was alarmed then, what would be
his alarm today if he could see capital
enthroned and labor debased by every
policy of the republican party? A bad
principle will manifest itself till the
majority wili see it. This one has mali
1fp"«ed itself in various ways. But It
will continue to ao so till all must see
.:lt. And we have learned a,good deal
-i'since 1896.
The Income Tax.
"Our platform declared for an In
come tax. I believe in it now I be
lieved in It then. When, one judge, by
changing his mind, rendered unconsti
tutional a law similar lo one that a
few years before had been sustained
by the full court, 1 believed it right.
And belleve.lt right now, until such
time as the constitution can be so
amended that not one Judge, or nine
judges, can build a bulwark about the
fortunes of the rich. (Applause.) 1
used to quote Justice Brown of Mich:
gan~I am so cautious, that when 1 \m
going to say anything particularly
strong, I like to quote somebody else
as saying It and when am quoting I
like to quote republicans—and he said:
•I fear that In some hour of national
peril this decision will rise to paralyze
the strong arm of ihc government.'
Yet there were those who did not se„»
it. The hour of national peril came:
the time when war was upon the na
tion. We could not use the Income tax,
like Great Britain, for our Angloman
iacflthave borrowed everything that
was bad from England. \but left all
that was good. We could not employ
the income tax, as England docs, to
make the rich oav for the national de
fense out of their abundance. The re
publican party demands a great stand
ing army, a great, navy, an imperlul
policy, but It cannot tax the rich to
provide them. It becomes necessary to
look about us to see what we can put a
stamp on! I find the things every day
qn which we can put them. If I want
to send a telegram, I pay the same
price for the message that I always
did, and then 1 pay a tax of one cent
toward the benevolent a&simflatlon of
the Filipino. (Laughter and applause.)
The law was so drawn that It might be
construed to allow the telegraph com
pany to shift the burden of that tax to
the back of the man who sent the tele
grain. Why? Because the telegraph
company had more influence with the
republican party than all the men who
vote its ticket. We all s«c it now.
"I remember In 1896 after \vb nad
adopted our platform and opened our
campaign, that some of our friends
said it would drive away from us the
rich democrats. I did not believe it,
sftd undertook to defend the rich demo
crat. I said they did not want what
vas not right, and would not desert
the party because it proposed to do
justice. I didn't know the rich demo
crats then as I do now. 'But,' I said,
v:,?«ven If we do drive away the rich dem-
.mM
ocrats, the poor republicans w'll flock
In to take their places it will be just
the same in the end/ But I didn't know
the ptpor republican then'
so
well as I
do now. (Applause.) It was like the
Irishman who was driving a 'mule to
his cart. The mule stopped and began
to kick. 'All right,' said the Irishhian,
'If you want to get In and ride, you're
welcome, but when you get In, I'll get
out/ The republican party was bad
enough before it got our worst demo
crats since then It has had several
millstones hanged about Its- neck.
"But the people see what It Is to
have a government, limited in its pow
ers to deal with the dollar, but unlim
ited in Its powers to deal with the man.
Our government can resort to the draft
to call men into its armies, but It can
not tax the wealth of the millionaire
to support them. In the hour of na
tional peril, It can take the father, how
ever much1 the family may need him
It can call the son,- the husband, and
send them to face the guns of an ene
my but It cannot lay the weight of
one finger on accumulated wealth, to
compel It to bear its share of the bur
den. (Cheers.) And why? Because
the republican party has put the dollai
above the man because it holds monej
more sacred than blood.
"There is another question, too. Pos
sibly I ought to apologize to this audi
ence for. bringing in a funeral subject
But I must dwell a little time on a dead
issue—the money question. (Laughter.)
Did you ever see anything that had sa
many lives as the money question.? In
1892 they said it was dead. But In 1893
the president had to call congress to
gether to bury It. Again they buried it
tn 1894, and once more in 1896. And you
may remember that it was up ggain In
1896—and had to be buried again.
(Laughter.) Then they said that did
fettle it. I read the headlines myself.
But again it was up in 1897, and in 1898
—it Is here now, ayd they are burying
it again. But I have examined the
corpse, and find it In such a good state
of preservation that 1 believe It will
last till 1900.
Righteou* Cattne Will Not Down.
"Why is It? Why is it that they find
It so hard to bury the silver cause?
Because no tomb was ever made so
Etrong that it could imprison a right
eous cause. Why is it that our oppo
nents continue to bury the silver cause?
Because they would rather go to a fu
neral than a debating society. (Laugh
ter.) You tell me that this question has
been eliminated from politics. Who
says this? It requires all my patience
and Christian forbearance *to keep me
from getting mad when I talk to a
goldbug. I do not mean to use the
term 'goldbug* in a contemptuous or
critical sense. 1 only use it as a brief
descriptive term—with all the kindli
ness of feeling that he uses when he
calls me a scoundrel, a lunatic or any
thing of that kind.' I console myself
with this thought, that if he calls me a
name and I deserve It, I have no right
to complain because he has found me
out but if he calls me a name and I
do not deserve It, I can call htm an
other. What provokes me is that when
you talk to a goldbug, he doesn't reason
with you. He simply smiles down upon
you with a look of contempt. I don't
like to have a man look down upon me.
His strongest argument Is an expres
sion of contempt. The argument is
somewhat like this. The goldbug says:
'Why, are you a silver man?' The sil
ver man looks small and says 'Yes/
Then the goldbug says. 'What, a man of
your Intelligence?' The -silver man
nods his head, and then the goldbug
smiles-contemptuously. That ends the
argument. It is too awful to think
about, and the goldbug will not think
about it It is too awful to talk about.
and the goldbug will not talk about it.
If any man is entitled to look down
with contempt upon another man, it Is
the bimetallist upon the goldbug. For
eighty-one years we had the double
standard, from 1792 to 1873, and no par
ty ever declared against it. Is that not
a record?
Former Bimetallism.
"Some people say we never had a
double standard or bimetallism. If a
man says this, all we can say is 'give
us what we had, and call it what you
please/ Give us the law that Andrew
Jackson framed, the free coinage of
gold and silver at the mint at the ratio
of 16 to 1 without waiting for the aid
or consent of any nation. Give us this,
and apply to it what name you will.
We not only have had the double
standard, but we have had the gold
standard, and this without asking for
it. It came upon u* like a thief in the
night. When I was young, I remem
ber at the debating societies, we used
to debate the Question whelher there
was not more pleasure in anticipation.
than In possession. I have always re
gretted that we were not given the
pleasure of anticipating the gold stand
ard. The gold standard concealed its
blessings, and we had It for twenty
three years before anybody found out
about it, and before any party dared
to defend it. After nineteen years, all
three parlies asked for bimetallism.
and the Republican party, which claims
all the intelligence and all the patriot
ism, met at Minneapolis. McKinley
was the chairman of the committee on
resolutions, and a platform was adopt
ed, saying that the American people,
from traditions and interest, fuvored
bimetallism. Now as to 1S96. We had
a campaign then, which even a man of
my years can distinctly remember.
Tnree parties denounced the gold
standard as un-American, and threat
ened to send it back to England
whence it came. Si-x million votes were
polled, and not one of them was bought
or intimidated. More votes were polled
than were ever polled for any other
platform. But you say that the repub
licans polled more votes. Yes. accord
ing to ihe returns. We did not know
where they all came from. It was no
doubt thought twice as right to vote
for honest money as for dishonest
money. What did the 7,000.000 people
vole/ for? For the republican ticket.
for 'the republican platform, which
promised lo see what could be done
toward getting other nations to he!)) us
to get rid of the gold stundard.
"What has happened since the elec
tion? President McKinley sent a com
mission of three learned men lo Europe
to ask the European nations lo help us
to get rid of the gold stundard. I am
willing to give him credit for all that
he did. He had to admit that the gold
standard was a bad thing, and that we
ought to help him to get rid of it. The
republican congress voted $100,000 to
pay the expenses of this commission.
and we ought to give the republican
congress credit for their willingness to
spend the peoples money to get rid of
the gold standard. The commission
went to Europe, and France joined
with us in an effort to get rid of the
gold standard. The English laboring
men petitioned the English govern
ment to get rid of the gold standard.
Why did they do this? Because the
gold standard had been a curse to the this purpose 2Vs per cent fcold bonds are
English laboring men, and they knew
it. An agriculturist commission report
ed. signed bv two-thirds of the com
mission, that the gold standard had
been the chief cause of the agricultural
depression in England. Farmers, how
can you believe that the gold standard
is good for you in the United States,
when the English farmers decreed it
bad for them in England, which is the
home of the gold standard? You tell
me that England did not join with us
JrS*i -f" Si*
¥-r„
4*
vtJrl'
Supplement to HANCHESTER DEHOCRAT. September 'no
to get rid of the gold standard. That
Europe did not join. Why? Because
in September, 1897, some bankers met,,
few in numbers, and with closed doors,
and pledged themselves to secrecy, and
adopted resolutions declaring that the
gold standard wafe all right. Those
bankers controlled the English govern
ment, and the English government
controlled Europe and Europe,
through the English government, con
trolled the policy of the United States.
You tell me that the gold standard is
good. No party ever won an election
on it. You tell me that the money
question is dead. No handful of Eng
lish bankers can ever settle a question
for the American people. (Applause.)
They say we can't use the same argu
ments now as in 1896. There Is a dif
ference between a goldbug and a silver
man. In Ohio, in 1897, when I went
there to make a speech, they said:
'There comes Mr. Bryan singing the
same song as in 1896/ The stiver man
could sing the same song over and
over again, and the more he sings it,
the more the people like it
Never Repeats 8onff.
"The goldbug never sings the same song
twice. They said in 1S&6: 'What you need
Is confidence.* They can't play the confi
dence game upon us any more. Four days
before the election the papers said that in
four days confidence would be restored
the day before election they said, 'Tomor
row confidence will be restored/ The day
ifter election they said, 'Confidence is re
stored.' More banks failed the first six
months after the election than em In the
history of the country. If 1 had been
Mected, it would all have been laid to my
door. More business houses failed the
first six months after the election than
sver in the same period of time before,
fi I had been elected, all this would have
been my fault. Times got so bad that
lome people thought that I had been elect
ed. and one man from Texas wrote and
congratulated me. But I have not been
irawing a salary, nor have I been appoint
ing new cabinet officers to fill the places
of those who have resigned. Times got
better. and then the goldbug rnme out
and said: 'See! Didn't I teli you what
Mould happen if the gold ticket was elect
ed? Didn't I tell you that gold would be
discovered In British Columbia?' And
didn't every man who discovered gold in
the Klondike admit that he had been mis
taken? The people who said In 1896 that
eve had enough gold were the ones to do
the most rejoicing when more was dis
covered. If tho quantitative theory of
money Is wrong, what difference does it
make if we have more? You admit that
the quantitative theory is correct when
you rejoice over the gold discoveries in
the Klondike, and the importation of gold
from Europe. If Increase of gold makes
better times, why not open our mints and
get more of it, and of our own monev?
Money, like food, must be considered both
as to its quality and its quantity. What's
the use of telling me about the splendid
quality of your food if you haven't any
for me when I am hungry? Prosperity
comes from the people. The republicans
says that prices are rising. There are
several ways to make rising prices. One
way is to form a trust ana to raise the
price of something that the farmer will
buy, without raising the price of what he
must sell, so that he Is obliged to burn
the candle at both ends. If the gold stand,
ard la good. It must be because rising dol
lars are good and if *r'r\ng dollars .are
good. It must be because falling prices are
(8
"But must beg your pardon for talk
ing so long on this question, when there
are otners for discussion. Now, there is
the trust question. I don't know whether
all of you have heard of it or not, but I
do know that here in Iowa the republican
party hasn't made up. Its mind on that
question, a& evidenced by its platform
declaration. It proposes to investigate the
trusts and to do away with them If
they are a bad thing. Now I don't know
exactly how they are going to discern
between the good trusts and the bad
trusts.'but I take it that the good trusts
will he tho ones that contribute the larg
est amounts to the republican campaign
funds.
Parent Trust of All.
"But why4 not start at the root. The
money trust is the parent trust and the
greatest trust of them all. What is the
use of fighting the toothpick trust or the
nail trust or the rubber trust or the
soap trust, .one against which tho
great unwashed democracy would prob
ably have tho least antipathy, when wo
have the^ money trust to commence on.
It Is the greatest and the worst trust of
them all—and more harmful than all the
others combined. Some people call on me
to stop fighting the money trust, but I
want to say to them that we can't stop
fighting the old bear for a chance to hunt
a cub once In a while.
"I want to warn you that whenever you
start tn to fight the Industrial trusts you
will find the same foe back of them, the
same financiers who arc back of the mon
ey trust and who fought us on the silver
issue. I don't want you to take my word
for It, but take the words of the financiers
themselves. Recently I read an interview
In the Chicago Times-Herald with John
J. Mitchell, president of the Illinois Trust
and Savings bank, In which he declared
that trusts do not harm, that thev do good
if properly managed. This interview was
accompanied by an editorial. In which it
was declared that there are good and bad
trusts, but I want to te.l you that as soon
as the people learn to discern between
good and bad trusts and go after the bad
trusts the demagogues will try to di
vert their attention to some other ques
tion that their brains do not comprehend
and that they cannot understand.
"Recently Mr. C: R. Flint, president of
the rubber trust, in a speech at a ban
quet in Boston, declared that trusts aro
beneficial and gave as a reason that when
there was a strike at one mlil nnother mill
could be opened to supply the t.ade until
the striking operatives had beta frozen
out. Mr. Flint Is right from his s.and
poinl. After the men have hven fio.. 1
out at one point the trust can then c.os.i
down a mill at another point, while it is
still doing business, and freeze the work'
ing men there. This teport said that Mr.
Flint had a sympathetic audience and con
cluded with the statement that it con
sisted entirely of Boston bankers. They
are the same forces we found behlnd' thJi
money trust and they are behind the in*
dustrlal trusts and will be.'
"A trust, means that every man who
buys an article must buy it at the trust'.i
prices, that every man who sells an article
must sell It at the trust's prices and that
every man who works must work at thi
trust's prices. I am surprised to see that
the people are only now commencing t«
understand the trusts. I am also pleaseJ
that the traveling men have commenced
to understand them and must admit that
I am disappointed because they did not un«
derstand them in 1896. They could not sea
then that the trust question applied to
the money question as well as to the in
dustrial question, but they see It now.
Why. at this time not more than one mail
in 100/sympathize with the trust, and yet
BRYAN.
good. No goldbug can discuss the ques
tion for an hour without contradicting
himself. In 1S96 he said that what the la
borer wanted was falling prices now he
tells the farmer that prices are rising, and
forgets to tvlt the laborer that he cannot
buy as much for his money. To hear a
goldbug argue, you appreciate the story
of the man traveling In the mountain path
that was so crooked that he met himself
coming back. The goldbug contradicts
himself so much that be is continually
meeting himself.
"The gold standard can have but two
results. First, it proposes to make gold
the only standard of value. That means
that while the debt is Increasing the vol
ume of money is decreasing. It means
that every man who has a debt to pay
must hunt around for the gold to pay It
with it means increasing competition for
gold and that he must sacrifice more and
more of that which he produces in order to
get the gold with which to meet his obli
gations. Secondly, it means that It is con
lining the basis of our circulation to goi.i.
which is so scarce that when the financier
wiils it he may draw away the supply and
create a panic if he so wills.
"Do KM want this kind of a hnwls fnr
our circulution? No, we want a basin
broad that no one will be crampcd, a ba
sis so broad that financiers cannoi create
a panic at Will. We advocate bimetal
lism because we want the standard so
broad that it cannot be manipulated.
"But we are not alone lu this desire.
The president und congress not onlv tried
to get it when they sought to secure an
international agreement, but in Novem
ber. Ifc38. Secretary Hay wrote to l.ord
Aldmgh&in, a director of the Bank of
England, in which he said that the presi
dent and a majority of congress still be
lieved in international bl-metallism and
Its dcsirabilitv. But the republican party
in the state of Iowa has repudiated the
national piatform of the republican party
and has written and adopted a platform
as strong for gold as though it had been
written bv a foreign financier. It is a
platform that means the retirement of the
greenbacks and the Issuance of only such
paper as shall be redeemable by the gov
frnr.ent in gold and of credit paper by
our banks.
•'In its last national campaign the re
publican party aid not declare for the re
tirement of the greenback, for the presi
dent in hts message said that It was the
purpose to keep every portion of the cir
culation as good as gold, and that silver
certificates and greenbacks should be
maintained at par. But even at this time
a bill is pending In congress by which It
is proposed to retire the greenbacks. For
bonds to be the basis of a national bank
circulation. That means that when the
farmer or the laborer buvs a govern
ment bond he must lay it away and be
satisfied with it. but that the national
bank may Invest Its capital in tho bond"
deposit them with the treasury depart
ment. get the Interest on" the bond and
also have the use of the money that it
may issue on the bonds up to their ivi**
value. Why Is this? Why. because the
national bank is organized wealth and
has more Infiuence with the republican
tarty than the farmer.
the republican party does declan
"There are two questions", imperialism
and an army. Shall we have a large armv?
In 1S06 an army of 25.000 was enough. In
3898 the president asked for 100,000. The
demand was made white the nations of
Europe were asking for a reduction of the
armaments. The demand was made at
Christmas time, when the people w*?re
preparing to celebrate the doctrine of
•peace on earth, good will to men/ Need
1 tell you the difference between the re
public and an empire? Twer.ty-Hve M»nu
sand so'.diers were enough for a ref,%.blic
of 70,000,000 of people 14A),000 soldiers are
needvd for an empire of 10.000,000 more.
Who will pay the extra expense of main
taining this army? An addition of 7S.000
soldiers means an ex.rx expense of SiCO.O 0,
000 a year. Who will pay for this Increase?
The Filipinos? To do this, they would
have to be taxed for seven times as much
as Spain taxed them. If we pay for It,
who will It be of us? It will be the peo
ple who will pay the taxes—the people
who furnish their sons to die in the jun
gles. Who will s-et the benefit? The syn
dicates. Not long ago a man arrived in
San Francisco from Hong Kong, lie gave
out In an interview that it was the duty
of this country, a duty owed to the world
and the Filipinos themselves, to hold the
Islands. That man had come home to or
ganize a syndicate to develop the Islands
A few days later he gave out ahother in
terview, tn which he said he was onran,
izlng a syndicate to, furnish the Islands
with electric lights, with street cars with
gas, with banks, etc. When I read'wha't
this one man's syndicate was going to do
1 made up my mind that one syndicate
would be enough, that all we needed to
.do was to furnish the army to hold the
islands while he developed them.
Meaning of Kxpanslon.
"What does expansion mean? It means
the exploitation of a new country If
this people wants, to sell their birthricht
for a mess of poUage. let them at least
investigate the quality of the pottage.
COs*
tcM ,ong
against them. Why? Because the onuj reminded of the mun who mixed his par
man furnishes the money. You say you
want to extinguish the trusts, but 1 wan
to tell you that you want to take tho
extinguisher out of the hands of tho
trusts first.
lientroy Money Trust.
law to congress that will empower that
body ndequatciv to deal with trusts.
Why does the attorney general not do
this? Because, in the uas of his youta.
he remembers his creator. The federal
goveriimc-'nt. and it a one, enn deal with
trusts. It is possible for It to do It.- It
Is posslbio because every trust Is built
upon a corporation, and every corporation
is a creature of law. When God created
men. he did not make one man very much
larger than another, nor very much
ct} uestro
country to
hold 10,000,000 people, speaking thirty dlt
ferent languages, and living in 1.200 dif
ferent islands? Who can tell? How muca
wri ^et
b?ck?
1 think we can whip
the Filipinos into subjection—all of them
wno do not die in the process. We cannot
tAke»
or
bow of'«n
we will have to repeat the subjugation, or
how much it will cost, but 1 am enough
or an American to thina we can beat anv
P®*1®"01* earth-that
we
ought to bear.
Jttle Spain had almost comp.eted the job
of whipping the Filipinos, after having
been at it only 300 years. She sold to ,is
®lft'm deod—or rather an option on
the fighting. (Laughter). It is not a
question of whether we can whip tho Fii
ipinos or not, but whether we ought to
whip them. 1 do not like to bring this
question down to dollars and cents', but
It pay? It will r.ot pay the right
people. 1 can understand how men want
ing ojnees in the army desire to hold the
islands 1 can understand how people
wanting franchtees in the islands can ad
vocate holding them. But I cannot un
derstand how the great people can want
to hold them. You say hold them as a
place for our children to go. Twenty
people to the square mile here, and sixty
people to the square mile tn the Philip
pines—or that many When we commenced
—and then talk about securing an outletV
for our surplus population. Our people
would not go there and live under tho
tropical sun for ail the wealth of the isl
ands. Why?
"Why? Because they would rather live
In Iowa or Nebraska, if you think that
they would, look how it has been with
other nations. In Jamaica there are 14,000
Whites to 600.000 natives. In Java there
are 25,000.000 natives to 60,000 Europeans.
Look at England In her Indian posses
sions. From what you hear, you would
think that the' English people had been
going over there in droves. I was amazed
to find that after fifty years of Englisn
domination in India there are only 100,ux
English born, and It takes an armv of
70,000 English and 100,000 natives to protect
these 30O.000 English people. You may
think that England Is educating the na
tives. I-eso than 1 per cent of the native
women can read and write, and less than
5 per cent of the total population can read
and write. You may think that England
is Christianizing the natives. Less than
1 per cent of o00.000.00u people, after 15J
yeurs of lSngllsh gunpowder goppel, are
Christians.
•*-r*lfr-your*Btwt--Uwttnl.o"i.-hnw the natives
feel about the English domination, do not
ask the younger sons of Great Britain.
Ask the natives themselves. I read tha
other day a statement of a native who
said that their condition was worse than
that of the American slaves, because th\»
masters of the slaves in America had an
Interest In keeping them alive. But the
British officers in India have no interest
in keeping the people alive. Senator Wol
cott, returning from that country, said
that the famine In India was not a food
famine, but because the English govern
ment. at the behest of tho British bankers,
had changed the financial system of that
country.
"Let us dwell for a minute on the relig
ious aspect of the question. Noth ng has
surprised me more than the people who
defend conquest of an alien pt.-ople o:i
Christian grounds. 1 read the bible nsul
defy you to llnd a single passage in L:e
new dispensation justifying conqucst. T!u
bible gives us the Christian religion: I
deny that you can give the religion of
Christ by hypodermic Injections. Why
not admit that the greater part of ihe
people with whom we are fighting are
Christians? The Tagalos are Christians.
Those most friendly lo us are Mohamme
dans. Why not. before we secure n:i
Anglo-Saxon alliance, get a ChrlstianO o
hammedan alliance, and arm the Mo
hammedan portion of our subjects to lljiht
our Christian subjects?. I do not dou«t
that the imper alists are Christians.
They simply mix their quotations. 1 am
abjes. and quoted something tike Utx:
'A man was J&utueyiug from Jerusalem
to Jericho, ana he fell among thorns,
and the thorns sprang up and
Mm.' The memory of the imperialist :s
defective. They get mixed on their beat
itudes. They say, 'lllessed are the peace
makers, for they shall Inherit the earth
whereas. It reads: 'Blessed are the meek,
for they shall inherit the earth," and
itlessed are the peacemakers for they
«hall be ca.lcd the sons of Uod.* Stscre
tnry (jagc gave the sectet away.
"Me sa.d, 'Phl.anthropy and 5 per cent
"First of all. you must'destroy the mon
ey trust. The attorney general says tho
power to deal with trusts must be found
in the states. 1 say that the state can
not deal with the trust, because it can
not tight it beyond Its own borders, the
national government is the only force that
can reach into all the states and p.uck the
evil wherever it may be found. It can
reach Into every state ajid annihilate tho
companies that are parties to the trusts.
But we alivady have a statue against
trusts, and although It Is miid 1 insist
that it Is the duty the attorney gen- ,"i
eral to enforce it. A man who steals a mg in the heurts of the people. 1 denounce
horse, no matter hAw scrawny and poor it I*10 republican party, which impr.s.ms
may be. may be sentenced to the penltvn- Petty thievery and enthrones grand lar
tiary for ten years for offend.ng aguinst ?eny- which says: Ihou sha»t not steal
only the owner of the horse, but the man fmali sca.v.
who organize^ a trust and who wrongs "My irienos, this is a serlons question,
70.u00.0w) reop.e can be sent to the peni- read a sermon preached not long ag.
tentiarv tor only one year. Let a man by-Kev. Mr. Urown in Rochester, N.
*teal a horse va»ued at SK0 and no power *n which he took tor h.s text what Pilate
on earth can keep him out of the peniten- said when Lhtsst appeared before him
tlary. but let a man steal Jl.wu.ouo and *ou wwl recall the wore
no power on earth can put him in the peni- *hi-n lie said, 'ivnowe
tentlary. power to release
••But vou BUV. suppose the attorney gen- death. He went
eral docs enforce the- law. Let him and love wire brough iac
lecommend a law that is surtlc ent. May- there in I date chamber. 1 ..ate had I.
be the supreme court will hold it uncoil- h.nd him the gto.it ae.-ur an«l the Horn,
slitutlonal. Then let him recommend a I legions, while enri.-t stood theio
But when we Insist that was* not fair1
treatment, and that we should take some
other policy toward the Filipino, they tell
us it is either too soon or too late, or
that they cannot tell now whether tho
time has come or not. while other? say
that we cannot deal with them until they
lay down their arms. But 1 say that wu
could have done it when we made :he
treaty with Spain. Some argue that w«
could not make Spain grant independenca
to the Filipino, but it looks to me ay
though if we could take a quit claim deed,'
wo could have given one. if our treaty
had recognized the Independence rf
the Filipinos not one drop of
blood would have been shed at Mani a.
If we had given them assurance, as we
did the Cubans, that they were to b*
independent, there would have been r.o
blood shedding. But in answer to thin it
Is argued that the president has not the
power to do these things and that con
gress is not in session. But congress was
in session for three months before the
treaty of peace was ratified and congress
can be called together by the president.
But when we talk of calling congress to
gether they say that it would cost too
much. I do not believe it would cost as
much as It is costing us to carry on this
war. The president called congress to
gether to repeal the Sherman law and he
called it together to enact tariff legis
lation and he can call it together to dis
pose of the Filipino question. Let him
call congress together now to enact
legislation to the effect that the declara
tion of independence is still a law of til*
land and that it is still in force.
Kinds of Government.
"There are two kinds of government in
this world, one a government by consent
and the other a government by force Tho
republic is a government by consent and
a monarchy a government bv force. The
two will not mix we must have the one or
the other. Which do we prefer? We can
not establish an institution by forcc In the
Phlllpp.nes and maintain that which w«
would not countenance on our own soil
Our declaration of independence says ihat
a government gets Its right to go-cm
from the consent of the people. Is that
true, or la it a lie? If it is trua then
let the Philippines go. If it is not true.i
then let us repeal the declaration of In-
dependence and no longer lie to the world1
If I find a pockctbook In the road with
the owner's name printed on the out
side, I do not have to open It up and
count the money before I make up mv
mind whether It would be right to return
it or not, and It is so with the Philippine
question. We do not have to stop to
reckon what there is to be obtained in
holding the Philippines before we decide
what should be done with them. W©
know now what It would he right to do
with them. Wo ought to say to them that
we can go to war to break th* shackles
of the oppressed, but not to forge them.
We ought to say to them 'Stand up an1
go free/ We not only should say to
them 'Cio free.' but we should promise
them tho protection we have given .o
Cuba and to the Central and South
American republics. We should tell them
that we have come In pe?^e to establish
a government In the place of the one we
have destroyed, a government that when
it Is established Is to l»e theirs and after
we have turned it over we should say to
all the world, 'Handt off.'
Advuuce Without RIoodvTied.
"In 100 years without resorting to the
Catling gun or the sword wo have done
more to advance the cause of civilization
than all the nationu of the world. We
have done more for the commoa cause of
man and for histoiy and we would not
exchange that history for that of any
other country in th* world. In hls way
we have grown from a little nation to a
great one. And now shall we turn back
and throw down our traditions. Shail w£
say that our Libei ty Bell ang in vain.
You remwmber how when the Declaration
was expected the neople gathered in tho
streets, expecting to hear the signal bell,
und how. when finally the last signature
was alllxcd and the bell rang out. my
caught up the sif'.nai and cheered and
cheered. Since tli^t time that bell has
hcvn taken from state to state and people
have revered It and tears have comc to
their eyes at sight cf it when they rea
lized what it mc:mt to them. Now aro
we to say that the Declaration of Inde
pendence for which It rang was a lie and
that the real declaration is a thing thir
teen Inches long and round in shapv. that'
is tired out of a gun. The imperialists
may say so, but ».ho common ople wili
not, and we will i#ot give to the crowned
heads of the monarchy an opportunity to
kill the fatted calf in celebration of the
l'cturn to the ranks of* the einpiics of tho
world of the grci.t republic.
The Conelutdon.
"What are w« to do? Hecause of tho^
friendship of Pr ,nce In our war of revo
iution, the peopTe joined and placed liv
New York harbor a statue of Llbertv en-:/
lightening the world. What shall we do.
with it? Shall we take it down, and
send it back to France and say we are.*
not In the bush ^s any more? Shall w«v
go to England and get a statue of Wil-
I.-*, f?.vier
The impulse to steal land, wo are to'.d,
Is the curtvnL of manifest destiny liovv-
1* rom this picture the preacher went
to describe how from the time of Pilate
the power of the Komans had waned un
til It had finally passed troin the face of
the earth, but how peace and love, as ex
emplified bv Christ had increased in pow
er until now his name is dailv on tne
of millions. Continuing, he saia that
a^aln today in the tinned States peace
and power are once more face to fa'\
and that the question now is whethr-r »ve
shall go forward through peace and by
dynamite and
gunpowder and force. I believe that the
time will come whoa the peopie will rise
up in their nuj ht ard :av that we are to
go forth, not bv force, but in peace: that
wc have come to the Hlininos. not
bind them, but to make th^m free.
(Mil ill VII I (IV v. nun. ». I
stronger than anjther. We looked at Hi» persuasion, or resoi
work and said it was good, but we would
make a fictitious one that was better.
When. God made man. lie made a limit to
his life, so that if he was bad. he need
not be bad always. We raised the limit
In tho corporation. When we created th»
corporation, we did not give it a soul, so
that if it escaped punishment in this
world, it would not need to suffer here
after. 'ihe corporation made by human
hands should not need to sutler hereafter.
'J lie corporation made by human hands
should not have rights not given to mat.
that God created.
when we want to.
Americans hncouragml Aguinaldo.
"But there is another side to this Phil
ippine question. Who was it that hunted
Aguinaldo up in China? It was tne Amer
ican consul. What ship was it that, took
him to Manila and put him ashore near
that city? It was an American ship. Who
trusty
wa}J
if not. we can wait until they
harder time. That is'one beauty about
living in this country—you can have what
you want. If a man enjoys having his
nose to a grindstone, he can keep Mt
there and keep the wheel turning, lou
have heard of the man on top of another
fellow, who told the other fellow to holler
when he had enough. When the
people have had cnouKh of the trusts,
they can hodcr, and I can promise
hat wanted him brought back to
Aro the.people reudy.' Munllu? Itwus Admiral JJOWCV. .In
greatest hero of our Spanish war. who
asked that he should be returned to his
people and assist us in driving the
bpanish po\\v?r oyt of the islands, it was
an American general who supplied Inn:
with arms and ammunition and it was tne
Filipino who hemmed the bpan.sh in bv
land whlie we held them In check at sea
and forced them to surrender. And wh»
this was done, what did we do? Why,
,^4v. «mdcr, and can piom.se slipped around to their back door and
uu that you will be pounded t-o that jou bought a quit claim deed from Spain to
will soon cry enough,- the titles of our allies at \l per head.
ham th«- Conqueror and put it in the place/
of- Liberty? I propose a plan which iyT"
more American, dive the Filipinos their
liberty! Place Manila Ik-rior a new^ *,$ C?*"
il WhS
.. in.ti 4i
I Sfou'noY'l"huvo
government in
government :n the t. nitvd States. We can-j
1 not p.ant In the orknt a principle of guv-f
einment we are not wilting to piunt on.
American soil. No nation will ever be,
great enough to trample wltii Impunity,
th riphts of the humb.«st people In all the
world." 1
Almost. 8.00U j'canj were necessary
to produce the American Societv foe
the Prevention of Crneit.v tn Annuals.
1
Innese Law.
According to l.he Chinese met-hod oi
criminal prosecution a man is respon-'
slble for the crime he may have com--
(mi»cd
5
Wm
But?
slatre cf Liber.y enlightening tho
pinos. Tint is the American plan.
1 um told \v."
civilization, mi ii unu it .in
raxo:i as the n/eta?.A Amrr'cnn—I. havcy^fe^fe
J^eo'.ch and Irish and Engl'sh b.ood in
veins— but I am ali American! I have not|§r:
word to say u^ain the racs that
uimm.t la h..»ua\ They have been gr
—Jic i.atin and the Gn.ek, the Slav and'
the Celt, the T«.oron r.nd tht* Anglo-bax-^S'^
on, but yie:tter «nd higher than thorn rl«
Is the Amerk-.ir It wh.ch Is blended tin*
virtues of all ihj u\\s.
1
wr- must have an Anglo-Saxon^
i. 1 im ao much an Ar^rlo-&|[-/,
aro?t au
and^Y)!?
The American civ.ligation ought *o 1
above and bey.nd any civilization th/
v.oriel has e\ct Viniv. n. In soaiorV"
preachers founO .'mil with ipv p.atform^s££"^
One said it w:i„ made in heil. and an-»
:"i$
written by tho i'e\il
v. I latter statement I found rather pei
sonal, for 1 had written a part of the fr
platform myseif. liut on this question'"
1 want a platform to be. written hlgheri-i
than any other tne country has knowii.Vw
1 want It to proclaim that we should noLiii'5
teach a man how to take care of himself.^
but how to make him love his neighbor aa^K
himself. The Anglo-Saxon civilization has'A?
attempted the former the Amecican clv-fev
l.lzatlon w'lll Inspire in another race tho
nment. The Ameii-\.i
plant its ling In tht?':/
not over their heads^.
..tudy th!s question.
By resisting temptation we can do
more than by waging many wars. Study*:
the question nnd you will find that tho
republican party has been putting the dol-:
lar above the man—taxation, trusts. ev-v.r
erythi.ig, an.l Is do'.vg it now. Yet when-'',
wv say a word against annexation and^'"
fnrctb'e conciurs! we are told thai wo aro
pleading the cause of the Fillpir.os. 1 sav
that we are pleading tne .atise of TO.COO.OOO
American people. Abraham Lincoln saidt
that if wv destroyed tne spirit of liber!yi
planted the seeds of distrust}
Bv dcnv:ng scf-KOvernmenti
os we are endansering se.f-i
personally, but if he chooses to
escape justice by running away from
the place where tho deed was commit
ted then .he remaining members of hU
immediate family are held and punish
ed In lieu of tho real culprit This
may seem a strange way of attracting
the real criminal back to the smie of
his crime, but it has proved quite sue-'
cessful, because It appeals to the re
liglous side of the man's supe-stltious'%
n-.tuie. According to their religion*
the man who forsakes his parents
when in peril will find his soul sailing!
around through hades without chart
or compass for all eternity In view'
of this, compliance with the Inw is very1
piompt, for John Chinai.an docs not
tare lo take the de^pe-ate chance

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