Manchester Democrat. [volume], September 26, 1900, Image 9

About Manchester Democrat. [volume] (Manchester, Iowa) 1875-1930

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The lament of David over Absalom Is
ene of the roost pathetic passages of the
Old Testament. The fact t,hat the son
was In rebellion against civil as well as
parental authority did not shake the fa
ther's affection, and the anxious query,
"Is the young man,1 Absalom, safe?"
lingers In the memory of all who study
the life of the great Hebrew King. And,
yet, the interest which David felt In his
•on, Absalom, has its parallel in the more
than 10,000,600 families which make up
the American people.
I No language can describe a mother's
love, or overstate the abiding interest
jwhich the father feels In the welfare of
his child. Prom the time when the moth
er's life hangs in the balance at the boy's
birth until the death of the parents there
Is scarcely a waking hour when the son
Is not present in their thoughts and plans.
It is to this parental devotion, so uni
versally recognized, that I desire to ap
peal on this occasion.
Ap peel to FarentalDev
I would call the attention of every fa
rther and mother to present political and
Industrial conditions. I would ask them
to analyze these conditions, Investigate
their causes and their tendencies. I
would press upon them this question: "Is
the young man, Absalom, safe"?" Are
you satisfied with the possibilities and the
probabilities which now open before your
•on?.
Is he safe when foreign or domestic
financiers are allowed to determine the
monetary system under which he lives?
Is he safe when national banks control
the volume of money with which he does
business?
Is he safe when the bond holding class
determines the size of the national debt
upon which he must help to pay inter
est?
Is he safe when by means of taxes laid
almost entirely upon consumption he Is
compelled to contribute according to his
wants rather than according to his pos
sessions?
Is he safe when corporate interests In
fluence as they do today the selection
of those who are to represent him in the
Senate of the United States?
If he is a wage-earner, and you do not
know how soon he may be, even if he is
not now, is he safe when he is liable
to be deprived of trial by jury, through
the system known as government by In
junction?
Is he safe. If a laboring man, when he
is denied the protection of arbitration and
compelled to submit to such hours and
terms as a corporate employer may pro
pose?
The Reign of Monopoly*
But, I desire to call special attention to
the growth of the trusts, and to ask you
whether your son Is safe under the reign
if private monopoly? If you cannot leave
him a fortune, you can leave him some
thing more valuable than money, viz:
the freedom to employ his own brain
and his own hands for the advancement
of his own welfare. When there is in
dustrial independence, each citizen Is
stimulated to earnest endeavor by the
hope of being able to profit by his own
genius, his own energy, his own Industry
and his own virtue. But when private
monopoly reaches Its full development
each branch of Industry will be controlled
by one, or a few men, and the fruits of
monopoly, like the divine right of rule,
will be kept within the possession of a
few from generation to generation, while
the real producers of wealth will be con
demned to perpetual clerkship or servi
tude. When private monopoly reaches its
full development, your son will buy the
finshed product at the price which mon
opoly fixes he will sell raw material at
the price which monopoly fixes: and, if
lie works for wages, he will work for"
such compensation and upon such con
ditions as monopoly may determine.
Charles R. Flint of the Rubber Goods
^Manufacturing Co. In a speech delivered
In Boston on the 25th of May, 1899. out
lined the trust program with great frank
ness. In speaking of the advantages to
be derived from the trust system he said:
Outline of Trait Program,
"Raw material bought in large quan
tities Is secured at lower prices." When,
for Instance, one man buys all the wool,
the price of wool will be lowered and all
who produce wool will sell at the price
fixed by the trust. A large proportion
rof
our people are engaged in the produc
tion of various kinds of raw material, and
they are thus placed at the mercy of the
combinations.
The second advantage is that "those
plants which are best equipped and most
advantageously situated are run contlnu
••••. lously and in preference to those less fa
vored."
This means that factories can be closed
In the smaller- towns and business con
centrat*d In the large centers. It means,
also, that whenever tliere is a surplus on
I- hand, part of the factories can be closed,
and the burden of maintaining prices
'thrown upon the wage workers. There
are already scattered throughout the
'land Idle plants, which stand as silent
monuments to the evils of the trust sys
torn.
The next advantage mentioned Is that
"In case of local strikes and fires, the
work goes on elsewhere, thus preventing
.serious loss."
This means that a monopoly can abso
lutely control its workingmen, for if a
strike occurs in a factory In one state,
the factory can bo closed down indefinite
ly while the employes are starved into
submission, and. as the trust can do the
•work in some other factory without seri
ous loss, It Is quite Independent of the
employes, and can absolutely prescribe the
.-terms and conditions upon which they
shall live. The mdre complete the mon
opoly the more opposed the managers
will be to arbltratiqn, because, in case
of any contest between the trust and its
employes, the trust will have every ad
vantage and the employes will be per
fectly powerless.
Another advantage cited by Mr. Flint
Is that "There is no multiplication of the
means of distribution and a better force
of salesmen will take the place of a large
number."
Drummers Dispensed With.
This Is an Intimation that under the
vitrust system the traveling salesman will
not be needed. When every retail mer
chant must buy all goods of one class
from a single company, the work can be
done by samples, and no traveling men
will be needed. There will be no com
petition between different factories be
*'cause all are under one management.
The first man to feel this will be the
salesman, who will lose his occupation.
The next man to feel It will be the hotel
.'man, who will miss the trade of the
traveling salesman. The railroad will lose
the mileage puid by the traveling man
the liverymen will lose their best pat
vrons, and the newspapers wjll lose the
wdvertising, because.it will not be neces
sary to advertise when there Is no com
petition. All this might be tolerable if
.the saving thus made went to the con
sumer, but as a matter of fact it goes to
the mononoply. My attention has been
called to a prospectus Issued by the In
ternational Steam Pump Company, or
ganized March, 1S99, under the laws of
New Jersey, and capitalized at $2T,ii00,003
•of which nearly hsjlf is preferred mock,
•••land the remainder common stock. 1 call
'"'attention to this prospectus, because it
sots forth the plans of the trusts, und
-i-."'Bhow who are to be the beneficiaries.
1
The international Steam Pump Com
pany was organized for the purpose of
manufacturing steam pumps, and ac
cording to the prospectus, "acquired con
Mrol of the business of the following cor
porations, either through the conveyance
.•©f the title to the properties, and bus!-
1 j**•
4
nesses of such companies, or by the own
ership of not less than two-thirds of their
stock, as may be found practicable."
Then follow the names of five pump com
panies. accompanied by the statement
that these companies are estimated to
transact ninety per cent of the steam
pump business of the United States, ex
clusive of high-duty engines. The ma
jority of the companies also manufacture
such engines.
Sample Case of Trust*.
One of the companies, taken into the
combination had assets estimated at a
little more than six million dollars an
other company had assets estimated at a
little more than three millions the third
company had assets estimated at a little
more than one million. The fourth com
pany had assets estimated at eight hun
dred thousand dollars, and the fifth com
pany had assetR estimated at seven hun
dred thousand dollars. The good will was
not estimated In the above figures. The
total assets, therefore, of the five com
panies, not including the good will, were
less than twelve million dollars, and the
prospectus states that the combined net
profits of the five concerns for the year
1898, estimated on the business of ten
months of the year, would amount to
twelve hundred thousand dollars. Under
the head of "Estimated additional earn
ings from consolidation" I find the fol
lowing:
"Each of the five companies now main
tains agencies in the principal cities of
the United States. The Worthington and
Blake companies have stores, and carry
stock in London, Hamburg, Vienna, and
other cities. Some of them have expen
sive salaried managers. All these agen
cies In this and other countries will be
consolidated. The stores and agencies
maintained in the cities of this country,
and the forces of clerks, sklesmen, etc.,
necessary to conduct them, will be united
and decreased, involving an estimated
saving or at least *500,000 a year. The
expenses of each company for its draught
ing department, incident to the elaborate
drawings, and specifications for estimat
ing of work, will bring about a further
reduction. The standardizing of the pat
terns for farm and domestic work, which
is now under way in the Worthington fac
tory, when applied to the entire business
of the new company, will result in an
estimated saving of at least $200,000 per
year."
And then follows In black type this sig
nificant statement:
Advantages of Consolidation.
"A conservative estimate of the ad
vantages derived from consolidation Is
believed to be $1,300,000 over the present
earnings, which would make a total of
future net earnings, with the estimated
earnings based on ten months of the
year's business of $2,500,000, of 6 per cent
on the preferred stock, and over eleven
per cent on the common stock of the
new company."
It will thus be seen from the prospectus
that the advantages secured by the cut
ting down of expenses, will double the in
come, and not a word is said about giv
ing the advantages of this reduction to
the consumer. The money taken from
the traveling men, from the hotel keep
ers, from the railroads, from the livery
men, from the newspapers, and from
others who suffer by the discharge of
traveling salesmen, clerks, etc., will all
be added to the profits of the monopoly.
The stock was to be watered, and prices
maintained to pay dividends upon ficti
tious capital.
To give a further guarantee that the
monopoly, the prospectus says that the
principal men connected with the various
companies would become identified with
the company, and would contract, not to
engage in a like business for ten years.
But what about the public? What guar
antee has the public that this monopoly
will not raise prices? Is It not human
nature to make all the profit possible out
of a monopoly? Is it not reasonable to
expect that the monopoly, after elimin
ating the salesmen, and adding their sal
aries, and espenses to the profit account,
will seek a further profit by raising prices,
and lowering wages? Is it not reason
able also to expect that there will be de
terioration in quality when the spur of
competition no longer compels the manu
facturer to furnish the best goods for the
lowest possible price?
In a little book described as an "In
vestment Guide" and lsshed in 1900, by
Henry Clews & Co., bankers, I find a list
of large corporations, together with a
brief description of the business dene and
advantages secured by consolidation. In
some Instances an estimate is given of the
output of the company as compared with
the total product In the United States.
Let me call your attention-to a few of the
corporations organized rflnce the last
Presidential election:
Trasts Formed I'nder McKlnley.
The American Agricultural Chemical
Company incorporated under the laws of
Connecticut, In May, 1899, has an author
ised capital of $40,000,000, half common
stock, and half preferred. Jt acquired
tweny-two of the largest fertilizing con
cerns In the country.
The American Bicycle Company. Incor
porated in May, 1899, in New Jersey, with
$20,000,000 of common stock and $10,000,000
preferred, consolidated forty-four of the
largest bicycle concerns in the United
States.
The American Hide and Leather Oom
pay, incorporated in New Jersey in May,
1899, with an authorized capital of $35,
000,000, half common stock and half pre
ferred, controls about seveny-five per cent
of the upper leather output of the coun
try.
The American Linseed Oil Company, in
corporated in New Jersey in December,
189S, with a capital stock of $33,500,000,
half common stock and half preferred,
consolidated eleven large linseed oil com
panies, and controls over eighty-five per
cent of the linseed oil properties in the
United States.
The American Steel Hoop Company, in
corporated in New Jersey in April, 1899,
consolidated nine large steel and iron
companies in Ohio and Pennsylvania,
capital stock $19,000,000 common, and $14,
000,000 preferred.
The American Ship Building Company,
Incorporated in New Jersey In March,
1899, with an authorized capital of $30,
000,000, half common stock, and half pre
ferred, consolidated "all ship building,
and kindred interests on the great lakes."
American Steel and Wire Company, in
corporated in New Jersey in January, 1899,
with $50,000,000, common stock, and $40,
000,000 preferred, controls about eighty per
cent of the nail and wire product of the
United States..
The American Thread Company, incor
porated In New Jersey in March, 1898, with
a capital stock of $12,000,000, half com
mon and half preferred. consolidated
fourteen large thread companies in New
York and New England.
American Tin Plate Company, incor
porated In New Jersey in December, 1898,
with $30,000,000 common stock, and $20,
000,000 preferred, consolidated about ninty
five per cent of the tin plate mills in the
United Stales.
The American Window Glass Company,
incorporated In Pennsylvania, September,
1S99. with $13,000,000 common stock and $4,
000.000 preferred, consolidated window
glass plants in Now York, Pennsylvania,
Now Jersoy and Indiana, controlling about
eighty-live per cent of the output of the
United States.
American Woolen Company, Incorpor
ated In New Jersey in March, 15fl!, with
nearly $30,000,000 common stock and $20,
000,000 preferred, consolidated a number of
mills in Rhode Island, Massachusetts and
other places.
The American Writing Paper Company,
BRYAN'S:' ANTI-TRUST SPEEGfL
Incorporated In New Jersey June, 3899,
with $25,000,000 capital, half common stock
and half preferred, consolidated numer
ous mills, producing over seventy-six per
cent of the output of the United States.
The Continental Tobacco Company, in
corporated in New Jersey In November,
3898, with a capital of $100,000,000 half com
mon stock and half preferred, "Acquired
all the leading plug tobacco companies in
the United States, and also purchased
the plug tobacco business of the Ameri
can Tobacco Company, in whose interest
it was formed."
Giant. Federal Steel Trots,
The Federal Steel Company, Incorpor
ated In New Jersey in September, 1898,
with an authorized capital of $200,000,000
capital, half common stock and half pre
ferred, consolidated the Illinois Steel
Company, the Minnesota Iron Company,
the Duluth & Iron Range Ry., the Elgin,
Jollet & Eastern Ry., and several other
companies. It owns five docks on the
great lakes, and a majority of the steam
ers and barges used for transporting
ores.
The International Paper Company, in
corporated in January, 1898, (state not
given) with an authorized capital of $20,
000,000 common and $25,000,000 preferred
stock, consolidated twenty-five pulp and
paper mills, manufacturing about eighty
per cent newspaper.
Every newspaper has suffered from the
paper trust, the magazine, for Instance,
published by the Locomotive Firemen's
organization, and supported by a fixed
appropriation, has been compelled to les
sen its reading space because of the rise
in the price of paper.
The National Biscuit Company, incor
porated in New Jersey In February, 1898,
with $30,000,000 common stock and $25,000,
000 preferred, consolidated the leading
cracker companies, and controls in all one
hundred and sixteen plants.
The National Salt Company, Incorpor
ated In New Jersey in March, 1899, with
$7,000,000 of common stock authorized, and
$5,000,000 preferred, produces about ninety
five per cent of the total output of the
country.
The National Tube Company. Incorpor
ated in New Jersey, in June. 1899, has a
capital stock of $50,000,000 half common
and half preferred, and controls abotot
ninety per cent of the output of the
United States.
The Rubber Goods Manufacturing Com
pany, incorporated in New Jersey in Jan
uary, 1899, owns practically all the capi
tal stock of the Mechanical Rubber Com
pany. the Peerless Rubber Company and
the India Rubber Company, as well as
seventy-five per cent of the stock of Mor
gan & Wright. It also acquired the tire
making plants of the concern known as
the American Bicycle Company, and the
American Dunlop Tire Company. Author
ized capital stock $50,000,000, half common
and half preferred.
The Standard Rope & Twine Company,
Incorporated in New Jersey November
8, 1896, with a capital stock of $12,000,
000, consolidated twenty-two large cordage
mills.
The Union Bag and Paper Company, In
corporated in New Jersey in February,
1899, with $16,000,000 common stock and
$11,000,000 preferred, consolidated various
plants, doing ninety per cent of the paper
bag business of the United States.
United States Cast Iron Pipe and Foun
dry Company, incorporated in New Jersey
in March, 1899, with an authorized capital
of $30,000,000, half common sock and half
preferred, consolidated the principal cast
Iron pipe companies of the United States.
United States Envelope Company, in
corporated in Maine In 1S98, with an au
thorized capital of $1,000,000 and $4,000,000
preferred, consolidated ten companies,
and controls ninety per cent of the output
of commercial envelopes in the United
States.
The book mentioned also gives statistics
in regard to several trusts organized prior
to 1896 among which are the American
Cotton Oil Co., the American Sugar Re
fining Company, the American Tobacco
Company, the Diamond Match Company,
the National Lead Company, and the
Standard Oil Company.
No Hope, from Republican*.
During the present administration no
honest effort has been made to protect
the people from these monopolies. The
Republican party controls the executive
and the legislative departments of the
federal government. It can enforce the
laws which now exist: it can propose and
enact new laws, but it does neither. No
persons can watch the conduct of the Re
publican party and read the speeches of
Republican leaders, and still believe the
Republican party sincere in Its declara
tions against the trusts.
The Republican platform on this ques
tion and the President's letter of accept
ance, taken in connection with the party's
record, prove conclusively that no re
lief can be hoped for from that party.
Instead of pointing out the evils of trusts
the Republican leaders spend their time
in exulting over present conditions. The
trust Is a part of present conditions, and
Mr. Flint, from which 1 have already
quoted, declared that the formation of
large corporations was one of the im
portant features of what lie described as
the present business activity. If Re
publican leaders really regarded private
monopoly as an evil: If they really in
tended to apply an effective remedy, they
would not hesitate to denounce trusts and
suggest means for their extermination,
but they express far more solicitude for
the corporation than for the people at
large. One is reminded of the picture
which a mother once showed to her boy
to impress upon his youthful mind the
sufferings of the Christian Martyrs, who
were being thrown into the arena and
torn to plcces by the" Hons. The boy
looked at the picture for a moment, and
tiien his face brightened up as he thought
he caught the idea. Pointing down into
one point of the picture, he said. "Why.
mamma, there is one poor little lion that
isn't getting a bit." It is even so with
the Republican leaders. Their sympathy
goes out freely to any corporation, which
in their opinlcn Is not getting its share,
but they are not moved by the hardships
imposed by monopolies upon all who are
outside of the charmed circle. Three
sessions of Congress have convened and
adjourned since the President's inaugu
ration, and yet he has never recommend
ed a specific measure looking toward the
overthrow of monopolies.
Faper Money Trust
At the opening of the last session of
Congress the Republican leaders pressed
through the House and Senate a bill
creating a paper money trust and sur
rendered into the hands of the nationul
banks complete control of the national
currency. Just as Congress was closing
a farcical and hypocritical attempt was
made to deceive the public by the intro
duction of an anti-trust amendment, and
an anti-trust bill. The amendment was
not necessary and was intended to de
prive the states of the power which tlicy
now possess, rather than to confer upon
Congress new authority. This vicious
amendment was defeated in the House
by the Democrats. The Republican lead
ers then confessed the amendment un
necessary by introducing an anti-trust
bill, which was supported by the Demo
crats, but which died In the Senate, just
as It was expected to die. The Republic
an majority in the Senate referred the
bill to the judiciary committee against
the protests of the Democrats, who urged
its immediate pussage. The Republican
party draws its contributions from the
trusts during the campaign, and pays
back its obligations by leaving the peo
ple at the mercy of the trusts between
campaigns.
Let us note briefly the effect of the
trusts upon various classes. Reference
has already been made to the commercial
iiiis
traveler, the hotel keeper, the railroad*
the liveryman and the newspaper.
The Effect of Trails*
The lawyers are finding that with the
growth of trusts the business is gravitat
ing toward the offices of the big corpora
tion attorneys, while less fortunate prac
titioners are becoming law clerks.
The actors suffer from the theatrical
trust.
The small manufacturer is constantly
menaced by the trusts.
He does not know at what moment some
large corporation will attempt to mon
opolize the business In whicl^be Is en
gaged, and give him his choice between
bankruptcy and partlculation in an in
dustrial conspiracy against the rest of
the country. Many have been driven into
the trust organization by the larger cor
porations engaged In the same business,
or by trusts formed to control iron, steel,
tin plate, or some other product used as
a basis for further manufacture. In what
business can your son safely Invest a
small amount of capital today? If he
starts into any independent business he
will find it difficult, If not Impossible, to
compete with a large organization if it
attempts to undersell him In his ter
ritory, because It can sustain itself, by
collecting high prices in other parts of
the country. If he suppresses his moral
objections and takes stock in a mon
opoly, he does not know how soon those
in charge may attempt to "freeze out"
the smaller stockholders.
The merchant Is losing his Independ
ence. The trust fixes the terms upon
which he shall sell, and often binds him
by contract not to sell a competing arti
cle. When the monopoly is complete
credit will be shortened, and the mer
chant will be ccmpeiled to bear all the
risks of trade. When the trust raises
prices, the merchant usually has to divide
the advance with his customers, so far
as stock on hand is concerned, but when
the trust overstocks the market and then
lets the price fall, the merchant must
bear the loss on accumulated stock.
When, for instance, the American Steel
& Wire Company closed several of its
factories a few months ago and threw
some six thousand employes out of work,
It dropped the price of nails and barbed
wire In order to work off a surplus stock
which had accumulated because the
high prices had lessened the demand.
Every merchant lost money on the nails
and wire on hand.
There is already overproduction In many
lines. The supply of common chairs Is
now considerably In excess of the de
mand, but lest the Republicans may try
to explain this upon the theory that the
people are too busy to sit down, I may
add that there is also dullness in the
shoe trade. The Iron Age in a recent
issue pointed out that the production of
iron was falling off, the decrease then
amounting to more than 50,000 tons per
month. Dun's report of July 21st stated
that the woolen mills were running at
less than half their capacity and even
recently the cotton manufacturers have
been threatening to either reduce wages
or shut down temporarily. According to
Dun's report, the business failures have
been greater during each month of 1900
than they were during the same months
of last year, and this occurs In the midst
of good crops, and when two wars are
in progress.
Trusts and Arbitrary Fluctuations.
The contractor can figure with some ac
curacy so long as natural laws control,
but he cannot protect himself against the
arbitrary fluctuations, which are not only
possible but probable when a monopoly
controls the market.
The farmer is one of the most Import
ant factors in our national life. 8ome
one -has said to him, "The hand that
guides the plowshare feeds the world."
He Is not a stockholder in any of the
trusts, but he feels the extortion prac
ticed by them all. I am not farming on
a large scale, but the misleading reports
which have been circulated concerning
my oat crop justify me In making ref
erence to my own experience. The New
York Tribune recently printed a dispatch
from Nebraska to the effect that I had
just sold forty-eight hundred bushels of
oats at 30 cents per bushel (supposed to
be the yield of 120 acres), and that the
amount received for the oats was more
than double the price paid for the land.
The Tribune article then proceeded to di
late upon the prosperity of the farmer,
using my experience ad an illustration,
and asserted that the farmers of Nebras
ka were becoming so opulent that they
were joining the Republican party. The
facts are, first: That I had five acres
of oats instead of one hundred and
twenty acres second. That the oats
have not yet been threshed, so that the
yield Is not known third. That oats are
selling for less th?n 22 cents in Chicago,
Instead of 30 cents in Nebraska, and
fourth. That the land upon which the
oats were raised cost me over $100 an
acre instead of $6. If, when threshed,
my oats yield 40 bushels to the acre,
and I sell them in Nebraska for 20 cents
per bushel .the total income from the five
sc es will be $40, or less than eight per
cent on the Investment. After taking out
the cost of plowing, sowing, harvesting
and threshing, the net Income from that
five acre tract, will not exceed four per
cent on the money invested. I do not
mean to judge others by my own experi
ence, but I mention the facts in this case
to show how the Republican papers ex
aggerate the farmers' prosperity, and
credit a Republican administration with
good crops, making no allowance for the
crop failures which occur from time to
time.
Decline of Farm rroiluct*
But while on the oat question let me
call attention to the statistics given in
the Investment guide alreudy referred to.
According to Henry Clews & Co., the
average prices received by farmers for
oats, during the seven years beginning
with 1893, and ending with 1899, were as
follows: 1893, 29.4: 1894. 32.4 1896, 19.6
1896, 18.7 1897, 21.2 1898, 25.5 1899, 24.9. Ac
cording to these figures oats averaged
25 cents a bushel during the four years of
Mr. Cleveland's administration, and only
24 cents per bushel during the three years
of Mr. McKinley's administration—the
present year is not yet complete, but
oats are at the present time below the
average.
1 According to the same authority the
average prices received by the farmers
for corn, were as follows: 1893, 36.5 1894,
45.7 1895, 26.4 1896. 21.5 1897, 26.3 1898,
28.7 1899, 30.3, making an average of about
30.5 during the four years of Mr. Cleve
land's administration, and 28.1 during the
three years of Mr. McKinley's adminis
tration—the fourth year Is not yet com
plete, but corn is at this time above the
average.
Wheat, according to the same author
ity brought to the farmers the following
prices: IMS, 53.8 3894, 49.1 3895, 50.9 1896,
1897, 80.8 58.2 IS99, 68.4. showing
a higher average during the last three
years than during the four preceding—the
fourth year is not complete, but wheat
is now above the average.
According to the same authority cotton
planters received the following prices:
1M3, C.09: 1894, 4.6: 1895, 7.59 1896, 6.6.: 1897,
5.0 3898, 4.75 1899. 7.5, showing a higher
average during the four years of Mr.
Cleveland's administration than during
the three years of Mr. McKinley's admin
stration—the fourth year is not yet com
plete. but cotton Is now above the aver
age orlce.
Taking these four staples of agricul
ture It will be seen that three out of four
have not on the average brought as much
return to tho farmer, under tho present
administration, as undor the previous ad
ministration, iuid the fourth product,
wheat, is more Influenced than any other
farm product by foreign conditions.
Advance In Merchandise.
When, however ,the farmer attempts to
use his income in the purchase of the ne
cessaries of life he finds that the trusts
have raised prices. He must pay more
for lumber, nails, wire, harness, hardware,
stoves and agricultural implements. More,
also for oil, sugar, clothing, furniture,
etc., and In addition to these drains upon
his income he must meet an increase in
federal taxation.
Let the parent calculate how long It
will take a farmer to become independent
under present conditions let him con
trast the lot of the farmer with the lot
of the man who profits by governmental
favoritism and grows rich by the exploit
ation of his countrymen through the In
strumentalitjr of monopoly, and then
let him answer the question, "Is the
young man, Absalom, safe? Has the
farmer's son, or the farmer himself any
reason for giving support to the Re
publican party?
Next to the farmer In point of num
bers and Importance come the wage-earn
•£8' ^hat is the trust doing to increase
Jw
wases,
But even if every laboring man was
prosperous, and even if that prosperity
could be traced to Republican legislation,
still the laboring man is a citizen, and
must look at political questions from the
citizen's .standpoint. He cannot afford
to barter away future security he can
not afford to sleep while his industrial
independence is being destroyed. Neither
can he be enticed into an imperialistic
trap, no matter how well the trap may
be bated with food.
.During the last campaign laboring men
were threatened with Idleness by em
ployers who desired to coerce them into
the support _of the Republican ticket.
Many of them were told not to return to
work unless the Republicans were suc
cessful at the polls. After the election
some of these employers closed down their
shops and pth&rs. reduced wages. If ad
vances have been 'made In any branch of
Industry since 1896 remember that some
advance was necessary to compensate for
the reductions which occurred after the
last election.
1
Coercion In 1896.
A firm In the City of Washington an
nounced shortly before the election in
1896 that it would not be able to continue
in business If I was elected. It went
into bankruptcy immediately after elec
tion notwithstanding the fact that its
candidate was successful at the polls.
There are Indications that this attempt at
intimidation may be resorted to again
this fall. If a* business man feels justi
fied in holding out the prospect of his
own bankruptcy in order to influence
voters he cannot complain if his credit
ors take steps to collect their accounts
before the election In order to avoid a
possible loss.
The Chicago-Times Herald of Septem
ber 8 contained a special dispatch from
Indianapolli setting forth the complaint
made by the anthracite coal miners. In
the dispatch 1 read the following state
ment made by one of the miners: "It is
merely a question whether the men would
starve to death at work or starve in Idle
ness." The dispatch also contains the
following figures in regard to wages, said
to have been furnished by a member of
the national board of the* United Mine
Workers of America, viz: "Average daily
wages received by miners, $1.35 average
wage of day men at mines, 90 cents." And
in the statement to the puhlic giving his
reasons for calling out the miners. Presi
dent Mitchell of the United Mine Work
ers says: "The average wages of the
anthracite miners for many years has
been less than $250 annually." Let
the parent calculate the annual Income
of a miner, and figure out. If he can,
how the miner is going to keep himself,
and support his family under present con
ditions and then let the parent ask him
self whether he is willing to have his
son take his chances with the miners. Is
It due to natural or to human laws thut
the producer of wealth fares so poorly,
while the man at the head of a monopoly
secures so much.
All Monopolies Are Bad.
Those who attempt to divide private
monopolies into good monopolies and bad
monopolies will never make any progress
toward the overthrow of the trusts. There
Is no good monopoly in private hands
there never was, and never will be.
With all the advancement In- civilization
man lp still too selfish to be trusted with
the absolute control with that which his
fellows must have. The Republican party
has no remedy for the trusts. Publicity
Is good, but publicity alone Is not suffi
cient. The practices of the trusts must
not only be made known, they must be
prevented. The Democratic platform
contains a demand for legislation which
will place trust made articles on the free
list. There is no doubt that such a law
would protect the. people from much of
the extortion which is practiced under
cover of high tariff laws. If a tariff
duty excludes the foreign product, while
domestic manufacturers combine to raise
the price of home product, the American
citizen may be plundered here, while the
trust sells abroad In competition with the
world. It may not be out of place to
suggest that I introduced a bill eight
years ago providing for this remedy, but
we are not willing to stop at one remedy,
we desire to apply every remedy within
the power of the state and federal gov
ernments. Congressional action is not
necessary to destroy a trust which con
fines its operations to a single city, or a
single state. Such a trust can be exter
minated by state legislation. It is with*
in the power of the state to prescribe the
conditions upon which corporations shall
be organized, and these conditions should
be such as to make a private monopoly
place limitations upon outside corpor
ations doing business within the state.
Tills, however, Is not sufficient. Con
gress must co-operate with the state in
preventing the organization of any inter-
u» "*on°P°ly
shorten the hours, improve
•u ,c°n(*ltlon, or protect the rights of
the laboring man? is his present prospect
an Inviting one? Is he receiving a fair
share of the proceeds of his toll? And, if
not, why not? Republicans assert that
ft ,yorkIn*
man
®)aL
has a "Full Dinner
as^»
*n *he fir®t place, whether
a full dinner pall Is all that a laboring
man needs? It is an Insult to the wage
earner to say that his thoughts are en
ttrely centered upon his physical wants.
Republican speakers and editors assume
that the laboring man is all stomach.
ae' uP°n
the theory that he com­
plains only when he is hungry, and is
happy whenever his hunger is appeased.
The Full Dinner Fall.
If a full dinner pail were the only thing
desired, and if every laboring man had
plenty to eat. It would still be necessary
for the Republican party to show some
connection between Republican policies
and the laboring man's food supply. If
bountiful crops come to the farmer he
does not thank a Republican administra
tion. If & famine abroad raises the price
of farm products here the farmer does
not thank the Republican party for bring
ing the famine. If an unexpected and an
unpromised increase In the gold supply
gives any respite from financial string
ency can the Republican party claim
credit? The question is not whether
the laboring man Is able to exist under
present conditions, but whether he is en
joying his share of the blessings of the
country and of the protection of the gov
ernment. Compare the laboring man
with the trust magnate, and see which
fares the best at the hands of the Re
publican party. Enquire also whether
the laboring man's Income has increased
as rapidly as his living expenses.
ls
kk
1900#Gf.$
state monopoly. Without impairing thef-*1?*
present authority of the state, Congress
can provide that corporations organized.
in any state shall not do business outbid**
the state until certain necessary con«r\ A
ditions are complied with. If the people i.
of any state are willing to create and
continue a monopoly, the people of olh*
8i.ates nee(*
^eel
no
concern, so long as
confined to the stale in
which the corporation originates. ti it
the moment a monopoly crosses the state"
line and Invades other states, Congressf
uS
a
rteht
to, and must, interfere for'
the protection of the public at large. If
As to Railroad Discrimination*.
The railroads have by discriminations.
and rebates materially aided in build
ing up monopolies. At one time th©«
Standard OH Company had a contract
with a railroad whereby it not onlv en
joyed lower rates than its competitors,
but received a part of the freight paid*
by its competitors. The inter-state com
merce commission has repeatedly asked ,
for legislation which would empower the«
commission to protect the public, but the*
Republican party has turned a deaf ear*
to these appeals.
It Is generally assumed that the bank
ers will co-operate with the trusts intv
preventing remedial legislation, but th^
banker himself is apt to fall a victim or
this policy of concentration. Some are
already urging the establishment or
branch banks, and when the branch bank
Is established it will be able to run all'
the other banks out of business. Even
now the association of several great finan
cial institutions in New York, under*
the Influence of one group of financiers,
is embarrassing other and smaller banks.
But why muultlply illustrations of th^»
evil of monopoly? No matter how tempt
ing the present advantage no mat
ter how alluring the immediate prospect
every citizen will find it to his perma
nent advantage to aid in' the overhtrow
of the monopolistic principle, and in th»*
re-establishment of the industrial system
upon a basis of justice. Give the boy
a chance, and let success be the reward'
of merit.
The attempt of the Republican party
to largely increase our military establish
ment suggests another inquiry: Is your
son skfe when new ideals are substitut
ed for the ideals cherished during the»
past century, and when the doctrine of
force is accepted as an American doc
trine. Up to this time we have en
couraged science and the arts we have*
proclaimed the advantages of peace, and
have preached the gospel of love. What
will be the effect upon the character of
future generations if we encourage th»
professional soldier at the expense of the
civilian, and teach the creed- that might
can create right.
Daogere of Militarism.
Is your son safe when a large mllltarjr
establishment is being built up to pro
tect syndicates organized to develop dis
tant lands? When Mr. McKlnley was in
augurated there were only 25,000 soldiers
In tlfe regular army. In December, 1898,
the President recommended that the
standing army be Increased to 100,000 men.
A Republican House of Representatives.
prompt to do his bidding, passed a bill
—and this was done after the treaty of
peace was signed and before hostilities
broke out in Manila. Why did we need
such an army? Possibly the prospectus
issued by the Philippine Lumber and De
velopment Company will explain. The
company has an office in the Merchants'
Loan & Trust building, 135 Adams street,
Chicago. The prospectus says, "Negoti
ations are pending for timber rights, and
some valuable timber rights have alreadv
been secured, and negotiations for others
are rapidly approaching completion. No
other company can compete with this one
in getting a first foothold in the islands,
and for several years at least this com
pany will be ahead of all competitors."
It also quotes from an article in the
American Lumberman in which appears
the following: "Unlike most tropical
countries the labor problem Is, easily
solved by the Chinese labor, which is
plentiful and fairly good." The capital
ist may see an advantage In militarism
and imperialism, but where Is the labor
ing man's share? He will furnish sons
for the army and will help to pay the
expenses of war, but he has no part on
the profits. As some one has expressed
It his lot is to "Die for the dividends of
Dives."
Is your son safe when the doctrine of
equality before the law is repudiated, and
when the arguments which have ever been
used In support of kingcraft are called
into justify taxation without representa
tion, and government without the con
sent of the governed. Many have given
their support to an imperialistic policy
without fully realizing what imperialism
means. Mr. Ciompers. President of the
Federation of Labor, in his report made
to the organization last December, warns
the laboring man to beware of the dan
gers of imperialism and says: "But be
neath it all there is the purpose of those
who have lost faith in the principles of our
republic, those who have no confidence
in, or reliance upon the honor, honesty
and stability of our people and our form
of government, and who aim to erect a
throne of despotism upon the tomb of
freedom, whose Initiatory step is a large
standing army, and who, with militarism
rampant, hope to crush out the memory
of, and the aspiration for, true liberty
and freedom for all our people."
Appeal to Freemen.
Whether this nation shall be looked up
on as a Lafayette, aiding others to obtain
their freedom and enjoying their grati
tude, or as a Lord Cllve, fastening a
hateful sovereignty upon a weaker peo
ple and receiving hatred In return, is a
question which you must help to decide.
Let me borrow a story which has already
been applied to the present situation. A
man passed along a street of a great city,
unmindful of the merchandise piled on
either side: he sought out a bird store,
and purchasing a number of birds opened
their cages and allowed them to fly away.
When asked why he thus wasted his
money he replied: "I was once a captive
myself, and It gives me joy to be the
moans of setting any captive free."
This nation has been a liberator. It
first secured the freedom of its own peo
ple, and from that day on has furnished
the example which has lead to the over
throw of monachlcal rule in many na
tions. Let it not falter now. It is prob
able that the 520,000.000 paid to Spain can
be secured from the Filipinos, but even if
it cannot, it is better to consider that
sum as a contribution to be spread on
the doctrine of self-government than to
regard it as part payment upon the pur
chase price of people or their lands Citi
zens, countrymen, you stand by the side
of the cage: you cannot avoid responsi
bility will you open tho door or shut It?
1
a corporation organized in New Jersey, or :.\
any other state, were prohibited from en
gaging in Inter-state commerce until lt!fvVi'-' ',
produced evidence to show that there wafl^ft
no water in its stock, and that it haV
not attempted, and was not attempting^
to monopolize any branch of industry, it«C -fj /*-v
power to do harm would at once be de
stroyed. An honest corporation engagedcv
in .legitimate business, ought to join
In the enactment of laws, which will pro-*^'
tect them and the public from the Indus
trial highwaymen who commit larceny*"}
upon a grand scale. Those who deslie
the annihilation of the trusts are notw
hostile to property rights, but they pro-*
test against allowing the fictitious per-vfe
son, created by law and called a cor
poration, to trample upon the rights of
the natural man of flesh and blood. If
the man-made corporation supports tho
Republican party, we ought to be able
to appeal for support to the God-mads
man.
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