Virginia statesman. [volume], January 28, 1829, Image 2

About Virginia statesman. [volume] (Wheeling, Va. [W. Va.]) 1828-1829

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form, I mean to designate those, who vol
untarily and from their own convictions,
have sought it tor years, and to contra-dis*
tmguisii them from such as have become
the triends of Convention since April last.
Tne former have sought for Reform, on
the great principle of an equal distribution
(>ower amongst the white population.
Much light may be thrown on tne sub
jeet by a brief recurrence to our own politi
cal history. Before the Revolution, the
government of the Colony was a regal one.
As such, the Charter creating it exited
before the existence of slavery. Havt
property, therefore, conferred no political
distinctions on its jiossessor. I his proj>
erty was acquired and lost under the t olo
nial, as it has been under the ('onunon
wealtn’s Government. So completely was
this tlie case, that slaves, so tar as tins
government is concerned, were neve: at
tempted to be placed in the political > lies.
By the colonial Charter, the legislative
power was possessed by > co-otd mate
branches; an House of Burgesses a 1. ouu
cil, and the King. The first ot 1 >e-c, \
the first only, was elected by the freehold
ers, aud the members were so far re presen
tatives of the people. Their property qual
liications were double what they n arc
bv law. The Governors were the King’s
Deputies or Vico Roys, and had power to
convoke and dissolve legislative Assem
blies. When dissolved by Royal Authority,
the Burgess was reduced to the condition
of a pci viite free holder. I Ie was no more
a Burgess. Accordingly, when the mantle
ot Roval Authority fi ll from the hauds of
the Earl of Dunmore—when he dissolved
the General Assembly and fled from our
shores, all will agree that Society w re
solved into its original elements,
was neither Governor, L ouncil, nor ilon.-t
of Burgesses.
The v?tate of Society, in 1775, was pre
cisely what the Royal t iiarter was ealeu
lated to make it. the government tended
to an aristocracy, and had produced it.—
The King was* master of the Executive
Power and of the Legislative t ouncil. j
The House of Burgesses was to be manag
ed like the House ot t oramons. 1 i e
way to do this was porfectly easy. Each
county was entitled to two t>u:gesses,
without regard to population. i ■ keep
the Representative Body under the influ
ence of the Executive, it w as only neces
sary to have a majority of Burgesses e
lacted fr>m the vicinity of the Palace, and
within the circle of Executive patronage.
The Map of the Commonwealth shews
how this was done. It was done by di
precincts, so as to out number the votes oi
bv g.ving separate representation tc -..nail
By these means, an aristocratic »lass
families sprung up in the East, am. prin
cipally between the head of tide-water and
the sen This aristocracy was further pro-,
rooted and strengthened by large and pro
fuse grants ot t'row’n Lands to particulai
favorues. This practice produced immense
inequalities in wealth, while the policy of
government placed die means of public in
struction beyond the reach ot t ommonalty.
The tender V of the Colonial Constitution,
was to produce an aristocracy of wealth
and of learning, and the period of the Rev
olution found that aristocracy in full a igour.
Of this aristocracy, the dissolved House
of Burges es was the Representative.—
That beds found its members reduced to the
condition of private citizens, and they re
solved on one of the boldest usurpations
ever effected by a hand-full of men, with
out arms m ther hands. 1 he great ob
ject ofthis usurpation was to save the couu
trv, and for this hazardous step, we owe
them au eternal debt of gratitude, fne
House of Burgesses met in March, 17 “o.
and called themselves a Convention. Va
der this apportion, they clothed themselves
with the whole powers, of a complete Le
c alature. When they finished their first
Session, they adjourned; & by resolution,
declared their authority at an end. I he
Country submitted to the laws and ordi
nances of this Convention; aiul in July. .
they being joined by a lew otliers, belli
another Session, in which they passed an
Ordinance lor the regular election ot mein
bers, to sit in Conventiont under which
the Convention of I77t>, (and which made
the present Constitution) was elected. [See
Journals of Convention, p. Ifi.j This Or |
dinancc is the basis of our present election
law. It was made by freeholders, and
none but freeholders were [lenmtted to
vote under it. The convention which made '
the Constitution under which we are now
g )\ erned was, of course, a Convention ol
freeholders, elected by freeholders; and it
is not to be wondered at, th it thev provi d
ed, for die perpetuation ot all power in to •
hands of this favored class; an - > > m
rent, that none but the treeho lers, at all
times the minority ot the 1 om n'mi '•
were ever consulted in V irgtnia abou t mat
ters of government. 1’he non freeholder
has been wholly excluded—but how tong
we may continue to exclude him, or when
he will break bis yoke, it is not for me to
say.
As all the Colonics were of English or
igin, and the people had imbibed from the
mother country their notions of govern
ment, and of society, as well as of civil
and religious liberty, it was to be expect
ed, that upon declaring themselves inde
pendent, and proceeding to the new work
of establishing freer governments than they
had oeen accustomed to, soma ot the states
should retain some of the features of that
aristocracy, winch they and their ances
tors had been so long accustomed to view
with approbation, and, accordingly, some
aristocratical features were introduced m
into the Constitutions of some of the
States.
1 propose to review those features in
ea;hi and to trace the cource of public
i
opinion in relation to the topics thus pre
sented, from the period of the Revolution
to the present tune, and, thereby effectu
ally establish the position, that the friends
of the Hill under consideration are vainly
struggling against that irresistable tide in
the opinions of their countrymen, which
Mr. Jefferson is reported to have said, at
the time of admitting Ohio into the Union,
would shortly render each free man in
th**se states equal, in all political respects,
to isach of his fellow citizens.
Id Virginia I have already shewn, a so
lid, well defined, and located aristocracy
already existed, and the new Common
wealth took the most early and decisive
steps to preserve it and perpetuate its au
thority. Under the regal government, it
was the policy of rulers to strengthen their
hands, not only by sub-divisions of coun
ts -ound the i?eat of Government, but
by ling the growth of the western
settien. its. The proclamation of Gov
ernor Dinwiddie ot 1763, is an evidence
of this policy. The charter of Virginia
extended to the western ocean, yet this
proclamation forbade settlements on the
western waters, or the issueing of grants
for lands there. It even announced the
intention ot Ins Majesty to dismember the
old Colony by the establishment of' new
governments in the western part ot it.
This would forever, as it was supposed,
preserve the balance of power on tide wa
ter. How affectively this policy was se
conded by the Convention, will now be
shewn. West of the Allegheny there ex
isted two great subdivisions of country in
the actual occupation and under the gov
ernment of \ irginia; \\ est Augusta and
the county of Yohigeny. The latter was
settled under our authority, in part, be
fore the peace of 1763, and its fortress,
Fort Duquesne, now Pittsburgh, was de
livered into our hands and garrisoned by
our troops.—This country, now composing
nearly one half of western Pennsylvania,
was recognized by all, as-pa.t of Virginia,
but the charter of Penn covered nearly the
whole, and was supposed to cover the
whole of it. The charter of Penn was a
bout seventy-two years younger than ours,
yet the Convention of July 1775 had alrea
dy, so far, determined on the dismember
incut of the west, us tho King had deter ;
mined before them, and I suppose, for the
same reason, that they gave to old Yolii- j
geny no representation in that very Con i
vention, which, in the year following, [
made the Constitution under which wc live.
1'hev gave representation to West Augus
ta, which was not an organized county;
but to the other they gave none. In the
Convention there was no delegate to claim
protection for that beautiful country—it was
to bo cut off—sacrificed to political cousid
e ations, and accordingly its separation
was sealed by the following clause in the
constitution—to wit: “The territories
contained within the charters, creating the
colonies of Maryland, Pennsylvania North
and South Carolina, are hereby ceded, re
leased, and forever confirmed to the people
of those colonies respectively,” &c. & c.
All that anv colony claims from the oldest
charter was given away.—In the Conven- j
tion of 1770, which provided so early for j
the dismemberment of the West, it is both ;
amusing and instructing to observe the i
means used for securing and ascendancy
of the tide water country. The ordinance
ot their election had said that each county
should have two members—yet (see com
mcneement of journal 1770.) they permit
red Westmoreland to have three members,
Richard Lee, Richard Henry Lee, and
lohu A. Washington; and \ork had also
three, Dudley Digges, Thomas Nelson,
ind William Digges: Jamestown and fi
ber corporations, including the College,
tiad a member each; and where a member
ivas absent, fbev permitted mm to serve oy
ieputv. Thus, Thomas Jefierson was
represented by George Gilmer—and, in a
ropy which I have seen, the Rev. Hugh
Blair is stated as the deputy of George
Wythe for the College. The Convention,
luts constituted, did retain in the fullest
ngor the ancient aristocracy of the colony
liist as they found it, and left no means,
n their power, unemployed, to perpetuate
t. When, pursuant to the provision be
fore mentioned, the charter ot Pennsylvania
a as entitled to preferance, and when the
me was rnn, bounding Pennsylvania west,
hat remained an organized county, now
:iie greater part of Brooke, which was yet
he county of Yohigeny, and by an act of
l?>3. that county was added to Ohio, on
he express ground that it was too small to
ust as a reparate county; and this at a
nnc when it equalled in territory and pop
ulation Khzabcth City and three adjoining
counties. The whole western territory
was next given away, and Kentucky was
soon after made an independent State.
As might have been expected, less of the
dements of aristocracy will be found in
the constitutions of the other States than in
Virginia. The states of Connecticut and
Rhode Island lived under the pure demo
eracies created by their charters Jt may
tv said gravely, that with the exception of
Virginia, the old thirteen colonies adopted
[heir constitutions on the principles of a
perfect equality of rights in all persons,
md of political potccr, privMegcs and capa
zitcis, m all free white male citizens twen
:v-one years of age, liable to the payment
pftaxes, and to the performance military
lutv, unless under military subordination
pr some other durauce, and not rendered
infamous bv the commission of some crime.
Phe following are the exceptions to this
general outline, as accurately as I can,
from recollection, state them:—In Massa
chusetts, a property qualification is requir
ed of the voter, of a freehold estate of three
pounds annual value, or sixty pounds in
personal estate, and the senatorial districts
to be laid off according to the taxes asses
sed. In New Hampshire, tlie Senatorial
Districts are laid off in the same manner,
and the Senator must be a freeholder worth
two hundred pounds. The suffrage is
universal, and so is that in Massachusetts
bv their late amendments. In New York,
the Senate was formerly thd representative
of property to a certain degree. The new
Constitution of that state removes the dis
tinction altogether, and the suffrage is
made universal. In New .Tersey, a Sena
tor must possess a freehold worth £1000
—a Representative a freehold worth <£500
—and the voter one worth <£50, procla
mation money. I do not know the value,
but I understand these qualifications, prac
tically amount to nothing. In Delaware,
and m Maryland, the Representative must
be the same. The voter must have £30
in chattels, which, by subsequent amend
ment, has been reduced to nothing. In N.
Carolina, the Senators, and the electors of
Senators, must be freeholders. In South
Carolina, members and voters are quali
fied by the mere possession ot taxable pro
perty, and the assessment and payment
of taxes. A representative must own lands
of the value of £150, or 500 acres &
10 negroes, and a Senator must have a
freehold worth <£100. By an amendment
made in 1S03, the Senate is composed
thus: 1 63d part of the population sends
a member, and the people paying l-62d
part of the taxes, send another—so that
the senate represents persons and proper
ty bv equal numbers. By the ( onstitu
tion of Ceorgia, adopted in 1798, {Sena
tors must possess a ceriain freehold quail
fication, and the representation is divided
among the people, equally numbering all
the whites, and three-fifths of all people of
! color.
Bv this review, which may be imper
fect in some degree, we see that in the old
thirteen states, qualifications in property ,
were required in some few cases in the e
lector; and that in four instances, alone,
the Senate represented the property sepa-,
rately considered, as well as tlx©person of
the citizen. In two cases the qualification
of being worth a small sum in pro;>crty.
was required of an elector of a Senator
and not of a Representative. Within a
few years, three of the old States to the
eastward have amended their constitutions.
In one of them New York, all distinc
tions are nearly done away. In Massa
chusetts, all that remains, is the represent
ation in the Senate according to taxes—
while in the new systems of Connecticut,
Maine and Vermont, not an aristocratic
feature remains. In South Carolina and
(jeorgia alone, has a contrary course been
pursued. In her late amendments, South
Carolina lias established a mixed repre
sentation of persons and property; and
(Jeorgia has carried into her enumeration
of inhabitants, three-fifths of all people of
color, whetlicr slaves or not.
With the exception of the two last men
tioned States, wherever an amendment
has been made, it has been to lop off some
aristocratic feature. But nothing can so
decisively prove the growing determina
tion of the American Reople, to establish
their govorumonts upon the pure and c
qual principles of equal personal and polit
ical rights, as their conduct in the admis
sion of new states into the union, and the
course pursued by eacli new State, in the
lormatiou of its own Constitution.
The American people never brought
their opinions to bear unitedly and practi
cally on the subject under discussion, un
til they passed the first act to enable the
people of a territory to form a Constitution.
In the first of these arts, as m each suc
cessive one, the right of suffrage was tree
and equal; and such is, nearly, the right
ot sutlrage m eacn new oiaie. i ueir le
gislative houses ate homogenous with
each other and with the electors. This is
even the case with Alabama and Louisi
ana, where wo least would have expected
it; and this, notwithstanding the neighbor-1
hood of Georgia and South Carolina.—
Tlic truth is, the odious distinctions found*
cd on the possession of wealth, are con*
demned as intolerable by the body ol the
American people; and how much more
odious is tire attempt made by the friends
of this bill,—an attempt to disfranchise a
free man ofa portion of Ins political rights,
because lie does not possess a slave?
Wealth at best is but a fleeting thing—is
here to day and gone to morrow. But, the
practice of representing property, where
property has been represented, was more
rational than the present effort. Other
States looked to property generally; where
as the framers of this bill regarded slave
property alone.
I have already shewn, that a solid loca
ted well-defined aristocracy, existed at the
period of the revolution, and that the Con
vention of 1776, preserved that aristocracy
as much as possible. The author of the
act of descents, and of the law destroying
estates tail, used to say, that by those mea
sures he had destroyed the aristocratic
party in his state. Perhaps he was right.
His measures may have laid the axe to
tlie root of the tree, but the tree itselt
dies slowly. The members cling to their
power as to the ruling passion strong in
death. They resist every innovation; and
by this name characterise every measure
ofa liberal nature. In that spirit they re
sisted the establishment of primary schools
—some of them maintaining that to in
sruct the poor child, was to increase its
misery, by adding imaginary to his real
wants.—a position which might be true, if
it could be asserted, that he who is bom
poor must necessarily remain so.
5>hall we be asked why Georgia and S.
Carolina have assumed the grounds they
have assumed? Perhaps the times ot
these assumptions connected with the ex
isting circumstances. might turmsh the an
swer. Old (ieorgia was nearly all settled <Y
throughout that state nearly the same inter
ests existed. That state, in 1T&$, was
asserting its title to a vast unsettled do
main, like Western Virginia once was;
and tiic people of the settled parts estab
lished their principle of enumeration, while
they had power to do so. The same in
the ease of Carolina; but who can say
how long the people of those states will
submit to these regulations? The oligarchs
of Virginia came forward too late. They
rested too long in the delusive hope that
their county and borough system would up
hold them. They blinded their eyes to the^
growing intelligence and dissatisfaction ot
their countrymen. The strife of more than
twenty years never could convince them
that all was no! safe. They never did be
lieve that a majority of the freeholders
were against them until last April; aud as
to the non-freeholder, thev never dreamed
of him. A short review cf our progress
at home, ought to convince these gentle
men, that their present attempt has been
deferred too- long.
In taking this review I will first advert,
to the report of a committee of this House
in the session 1810-17. (8ee journal,
p. 80.) By that report it was shown that
in almost every year since 1800 petitions
for the call of a Convention, or for taking
the sense of the people, had been presen
ted. and in 1800 and 1811 had been sus
tained by the voles of those who represen
ted a majority of the whole people.—In
1815, this hou'6 refused to consider a lull
to equalize the .Senatorial Districts, irom a
supposed want of legislative power—In
1^16, this House pa^ed a Convention bill
and sent it to the Senate. The Semite
paused, until this House sent them a Sen
toriallnll which they passed, and rejected
the Convention Bill. The most prominent
of all the grievances complained of was
the unequal representation of tlie people,
and at all times an equal representation of
the people founded on the basis of white
population, was what was most loudly de
manded. No other representation was
thought or spoken of.
Twenty-eight years have pased away
since the freeholders have sought for reform
and fourteen since they knew themselves
to he the majority; yet so great was their
aversion from revolution that they petition
ed venr after year, for the facility of a law
to take their votes on the question of cal
ling a Convention. When this was ob
tained it was fair to expect, the facility now
asked for, to enable the free people to go
into Convention on equal principles. No
one had reason to apprehend that instead
of this, we would have been met by such
a measure as the bill under considera
tion.
Do gentlemen deceive themselves so far
as to believe they have either the right or
the power to force this bill on the com
munity? What right have we to say that
none but a freeholder shall give his vote?
Could we not as well say th it none but a
slaveholder shall vote? We have no such
right. The precedent of 1775, will not
bear us out. There was, then, an enemy
at the door, and government in the hands
of some person was indispensably ncces
sary. Persistence in tins measure would
raise up another enemy ot a very different
character. It must inevitably produce re
volution. It is not in human nature that
men should endure an oligarchy in any
form when they are able to shake it off.
No one ought to doubt that a majority ot
oven the present freeholders are opposed
to this measure. The whole west is a
gaiust it, and there there is scarcely a
dissentient. There is, also, a great di
vision ag iinst it in the east. Permit mo
to consider this subject with reference to
numbers The while population of the
Last in pmu, exception uiui pi uio
about 110 thousand. In 1320, about SO,
000. At the present moment I have little
doubt that the majority would be found
west of the I»lue Ridge. But where are
to be found the non freeholders? Certainly
on our side. Then these are a majority
of the whole, and have been quietly look
ing on for more than twenty years in the
expectation that the freeholders themselves
would reform the state. Let hut this fi
nal attempt fail. Let the oligarchy support
itself through the present struggle and re
fuse the reasonable facility asked for. Let
them usurp the powers of a convention
and determine at once, what shall be the
future apportionment of representation and
what the suffrage, and my word for it, the
non-freeholder will soon he heard from.—
They have long seen the freeholder urging I
reform, and have justly expected reason- j
ihlc relief from 1ms exertions. There is i
now a general understanding that this lsj
he last appeal that will be made here. In-1
:lecd it has required some exertions—some |
toothings to prevent a popu ilar movement
before now. That movement will he inev
itable, if you not only refuse at this time
what is just and reasonable; but as if you
were the very Convention itself, you pro
ceed to declare what shall be the future
apportionment of representation, what the
right of suffrage, and in this form tender j
lo us and the people that black pill which |
will never be swallowed, until physical j
farce shall be resorted to and used suceess-1
fully.
The gentleman from Westmoreland has
declared, that the friends of reform have;
never yet declared the nature and extent!
of the reformation they desired, not even |
on what basis they wished representation
placed. To set tin? gentleman right on
this particular. a9 well as to shew that it
were better to examine into the truth of a
fact, than to assert it, I will read part of
the report of the Committso on the Staun
ton memorial, in the Session of 1316. [See
the Journal, pages 86 & 37.] The Staun
ton Convention of 1316. was a respectable
:ind numerous body of the friends of Re
form on the principles we now contend, as
had the petitioners m 1801, *2, *3, '5, '6,
and in every year since: from the report and
resolutions of 1316, it appears that the
Committee recommended an equal distri
bution among the white population, of
members to a Convention. Those opposed
to a Convention made use of every honor
able exertion that ingenuity and talent
could invent, to divide us, by introducing
features in the resolutions which would
have that tendency. After every effort ol j
this kind had failed, and it was mamtest
that a bill must be ordered to be brought in.
in conformity with the resolution, a gen
tleman. who, it will be agreed by all "ho
know him. either personally or trom report,
is one of the most powertul debaters ol
the age in which we live-—Mr. 1 azeueil.
of the Uuited States’ Senate, proposed an;
amendment to introduce that very prince j
pie—the representation of slaves, which;
is now contended for, as tne last effort, 1
hope, to sustain a fallen oligarchy, already
crushed by the law of descents, and the
act for docking estates tail—'1 his proposi
tion was seriously debated then, but its
friends were neither so numerous nor so
bold as now. On a division, they num
bered but 28 to the best of my recollec
tion. The journal docs not shew tiic
number, because at the request ol some
of them tlic count was not inserted. Ilerej
then is record evidence, (see the journal,!
p. 176) to shew, how completely the gen-!
tleman from Westmoreland and his friends
are mistaken. After that session I never |
heard this proposition urged, even in pri- j
vate conversation, until since the vote ol
last Spring. So completely was it then
abandoned, that the Senatorial districts
were in that very session reformed on the
basis of white population as ascertained
by the census of 1810.
And t’ne Senate was so reformed at the
| staiic.* of the enemies of reform. We
1 had carried our proposition—had passed
a Convention Hill and sent it to the Senate
We represented such a powerful majority,
that it was supposed the Senate would
yield. To prevent this, eastern states,
men, who dreaded nothing so much as a
Convention, brought in, as a tub to the
whale, that very senatorial bill, which, in
the preceding session, they retused to con
sider, for want of constitutional power, as
they said.
Air. Chairman, can it bo possible that
die friends of slave representation are
ignorant that the Senate of Virginia is
the representative cf white population only,
and that it was made so after the struggle
of lHJIj? This fact is further record evi
dence, that the specific basis of white pop
ulation is that which has been uniformly
demanded by the friends of reform. J hey
never urged any other. They successful
ly asserted it in 1810. At the Staunton
Convention they again asserted, recorded
and proclaimed it to the whole Common,
wealth, in order that their enemies might
not have the power to misrepresent their
views. I have shewn that the noirlrec
holder has never been consulted, and that
lie is entitled tube heard and to vote; yet
I think it important in some degree, who
tlier he shall vote lor members of a Con
vention or not, because I know the free
holders agree with him, and must form
such a constitution as lie will accept on
the final vote.
Now, Mr. Chatrmnn, to apply the posi.
tion of the gentlemen from Westmoreland,
th it everv thing must be the result of con
cession. I havo shewn that the possession
of slave property never conferred privi
leges or pouer to Virginia—that it never
constituted an element of government.—
No: not the scintilla of an element. Hut
we have broken one yoke, and yon tender
us another, ask us to accept it and carry it.
We answer No—neither we nor our an
cestors have been accustomed to sit by the
side of the representative of Slaves, and
mingle with him in the deliberations of
government. Wc further answer, that as
the representatives of freemen, we will
never meet with the representative of a
Slave in Convention. Our elements are
quite too discordant.
This is our final answer. What you
demand is a privilege you never possessed.
We will not give it by concession, and,
therefore, force us if you can.
Alter Mr. I). had concluded his remarks
flic Committee rose and obtained leave to
sit again.
NEWS FROM EUROPE.
New York, Jamjart 17
Aftea a long interval, we wero yesterday af
ternoon overrun with foreign papers—Imt tliey
are singularly barren of that aort of interest which
our exciteable community seems alone to look for
—that derived from actual war, or apprehended
scarcity. As to war, things remain very much as
they were. No important movements have been
made by the Russians since the fill of Varna—
they appear now to be intent upon the reduction
of Sili>Tria—ami then will* as from the general1
complexion of the accounts appe ars to us dear,
sit down quietly before Uhoumlu, and await a more
favorable season for military operation-. Mean- ,
time the diplomacy x»f Europe will be at work to
bring about a peace. The. Emperor bad gone to
Sit. Petersburgh—where, within a diort period af
ter his arrival from the conquest ofVaroa, his mo
ther, the Empress Dowager, died.
Bell’s Weekly. Messenger says, “from all the
news arrived from those quarters, it appears that
the Russians are much more desirous of finishing
the campaign than the Turks. In other words,
the Russians are more exhuu-ted by getting the
victory, such as it is, than the Turks arc by lo-tpg
the battle. Our own opinion has been already
expressed, that the Winter will be a season of ac
tive ncgociation. and that Europe will be enjoying
perfect pacification, at least in the Northeastern
quarters, before the return of tlie uext Spring.
Tho Traveller of the 2d December, speaks in
the same strain. By private letters received tbi
morning from .St. Petersburg!!, we leant that an
opinion was entered there, that Nicholas was anx
ious that negotiations should be opened through
the meditation of this country for the settlement
ot all difference wilh Turkev. Money ha/1 be
come universally nearer, at St. Petersburg!!, and
there as well as here, discounts were scarcely to
be obtained.’t
As to the apprehended scarcity, vc seo no rea
son to think the calculations which, to judge from
the prices paid here for bread stuff*, ap]>ear to
have been made, will be realized—tho duty on
foreign wheat having been reduced by the rise
of the average price, toosr shillixc. perqvnrter,
much foreign wheat in bond was immediately en
tered. •
_
T >o Kino of ExcLiia ltadexpettenc,,],
itt ick of gout, which, together wit],
in which lie lives—so umvonted for m | 11
King—caused a gener.il impression w,
newspaper* evince) that his hf, u , “:r|' ’-■
He had. however, so fir recovered
Court at W indsor Castle. The I hike " i' ' 1
lnci , next in succession to the thren.. 1
said to he in a very feeble health.
Unr Paris papers which are in abun,].^
to 1st Dw.vml.pr, give a long orJ<.i,a,; Cr
King, appointing some new. and di-*n;lV • J'*’4
former Councilors of State, 1’rcfct* a
inU-Vfl • . tudt
opponents disapprove it, anJ call it a cone' - ■?
. . - - coocej. ,
the revolution.
The French Military and marine k,r,e.
tiined entire possession of the Mono, ‘
obliged to bombard, for a R-w hour*, tf*,.( ”
the Morea. on the Straits of Lep.t, i, :.-tT'v'
by six hundred Turks, who su, ruder. /
as a breach was ejected. The Hr,f,,
Talbot and la Viand aided theFrcnjj
bv landing sailors, marines, and cannon, • *
out aeted under the orders of Admiral <k j> J
This certainly ImAi like harm t . ; i (
of the tw*> Governments as to the
the French in Grecce. The Frc
k I'fvcwsi
®* otroop,;
Morea appear to have sulhsred sever,-ly frw,y
r.es«.
Don Mh'.cku of Portugal, dmiu>
.— iuw.
was overturned, and broke Ills thigh. Ti.t
•lent was occasioned, the loyal Porti,^,...
bv the rims w itli which the Don w.t
ring his drive: whereat his mules wore* ih
r m away, ami overturned him. lie * ,
be in a precarious state, ..»r, as hie 1\
•J*2, twelve days after tiie accident—tili*
not been set.
The failure of the banking hotiienfM ..... .
& Chapman, produced a great sen.
meeting of their creditors, MoveiuUr 24,
large debts were proved, among winch w*
following:—Tim Chichester Hank, •}',»,uni.
a atm of 19,000 pounds bj i p irtm r
try tirm, whose name wa» not distinctly bc^r •
\Voodbridge Hank, 9:l,(Xcl; nu.l ’
varying from one hundred and filly t0, ^ ,
thousand pounds.
Oa the ‘doth of November tin* K,t;g f ... ■ J
held a Court it Wil < ... \|. ],
rocr delivered his credentials ,i> Mu.,
tlio United States, and was gmrtoushr u j
Mr, Baron V< u
his being appointed one of the It .irniw of tb t]
chcquor, and had the honor ofkuightk
red upon him.
Extract of a letter .1 ttod Triesti \
“The Ambassadors of the tlireo pow,
to have addrosed the Count C-ipml I- ; \ ,
declaring, that, should the Porte peruM m i. ^
ing to send a IMopipotcntiary who may t,L*
in the negotiations relative to th«' parities;..r
i ... the rogulttiou <'i the limi
will forthwith take place without t], -
tion of Turkey, ami that the (i
ing the French expedition will deliver tit tV:a
afthe Moron to the tr.-op. -• ■/ by ii ■ I'-. . ,
Hv the Captain of a merchant v* -*•! from M
w e learn, thnt, according to all appearance,
blockade of the Dardanelles by the lluvuo
soon commence.
It is said, that the departure of Col. Fdnu
Greece, whore he is to become the G> i<nii.»uy
of tiie Hcllenest faces, is the sole esu- oil*,
having been promoted to the Kankof Mantu
Camp in the French army.
—CtQD—
LATE FROM Ml.DITF.RR\M \N
Captain Houle arrived nt Huston oa tk I
instant from Smyrna, and w ho sailed \ .,
I, informs us that no affair between tin* K • «j
mid Turks, bad taken place sin* c th* a, iw* i
Vania.
The Delos, which left Smyrna N \
lias arrived at Plymouth. Letters to tk
from one of the m >-r r. -pe ■ j
bouses ill Smyrna, were received in Iks cut
evening. Thev allude to no wureven.ii.Ki
fall of Varna, where tin Russians h..*l r*.
Winter quarter —and
fore the new campaign opens, pence «J
place.
Captain Smith, of the Delos, w rite, in:'
blockade of the Dardanelles Was to Uk
shortly nAer lie sailed.
We have received numbers ol "L I • ;
Smyrna,” to Novemher the latest fufki-a
telligenoe that has reached tlii* country. D'
nor of November 1, communicate* the eilert«
the intelligence of the fail of Varna li»d *n
Turks, which wo translate.
“The news of the fall of Varna wade a
impression on Musselmnn of all ruv**»— ■
was depicted on evrrjr cotmten uice; bn'
conr igoment tva* discoverable in hem* in*
bespoke concern for the danger, of their
Tim business of recruiting g «* on—no n
—no nets of diaobeilienee <*u the pn o|.»
morons conscripts who are enrolled tW'hr c
ivlt banners—all believe that they, wi'li tb*t
ic«, simuld form their countries laat rain;><ir1
Russians would coutinuo the campaign inttui
retiring to V\ inter quart! r
IV
t!
I *
s
tl
1
‘ »t appears cerium, *ayp
tiction.'* for peace arc about to he cotuoirt **
nlaco of incctm® hi* not yet been
it will wd bo loiii! before it '•bull bc<! '•
It is believed that the 1‘orte will bB itry * ^
soitJ hi* plenipotentiaries.
‘ There i» much activity in the wf
the Turkish Ministry-ili« di'*y »** *
every day. and the Kci* Effendi viet# * *
of fUmid frequently, to confer with t*
Seignor. Abooi 10,<K)(» soldier* are**
—15-JO are cavalry, well disciplined a®*1 <“
■ Th- IVi v has grunted finnai S ,^m
loaded Austrnn ve**ols to enter ini'!
, re • tve those lirman* *
five day*, and it i.s thought that hie nj *
bo given to all resaei*. ’ # -8
The Courier of tho 8th November t
Tttriudt nlli, l '! account ot ili»* I d* o! r' , *,
dor tho head of Constantinople ;1 ^1
the cause of the fall of \ arna i* 1
treac ln ry of Vuwof Muhlis. •* |
, I .. d Ot'b n ill- II l<r■!" . '
Till > l.. •: U . - 11. * * II .»*«• >•*: h bed "i .. . .
the three days of hard fighting urevisH' ^ . J
mg of V *r.n, to be 4",'MU. lb*' J,J ]t %
till t do not vary essin’i u.) ,ff , „ I
sun accounts. Prcpnralions J'1' I
V irii i—i body li w, >1
t/* t \ •< i, A u!o. and ?*usd i, tor this i,,rj J 1
H() piece* of cannon have been !•*«'* ^ A
the coni in and of AbdurinwiO f*aC“a' ]
tiovemor of Busnia. ltf .
i r • nds \ ' . . |
The Grand Vizier has been a* •' ‘‘j “ i|
agemeni, is dqwttd, and bani*bed j
Kontelia, and Mohemet has beea app
fetation—and thus has become the vf'*1
in the Empire - mmamtm
REVOLUTION IN THE CIT'
MEXICO. t
The fast soiling schooner ■“*
Captain Alexander, arrivedIhere*
evening in y- n^' 1 ‘. ,>•(
intelligence tliat a revolt had gttiJl
tit the city of .Mexico, wlm “ n.arl
by a bettlc between ^ie ^1
rero, and the Government lff,( ,1
Pedraza, the oewiy
tlie Republic ot Mexico.
aiijo arH. h.c<i its ori/'ti,:i '
felt by the fiiendsof Guerrero, ^ ^ .
tion of his opponent. K *
ilency. Tho editors of »- •' |a|fr<‘*,|
iniJflitcil to an Cstut m<' ‘ ,y
tor the follow ing copy ° 1 1 . part*'
cilyof.Mcx.ro, which ^ U'° 1
lars of this event:—