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fffvuvuuiu By Johnny Evers and Hugh Fulltrton (Continued from last week) kind of a ball is about' to be delivered. This style, while effective, is extreme ly dangerous for the batter, as to guess wrong is to court serious in jury. In one game at Cincinnati a few years ago, Coakley pitching, McGann tried to outguess him. He guessed a curve was coming, and his wrist was broken by a fast inshoot. Two innings later Bresnahan guessed, wrong and was knocked senseless. But not all of batting is hitting the ball? There is method in the jockey ing of the batter. The moment a bat ter steps to the plate with the bases clear the game becomes a duel be tween him and the pitcher, and al though the crowd may be calling for him to hit, his Intention may be not to hit until compelled so to do. His first effort is to "get the pitcher in the hole that is, make him pitch enough balls so the batter can be cer tain the next one will be over the plate. For, if the batter knows the ball is coming straight the chances of making a base hit are doubled. Then, too, the batter may be under orders to follow out a manager's plan of battle. Frequently a manager, feeling certain the game will be close, orders his men to wait. The waiting may be either to discover whether the pitcher is likely to become wild, or to wear him out. Each batter then, in stead of hitting, tries to make the .pitcher throw as many balls as pos sible. If a batter can get three balls, foul off three, and then strike out, he may have accomplished far more toward the final result than he would have 'done had he made a base hit off the first ball pitched. The average number of balls pitched by one pitch er in a game of nine innings will run about 125, and every additional ball pitched wearies the pitcher. Many "ninth inning rallies" by which spec tacular games are won, are the results of the waiting of the batters who struck out during the early innings. Chance is a great believer in the waiting game, and insists upon his men trying out pitchers during the early Innings of games, especially new and unfamiliar pitchers, believing that what each man discovers, will help the succeeding batters. The practice of getting to first base by allowing the pitched ball to hit them, is more general with batters than usually is supposed. Scores of batters each season make the ball hit them, and take first in spite of the rules. The umpires must judge from the actions ot the men whether they tried to avoid the ball, and in most cases any contortion of the arms is construed as such an ef fort, especially when there is a large home crowd on 'the field. In the sea son of 1908, during the fierce struggles of New York, Chicago and Pittsburg for the pennant, New York won three games from Chicago because players allowed themselves to be hit and they came near winning the game in which they played off the tie by the same method—the second batter up throw ing his arms across the plate and making the ball hit him. McGraw's verbal orders to players to get hit were audible in the stands, and in one game Doyle made three attempts to get hit before he succeeded and then was allowed to walk. Umpire O'Day unmasked one trick on the Polo grounds that same sfeason which was laughable. Bresnahan was batting and, while wiggling a la Salome, he kept pushing his knees out toward the ball- O'Day stopped the game, ordered Bresnahan to ad just his clothing. Bresnahan argued, but O'Day made him obey, while the crowd roared at the umpire. Bresna ,han had Stuffed his shirt front out six inches, and inflated his trouser legs three inches order to give the ball more surface to hit Such tricks, however, are outside the real sphere of baseball and are the final resorts of desperate men in desperate situations. Only a quick eye, long practice, courage and ac curate swinging of second, growth ash will win steadily. Base Running. A player who can run 50 yards in six seconds ought, with a lead of eight ^eet off'first: base, run to sec ond base,4 82 feet away, in 3% sec onds. A pitched ball will travel fromi the pitcher's slab 68 feet to the catch-. er's glove (fast ball with catcher standing nine feet back of the plate, timed from the start of the pitcher's motion), In seven-eighths of a-second. The catcher, if he handles the pitch perfectly and gets the ball away fast, will start the .ball towards second in 1*4 seconds after it hits his hands and his throw from nine feet back of the plate, if perfect, ought to reach the second baseman in one second, and be caught and the hall be ready to apply to the runner in one-quarter of secoriB additional. Perfectly handled. in that time, /he ball ought to'beat the rugner to second base by •from one-eighth to one-qyarter of a second,' or by from 3% to 6& feet and result in an easy out. These are mathematical f?cts._ Now for actual conditions 'as 'proved by what -has been done. In one season (1896) a complete record was kept of Lange's base running. -He stble ex actly. 100 bases, stealing second base 68vtimes, third ,31 and home once. Eliminating hit-and-run plays entire'y, or steals spoiled by h'is, he.made 141 •Sorts to steal, and was successful la r-MUV VuVtf. stole 76 bases out of 105 attempts, or 72.4 per cent While Cobb's total at tempts are unofficial, they are close enough to show that the first-class base-runners succeed in about seven out of ten efforts to steal second. The figures really reveal more than that. They show that, while the runners steal only about 64 out of every 100 times they try for second base, they succeed nearly eight of ten (78 plus out of 100) times they start for third. The conclusion is clear that the pitchers do not hold up runners close ly that the ball is pitched wide a large percentage of times, and that the catcher, for various reasons, is lucky to handle the ball perfectly three times in ten in actual play. A player* reaches first base, looks at the batter for a hit-and-run signal, looks toward the third-base coacher to see if a signal to steal has been flashed from the bench, takes his lead, watches the batter, and anchors him self. Two balls and no strikes are pitched he looks again for the sig nals. Failing to get them, he knows the batter is going to take a strike, and anchors himself again—afraid to risk the displeasure of the manager by stealing. Even should the pitcher carelessly permit him to get a big running start, he trots back to first base, perhaps slides back as hard as he would have had to slide to second. He catches a hit-and-run signal on the next ball, takes his lead, gets his start. The pitcher and catcher know as well as he does that the stage ot the game calls for an attempt to run and hit the pitcher pitches fast and out the catcher takes the ball per fectly, throws, and even if the runner is a speedy man he is out by at least three feet. The pitcher and catcher did the thinking, the base runner used steretoyped "team ball" and was caught. Another cause for the decline in base running is the vast improvement of pitchers in watching bases. The average pitcher of today holds the runners to the bases much more care fully than did those of 15 years ago. The hit-and-run and the bunt-and run games, of course, reduce the num ber of opportunities to steal. Cobb is one of the rare players who can play "inside ball" and individual ball at the same time. He is brilliant, thinks for himself and is not' much hampered by bench orders. He runs mainly on his own judgment (or lack of judgment) but still he RUNS and he wins pennants for Detroit by run ning. The pitchers try harder to hold him to the bases than they do any other player in the league the catch ers give more pitch-out signs to catch him, but they do not stop him. He is a living proof of the fact that modern ball players could run bases with as much effect as the old-timers could— if it were not for their lack of indi vidual thinking. A few years ago, Frank Chance, al ways a base-runner of rare judgment, coupled with great daring, started his team working the delayed steal. His runners started, stopped, and when the catcher relaxed from his throwing attitude and the man covering second base started back to his position, the base-runner made a dash for second. Mathematically figured out, the run ner will beat the ball to second by over two feet, on the basis of 3 1-3 seconds to run the distance. One day in 1909 Chicago and Pitts burg were playing, and a run meant victory for either side. Evers was on second base, with one out He Frank Isbell Never Stopped Until Ha Broke a Leg. made a bluff run towards third, put ting down his head and sprinting at top speed. Gibson whirled to throw to third. Evers stopped dead still— and laughed. Gibson instantly made a perfect throw to second, and, like a flash, Evers .dashed for third and slid safely. He scored on a fly ball and won the game. The play, magnificent ly executed as it was, set the crowd wild, and Evers deserved the tribute. The play had not been made in Chi cago in five years, yet it was common in the old days, and the catcher had to watch every runner and calculate his distance between the bases before making a throw, else he would be trapped. One of the cleverest bits of base running Ty Cobb ever did was in one of the games of the first world's series between Chicago and Detroit. Cobb was on first base, when Crawford drove a single to short right center, making Slagle cut, in towards Shutte to reach the ball. When Cobb reached second base, Hofman had thrown and the ball was coming in to Evers, who hod gone into the grass to meet It Without hesitation, Cobb turned »ec ond and raced for third. He had fig ured the play in an instant. He knew uc wuuiu uave iu cuicn ine oan ana swing entirely around before he knew what was going on. He calculated that Evers would expect him to Stop at second, and, therefore, look at sec ond base first, and so lose enough time to allow him (Cobb) to reach third. Evers looked at second, looked at third, saw Cobb already within ten feet of the base, and he made a wild, hurried throw that went Into the crowd and almost gave Detroit the game. No manager could have told Cobb to do that, and because ninety nine out of every one hundred base runners would have stopped at second to await orders, they would not have made the play. Baseball has been reduced to a science, and is in danger of becoming mechanical unless a few base-runners like Cobb, Collins, Evers and Clarke, exponents of the unexpected, con vince managers that base-running pays, and. that remaining anchored to bases is a poor policy. It is history that Frank Isbell, when he was on bases, never stopped until he broke a leg, went out or some one shut the gate on him. He could take wilder chances than any runner who ever landed on a base, and he kept running after his legs wore out and his speed left him—and running with excellent success because the op ponents would be so surprised to see him going that they would throw wild. Base running consists chiefly of do ing the unexpected, and the team that refuses to run bases because a strong throwing catcher is pitted against it is beaten. The strong throwing catchers, paradoxical as it may seem, have the least throwing to do, proving some teams surrender before they are beaten, while the worse thrower a catcher is the more throws he has to make. Umpiring. Umpires, in spite of the theory upon which baseball is conducted, and the apparent belief of spectators, are hu man beings, endowed with sensibil ities. They can feel such emotions as anger, resentment, and revenge their systems are capable of suffering pain, surprise, regret, even acute mental torture. Umpires (the officials to the contrary) are likely to blunder, to be carried away by prejudice, by desire for revenge, and more than likely to become confused by the fierce heckling of players or spectators, and to blunder worse and worse. Umpires may even be dishonest. They are only human. Yet baseball, as an institution, is more dependent upon the honesty, courage and fairness of umpires than upon any other element in the game. One incompetent or dishonest official, or one of violent passions who per mits personal animosity, or his sense of wrong, to influence him, can mar an entire season, ruin the chances of one or more teams, and perhaps give the championship to a club not de serving the honor. In spite of these facts, the rulers of baseball have adopted an extraor dinary code first ,that the umpire al ways is right second, that those who differ with him are "anarchists third, that all criticism of umpires should cease "for the good of the game." The rulers of baseball are striving and have striven for years to align all forces with the umpire, to extend his already dangerous power, and to deprive players and others of the right of criticism. The large majority of umpires are honest and mean to be fair, but, as Umpire Johnstone remarked: "Some umpires have one bad fault, and that is not being able to forget today to morrow." The umpire who remembers Is a bad umpire, and it is almost as bad for the player to remember. Tim Hurst had a bad day at Washington and Joe Cantillon thought he robbed his team of the game. The following day Hurst, willing to forget, walked over to the Washington bench and asked cordially: "Who is your pitch er today, Joe?" "Guess, damn you," responded the retentive-memorled Cantillon. "That's all you did yesterday," and the trouble was renewed. Heads of leagues make their serious mistakes in upholding umpires who are palpably wrong. They are com pelled to uphold them on all questions of judgment, but to declare the um pire was right in some cases is laugh able. There was a case in 1894 in Chicago with Moran umpiring. Cor coran, at short for Cincinnati, picked up a grounder batted by Tinker and threw the ball five feet over Peitz's head, Peitz playing" first base. The ball went on to the bleachers, 60 feet away. Peitz jumped pretended he had caught the ball and Moran called Tinker out. Other players were com pelled to hold Tinker to keep him from assaulting the umpire who or dered him off the field, and ordered all players who talked to him out of the game. Peitz chased the ball around the bleachers, ran back to the bench and touched Tinker. "Now, Tinker," said Moran, "you are out, anyway." And the decision stood. In Brooklyn, in 1908, with the score 0 to 0, Brooklyn had runners on sec ond and third bases an.d two out when the batter missed the third strike. The catcher dropped the ball, but recovered and threw the rumier out at first. Two runners crossed the plate, and the umpire permitted both runs to count. But the. Chicago club, In an exhibition game at Birmingham, met the worst on record. A runner trying to score with two out In the ninth, was thrown out so far from the platevthat he did not slide, but turned and ran through the diamond to the bench. The umpire called him out, (Continued next week) UnilflLU I UN ULIILIII LESSON FROM EUROPE SHOW* HOW WATERWAY IMPROVE MENT HELPS RAILROADS. HAS A CREATIVE EFFECT Construction of the Manchester Ship Canal Shown to Have Resuscitated Many Dying Towns—Many Give Similar Experiences. In previous articles it was shown that the waterways carry goods more cheaply than railways do or can and compel the railways to carry for less than they otherwise would, and then the claim was made that the improve ment of waterways is a benefit to the railways with which they compete. Several instances were given to sup port this claim and many more might be given if space allowed, for the writer, who has studied the subject for 25 years, has found many instances of benefit, and not a single instance of harm, to railways from the im provement of waterways. It is now in order to see if we can find a reason for this rather surprising result. Waterways, as has been said before, produce benefits in three principal ways—by direct saving in the cost of transportation of goods carried by water, indirect saving, by the lower ing of railway rates through the com petition of water routes, and by what may be called a creative effect. It is this last named effect which we are now to consider. Manchester, England, before the con struction of the ship canal, was a dying town. Hundreds of stores and thousands of dwellings were empty, factories were closed—some moved away—and population was decreasing. With the opening of the canal all this was changed. Factoriess reojiened, new ones were built, the empty houses were refilled and thousands of new ones built to accommodate the popula tion that came pouring in. And the benefits were not confined to Manches ter alone, but were distributed ovei the whole great industrial region, con taining over 8,000,000 people, of which Manchester is the center. It was no) only natural, but inevitable, that the great increase in population and pros perity in Manchester and the surround ing region should be reflected in the business and the profits of the rail ways therein. Liverpool Also Aided. Liverpool fought desperately to pre vent the building of the canal and the establishment of the new port of Man chester but instead of being injured by the canal, the business of Liverpool has increased faster than before. Dur ing the 13 years before the canal was opened the increase in the harbor re ceipts at Liverpool was only $310,000 in the same length of time after it was opened the increase was $1,365, 000. The 6,000,000 tons of traffic at Manchester have not been stolen from Liverpool, they have been created by the canal. Frankfort, Germany, before the River Main was improved, was not a dying city but was decidedly stagnant. Mannheim and Mayence on the Rhine, which had been improved, were grow ing rapidly, while Frankfort was grow ing very little. As soon as the canal ization of the river was finished, which was in 1886, the city began to grow and has kept on growing ever since. The population, which was 154,000 in 1885, has increased to 229,000 in 1895, to 335,000 in 1905, and is probably more than 400,000 now. Evidently the people of Frankfort expect their city to keep on growing, too. They spent over |1,500,000 on a harbor when the river was first improved and are hard at work right now building a new and much larger harbor at a cost of |17,600,000. Just as In the case of Manchester, the benefit was not con fined to the city of Frankfort the in dustrial and commercial life of the whole region was greatly stimulated. Mines long closed were reopened, new Industries were started, and today there is an almost continuous succes sion of factories lining the banks of the river from Frankfort to the Rhine. Everybody Reaps Benefit Hunt the world around and always and everywhere we find that the im-. provement of waterways sets cities to growing, factory wheels to humming, and commerce to moving in a wider and swifter stream. Railroads get more business in big cities than in small towns, in a densely populated manufacturing region than in one that is thinly settled. Waterways, there fore, benefit railways—and states and nations as well—by promoting an in crease in population, in manufactures and in commerce. But for one who likes to get clear down to the bot tom of things there still remains the question: "Why do waterways in crease population and create com merce and industry?" Consul General Mason, now in Pari*,, but for some years at Frankfort, says: "German statesmanship wasamoqg the first to foresee that the time would come when, railways having reached their maximum extension and efficiency, there would remain a vast surplus of coarse, raw materials—coal, ores, timber, stone, and crude metals —which could be economically carried long distances only by water trans portation, and that in a fully de veloped national system the proper role of railroads would be to carry passengers and the higher classes of merchandise manufactured from the raw staples that the waterways had brought to their doora." 7,-1 MILIUM I Dl lumen COST8 ONLY ONE-SIXTH TO ONE TENTH AS MUCH AS BY RAIL. TRANSPORTATION'S BIG TOLL American People Annually Pay Out Three Times as Much for Trans portation as They Pay for Support of the Government. Do you know That the people of the United States pay out each year about three times as much in transportation taxes, that is, for the carriage of freight and pas sengers, as they pay in taxes for the support of government, national, state and local? That transportation affects the price of everything that everybody buys, sells, eats, wears or uses in any way whatever—air, water and sunshine ex cepted? That cheap transportation benefits both 'the producer and the consumer, making wheat and cotton higher and flour and cloth lower at one and the same time? That the cheapest known transport tation is water transportation, costing, on the average, from one-sixth to one tenth as much as transportation by rail? That the direct saving on the goods actually carried by water in the United States is over $550,000,000 a year? That railways always make lower rates when subject to the competition of waterways than where such compe tition does not exist? That the indirect saving, thus caused, is probably as large as the di rect saving given above? That both the direct and indirect saving would be largely increased by the further improvement of our water ways? That waterways always increase the profits of the railways with which they come into competition? For the rea son that waterways, by giving cheap transportation for raw materials, actu ally create both industry and com merce? As is indicated by the fact That in 1900 there was only one city in the United States, with a population of 150,000 or over, which was not lo cated on a navigable waterway? And further How Frankfort Benefited. That Frankfort, Germany, grew more in the twenty years after the River Main was canalized than it had grown in the two hundred year,s be fore? And again That Germany, which Is nearly 60, 000 square miles smaller than Texas, but has one of the finest waterway systems in the world, had in 1908 a foreign commerce greater than that of the United States by over $500,000, 000? That throughout the civilized world the largest cities, the densest popula tion, the busiest and most prosperous people are to be found along navlga ble waterways? That the surest nnd speediest way to develop the resources of the nation and every state and section thereof, to increase the growth of every city and community in the country, to pro mote the prosperity of every interest, including the railroads, and of every citizen, east, west, north and south, is to improve all our waterways as fast and as far as we can? That money used for the improve ment of waterways, wisely planned and honestly constructed, is not ail expenditure but an investment, which will pay a dividend of at least 100 per cent a year? Provision for Funds. That the benefits which would re sult from the comprehensive improve ment of our waterways, and the losses which would follow our failure to make such improvement, are so enor mous, that funds should be provided by the issuance of bonds—as has been done by railways—so that the work may be begun at once and finished as soon as possible? That the national government claims exclusive jurisdiction nd exercises supreme control over all navigable wa terways? And therefore That it depends entirely on the con gress of the United States whether the work of creating a great national system of waterways shall be done at all ,and how soon it shall be finished? That the vote of the member of con gress from your district will help to decide the policy of the government with regard to waterways? That the action of congressmen is Influenced by the wishes of their con stituents, when they know what those wishes are? That you have the right to ask the candidates for congress in your dis trict to state their position on this question now, before the election? That you are blind to your own in terests if you do not ask your candi dates to pledge themselves to work and vote for waterways if elected, and then demand of the one who Ib elect ed that he shall keep his pledge? The facts and figures given in this series of articles have been submitted In the hope that those who read them would see the Importance of the policy of waterway improvement advocated by the National Rivers and Harbors congress, and would aid in securing the adoption of that policy. How well they have served the purpose for which they were written must be left (or their readers to decide. Every-obstruction to the free and ipen navigation of our waterways 1* brake on the wheels of Industry. mtAN Luwtn ifAitar EFFECT OF WATERWAY COMPETI TION ON THE RAILWAYS OF THE COUNTRY. DIRECT AND INDIRECT SAVING Conservative Estimate Is That in at Single Year It Would Be MoreThai» Enough to Discharge the Entire Na tional Debt. It was stated in a previous article1 that waterways produce both direct and indirect savings in the cost of. transportation and also exert what may be called a creative effect. Aa an instance of the direct saving It was shown that the 100,000,000 tons of freight handled on the great lakes in 1907 were carried for $550,000,000 less than It would have cost by rail. If the opinion of the United States army engineers Is correct—and this opinion is based upon results actually achieved on the rivers of Europe— we have a number of rivers on which, when properly improved, freight can be carried for less than on the lakes and many rivers on which it can be carried for much less than by rail. If, therefore, the plan advocated by the National Rivers and Harbors congress should be carried out—which includes the improvement of all our rivers to such extent as Bhall be found advisable after expert examination— the direct saving in cost of transporta tion would be vastly increased. It would probably be increased tenfold, but. if it were only doubled the direct saving in a single y«'ar would be more than enough to pay off the nationaT debt. i!ut this is not the end of the bene fits which the general improvement of our waterways would bring, it is only the beginning. Beside the direct sav ing there is an indirect saving which results from the effect of waterways, on railway freight rates, for rates are always lower on railroads which meet water competition than on those which do not. The amount of this sav ing is not everywhere the same, owing to difference in conditions, but we can get a good general idea of it from a study of some sample instances. Freight Rates Affectsd. Freight rates from New York te Salt Lake or Spokane are much high er than to Sitn Francisco or Seattle, although the distance is much less, be cause goods can be carried to the Pa ciflc coast by water, around Cape Horn, while there is no waterway ol any kind to the inland cities named. It is not the ocean alone that affects railroad rates. Compare the rates on first class merchandise to river towna and inland towns situated about 259 miles from St. Louis. Towns on the upper Mississippi get a rate of 33 cents a hundred, inland towns pay 63 cents towns on the Ohio pay 41 cents, inland towns in the same region pay 87. A still more striking instance, and one showing the direct result of wa terway improvement, is to be found on the Columbia river. Before the locks at the cascades were built freight rates on nails, and that class of goods, from Portland to The Dallea were $6.40 per ton. As soon as the locks were finished and the steam boats could get through, the railroad rate dropped to two dollars per ton—• less than one-third what it was before. That the difference was due to the river improvement is shown by tha fact that rates were not reduced be-, yond the point to which the steams boats could run. For instance, the rate on salt in car load lots was $1.50 per ton to The Dalles, and $10.20 pee ton to Umatilla—$1.50 per ton for the 88 miles with water competition and $8.70 per ton for the next 100 miles without. These rates have since been reduced as the improvement has pro ceeded, and when the work is finished and boats can run far up the Columi bia river and to Lewiston and othee point in Idaho on its principal tribu tary, the Snake river, the people la ail that region will benefit not onl]| by the direct saving on goods carried by water, but also by the indirect sav»' ing through the reduced rate on gooda carried by rail. Exactly similar ra suits would follow the radical lm? provement of rivers all over the United States. Indirect Saving Large. There is, however, no possible was of finding out just how much this In direct saving would be. Rates on some freight would be reduced greatly, on some freight slightly, on some, per* haps, not at all. But we can get soma idea of the amount of freight which might be influenced. In the fiscal year ending June 30, 1907, the total amount of freight handled by thd railroads of the United States was 1,796,336,659 tons. Some of this waa hauled a short distance, some a long distance, and some was handled by| more than one road, but it was equal to 236,601,390,103 tons hauled ona mile. If the comprehensive improve^ ment of our waterways should make an average reduction of one mill peij ton-mile—the difference in the rate* on salt given above is 70 times a* much, or seven cents per ton mile—id would make a saving of over $236,600,^ 000 on the value of business handled in the fiscal year. At first glance, it looks as if thai would mean disaster to the railway*! but that is the exact opposite of tha truth. Strange as It may seem, thej surest and speediest way to enlarge the business and Increase the profitii of the railways of the United States Is to Improve the waterways of tha United Stataa.