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DAILY, BY 8V0WDEN & THORNTON. AID (fOB THE COUNTRY,) OH TTTISDAYS, THURSDAYS AJfD SATURDAYS. CORNER Of PAIRPAE-STREET AHD PRINTERS* ALLST. Daily Paper, g8 —Country Paper, *5, per annum. SATURDAY, MARCH 25, 1826. Documents accompanyir*g the President's Message on the Panama tymtion. •No 6. Mr. Clay to Mr. Canaz. Department of State, Washington, Nov. 30, 1825. Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your official note of the 14th instant, communicating an invitation from the Govern ment of the Federation of the Centre of Ameri • or, to that of the United States, to send depu ties to the contemplated Congress at Panama. Having laid it before the President, I am in structed by him to say, that the United States, always feeling the deepest interest in whatever concerns the prosperity of the American hem isphere, and receiving with great sensibility, this new proof of the friendly esteem of the Government of the Central Republic, will be represented at that Congress, if the Senate of the United States should so advise and con sent. That body will assemble in the course of a few days, and, if it concur with the Presi dent, Commissioners, from the United States will be deputed to Panama, without any unne cessary delay. These Commissioners will be empowered and instructed, upon all questions which may appear to this Government to be likely to arise in the Congress, on subjects in which the nations of America may be supposed to have a common interest. I avail myself of the occasion to offer you as surances of my distinguished consideration. HENRY CLAY. Don Antonio Jose Canaz, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plen ipotentiary from Central Jlmerica. • * No. 7 Mr. Clay, to Mr-. Salazar. Department of State, Washington, 20th Dec. 1825. Sir: During the last spring I had the honor to state to you, that the Government of the Uni ted States had addressed that of Russia, with the view o! engaging tne employment oi us friendly offices to bring about a peace, if possi ble, between Spain and the new American Re publics, founded upon the basis of their inde pendence; and the despatch from this Depart ment, to the American Minister at St. Peters burg, having that object, was read to you. I have now the satisfaction to state, that it ap pears, by late advices just received from St Pe tersburgh that this appeal to the Emperor of Russia has not been without good effect; and that there i« reason to believe that he is now exerting his friendly endeavors ta put an end to the war. The first would be naturally di rected to his allies, between whom and his Im perial Majesty it was desirable that there should be, on that interesting subject, concur rence of opinion and concert inaction. Our information from Europe authorises the belief, that all the great powers are now favorably in clined towards peace; and that, separately or can jointly, they will give pacific counsels to Spain. When all the difficulties exterior to Spain, in the way of peace, are overcome, the hope is confidently indulged, that those within the peninsula cannot long withstand the general wish. But some time is necessary for the ope ration of these exertions to terminate the war, and to ascertain their effect upon the Spanish Government. Under these circumstances, the President be lieves that a suspension, for a limited time, of the sailing of the expedition against Cuba or Porto Rico, which is understood to be fitting out at Carthagena, or of any other expedition which may be contemplated against either of ‘ t^se Islands, by Colombia or Mexico, would have a salutary influence on the great work of peace Such a suspension would afford time to ascertain if Spain, resisting the powerful motives which unite themselves on the side of peace, obstinately resolves upon a protraction of the war. The suspension is due to the en lightened intentions of the Emperor of Russia, upon whom it could not fail to have the hap piest effect. It would also postpone, if not for ever render unnecessary, aIlconsiderati<^i which other Powers may, by an irresistible sense ot their essential interests, be called uppn to en tertain of their duties in the event of the con templated invasion of those Islands, and of o ther contingencies which may accompany or follow it. I am directed, therefore, by the Pre sident to request that you will forthwith com municate the views here disclosed to the Go vernment of the Republic of Colombia, which he hopes, will see the expediency, in the actual posture of affairs, of forbearing to attack those Islands, until a sufficient time has elapsed, to ascertain the result of the pacific efforts which the great Powers are believed to be now making ‘ on Spain. I seize, with pleasure, the occasion to renew to vou assurances of ray distinguished conside ration. H. CLAY. Don Jose Maria Salazar, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plen ipotentiary from Colombia Non.—Same to Mr. Obregon, mutatis mutandis. r * No. 8. Don Jote Maria Salazar to the Secretary of State. [Translation.] Legation of Colombia, Actv-York, 30th Dec. 1825. I have the honor to inform you that I have re ceived the note of the 20th current, in which you are pleased.to communicate to me the hope of a favorable result to the good offices of His Majesty the Emperor of Russia with the great Powers of Europe, aud with Spain, to put an end to the war of America. The Government of Colombia, being informed by me of the in structions given to the American Minister at St. Petersburgh, which you had the goodness to read to me last spring, has seen, with the greatest satisfaction, this measure of real friend ship, and love of humanity, of the Government 'of the United States; and charged me to declare its gratitude, as well as its anxiety for the con tinuance of those good offices with the other Powers of the Continent of Europe. As to the views of the President of the United States, for suspending the invasion of the Islands of Cuba and Porto Rico, until the result is ob tained of the mediation of the great Powers with Spain, I shall have the honor of transmitting them to my Government, by the first opportu nity. Being able, in the mean time, to assure you, that neither, by official communications, nor by my private letters from Colombia, have I any knowledge relative to the expedition which is preparing at Carthagena, I am, conse quently, inclined to believe that what is said up on that matter, is founded on vague conjecture, or, perhaps, on the convenience and opportuni ty of invasion. I ought, likewise, to add, in confirmation of my private opinion, that as I have been informed, there are, at Carthagena, only the troops necessary to garrison the place, such as is requisite in these times, when new expeditions have sailed from the ports of the Peninsula, and are announced against America, and when the Spanish army in the Islands of Cuba and Porto Rico has been augmented.— When the great facility is considered, of acting against the territory of Colombia or Mexico by the advantageous situation of said Islands, their great resources, and what is,more important, the superiority of the Marine which has assem bled there, it will not be denied that Colombia has sufficient causes of alarm. It is true, in sup port of said ( onjectures on the approaching in vasion of Cuba and Porto Rico, the necessity presents itself, under which the Government of Colombia is, of withdrawing the auxiliary forces from Peru, by the way of Panama aud Cartha gena; which is the most convenient, ready, and economical way to place them on the Atlantic, man attitude of giving immediate succour to any point of our territory, or of that of our al lies, which may be invaded; but it is clear that this military operation is rather the necessary effect of the geographical situation of Colombia and Peru, than a meditated plan of an expedi tion without the continent. To these reason, which, in my private opini on,and for want of official communications from my government upon the subject, sufficiently explain the movements of troops which are go ing on in ( olombia, permit me to repeat to you what I said upon another occasion, that this mi litary attitude, extremely grievous to our peo ple, is a necessary consequence of the .obstinacy of the Spanish Government, in prolonging a useless war, and in declining every idea of treat ing with Independent America, no less than the lamentably equivocal policy of the great Conti nental Powers, which, notwithstanding they see our independence irrevocably established by force of arms, and upon the solid basis of gene ral opinion, and ol just and moderate Govern ments, refuse the formal recognition of the new Republics, pretending to misunderstand what their own interest, justice, reason, and humani ty, demand. In this situation of justly inspired doubt and inquietude, when the obstinacy of Spain, and the indifference of the rest of Europe, have convinced us even that wp are engaged in a question of fact, when the nations of America have displayed all the vigor of youth, and know the value of their forces and combined resour ces, and when our armies have gloriously ter minated the campaign which has forever se cured the liberty of the South, it will not appear to riibny, reasonable to renounce all these lavor able circumstances to terminate at once ihe evils of war, and dictate conditions of peace, with the manifest advantage of the American system, in the absolute expulsion of one Euro pean nation from the important Islands of Cu ba and Porto Rico, which, in the precarious and miserable situation of Spain, are not with out the possibility of falling into the power ol some of the great Powers of Europe. It will appear even less reasonable that Co lombia and her allies should have to continue in a stale of inaction, enduring the heavy ex penses, and grievous inconveniences which ac company ihe maintenance of the army and the marine upon a war footing, not being able to re ly upon a guarantee of suspension from arma ments and attacks on the part of Spain, which, in spite of its nullity, does not cease in its ef forts to augment the army of America, so far as to induce us to suspect that a foreign hand affords these aids, which are by no means in harmony with the scantiness of the resources of the Peninsula. I can likewise assure you that my Govern ment has always regarded, with all due circum spection, the consequences which might result from an ill-directed expedition against Cuba and Porto Rico: and notwithstanding the ur gent necessity which it has had, to attack the head quarters, (if I may so speak,) of our ene mies, and the opportunity which, oftener than once has presented itself for that purpose, it has preferred to suffer repeated invasions from those Islands, waiting for the favorable moment to at tack them with a certainty of success, by the greater forces which the alliance of all the sec tions of the South and Mexico will procure to us, and by the state, every day advancing, of the opinion for independence in the inhabitants of said Islands, who have repeatedly implored our aid; by this prudent slowness, it has wished to give time to the Spanish Government to reflect upon its own interest,and,consequently, to take the just resolution of recognising the indepen dence of the States of the Coptinent to save the rest of her colonies; but the time has passed in vain, and Spain, in spite of the repeated reverses which she has suffered in the course ol this year, shows herself as proud and indignant at every idea of accommodation as at the commence ment of the contest. Already a plan of conci liation has been seen inadmissible by the inde pendent States, presented by the Minister Zea, in which were proposed some slight modifica tions of the ancient colonial regimen,and which, however, were rejected by King Ferdinand, as too liberal. * . In fine, by the same risks and lamentable con sequences which would happen from the inva sion of Cuba and Porto Rico, if the result is not secured by the combination of superior for ces, at least, of the nations most interested, Co | lombiaand Mexico, and the plan of operations | for this campaign be regulated by common con ; sent, I think that the fortune of said islands ! must be decided in the Congress of the Isth mus of Panama, which gives time sufficient to receive positive accounts of the final result of the good offices of His Majesty the Emperor of Russia; and I doubt not, that, in attention to the friendship which His Imperial Majesty professes to the United States, which have re quested his high mediation, and the glory of attributing to the great work of peace, a boon so important will be obtained, or the recogni tion of the political existence by Russia and the other Powers, which is the object of the most ardent desires of the new Governments of A merica. I have the honor to offer you the sentiments of the most distinguished conside ration, with which I am, your very obedient servant, JOSE MARIA SALAZAR. Hon. Henry Clay, Secretary of State. % — - No, 9. [translation.] Don Pablo Obregon to the Secretary of State. Legation of thf. "United States of Mexico, Washington, 4/A January 18f§» Sir: I have the honor of answering your note of the 20th ultimo, in which you communicate to me the favorable hope of a happy issue ot the negociation undertaken by this Government with the RifksianCabinet, through its Minister at St. Petersburg, to solicit of His Imperial Majesty his interpositioi\»n promoting peace between Spain and the Powers ot the Ameri can Continent, formerly a part of that Monar chy; and in using his influence with his allies towards a general recognition; all of which you communicated to me in the month of May last by reading to me the instructions which had been given, to that effect, to the American Minister near His Imperial Majesty. I impar ted to my Government a step so friendly and agreeable to ’he philanthropy and position of these States; and although I have as yet receiv ed no answer thereto, I repeat to you what I had the honor to mention vet bally, that Mexico was only desirous of pea«-e, and that I acknowl edged to this Government its interest and mode of acting in the cause of the Continent and of liberty. I shall make known to my Government the wishes of the President, that any other expedi tion be suspended which may be projected, as well as that which is said to be fitting out at Carthagena, to assist the independence of, one or both, the Islands of Cuba and Porto Rico, as the means best adapted to obtain the nego tiation mentioned. I avail myself of this occasion to present to you my resptoi* and most distinguished con sideration, repeating myself to be, You*otejdient servant, PABLO OBREGON. continued.~\ Charleston, March 15 —The President and the two branches of Congress at Washington, ap pear to be quite at loggerheads. The Presi dent proposes to the Senate, the appointment of Ministers to Panama; and the Senate allows three months to elapse without any reply The House asks of the President information on the subject, but he is as silent as the grave on their application. The nation, in the mean time, locks with astonishment at all this dumb shew, and marvels at its meaning,if meaning ithave any. The fault is clearly with the Senate. The majority of that body must be either for, or against the Panama Mission, and it shows a want of self confidence, as well as of courtesy, not to avow their decision. If the majority be in favor of the President’s proposal, it will “/e// well in history,” that they allowed a worrying minority to defeat them, by protracting the dis cussion, until its object was unattainable. It would s< cm, indeed, that they were waiting for some impulse which is to be derived from some unknown quarter. If they regard public opinion, and tnese gentlemen are liable, occa sionally, to feel its influence, they will no lon ger delay acting in this matter. We go fur ther, they will coincide wiih the President— they will thus afford the House the information they desire, and both branches of the Legisla ture will be equally enlightened and competent to decide the question. Almost every intelligent man who has read Mr Livingston’s Speech, ac knowledges the necessity of our having agents present at an assembly which it is feared will discuss topics at war with the Southern States. W'e should he on the spot at the inception of the mischief, to counsel, to remonstrate, and to protest. Suppose that through our interference Cuba should be saved for Spain, we would ask the cynical Mr. Rvndoi.ph whether this would be “a violation of our neutrality” with that na-j tioiv; whether it would not, on the other hand,1 cement more closely our existing relations of friendship. Thus much for the reason of the thing, but, if as some believe, this conduct of the Senate is nothing more nor less than the embodied spi rit of an embryo opposition to the administra tion, we would not wish, indeed, that the Gauls should dispatch them, but we think the people will be inclined to dispense with their services. [Courier. I _ Charleston, March 16 —It would seem to be very unfortunate if it be true, (as stated) that all the Senators from the South are opposed to the Panama Mission. The late Mr. Gaillard was, we are informed, an exception ; but his power of usefulness has passed from earth. The proposed invasion of Cuba by Mexico and South America, presents a double aspect to the people of the United States. As affect ing our commercial facilities—as yielding the key of the Gulf of Mexico and the command of the Mississippi to States which appear to have sucked the streams of life from the bo # som ot' ambition, and arc full as iond of con quest as of liberty, our whole people are con cerned in resisting it. Would we tamely see that Island surrendered to Great Britain, or to France? No, our interests all forbid it. And if not to these Powers, whose conquest might and would probably be tranquil and unopposed, not disturbing the existing order of things— why surely then never to the South American and Mexican Slates, whose weakness would re ly on insurrection to support it—and who, to gain Cuba, would make Cuba, Hayti. And does not the mind of every Carolinian shrink at the contemplation of such an event? And would not the Nation interpose at the extremity ol war to prevent such a catastrophe? But war implies an injury done aud suffered— and may be pursued without redress. There is another alternative more peaceful, which pre vents mischief and dispenses with its punish ment. It is conciliatory and respectful remon strance—it is to avail ourselves of the means proffered to apprise these hot-headed nestlings of liberty, that they must nof fly before their wings are grown—and that the Condors of the South must not pounce upon the American Ea gle. Should our remonstrances be unheard, we shall have the consolation that we have made them—and that war to which we may be driven, will be universally popular. It is to be regret ted then that Southern Members of Congress shoqld oppose this measure. It is the vital in terest of the Soulh, that Cuba should remain as she is. Courier. From the Boston Daily Advertiser. FRENCH PAPERS. The President’s Message to Congress at the opening of the session, is published entire in the Journal des Debats. It mav gratify some of our readers, to see some of the reflections upon it of M. de Chateubriand. We extract the following passages from a long article:— The annual Message of the President of the United States, is a document important to be studied by our politicians, our statesmen, our representatives—we may even go farther—by our princes. ' This study becomes agreeable, when, instead of the military rudeness of Col. Monroe, the style of this document offers the diplomatic-wisdom, the polished manner, and the philosophicrl tone of Mr. J. Quincy Adams. This message exhibits first the foreign poli cy. It is altogether pacific, but firm and no ble. The principal object of the United States, is to obtain universal freedom and reciprocity of commerce; it is their interest as a very ac tive maritime nation, and, notwithstanding those restrictions which are made necessary for the interest of manufacturers in European States, i» is probable that this principle will gradually become predominant over all the civilized world. We see with regret that the commercial treaties between France and Ame rica are only provisional. We see with plea sure America declaring, that the pirates of the Archipelago only abuse the Greek flag, with out any fault on the part of the Government of the Peloponessus. This appears to us more noble and more just than the severe measures prescribed to the French and Austrian squad rons. We are not astonished, but we are grieved to see something feeble in the efforts of the American navy to repress the horrible traffic in human blood, on the western coasts of Africa; the existence of slavery in some of the American States, explains thr embarrass ment in which the central authority finds itself, and the violent though powerless declarations of the State Government of Georgia, justify the circumspect language of the President, who appears to defer till an approaching oc casion, the discussion of such a delicate sub ject. The most important feature in the foreign po licy of the Anglo-Americans, is the sending an Ambassador to the Congress of Panama, a reso lution, which, followed by a prudent choice of the person to be sent, may consolidate the liber ty of a whole hemisphere! For we cannot con ceal, that the Spanish Americans have great need of the counsels of a nation more experi enced in the career of independence. Descend ed almost entirely from the ranks of privileged castes, or from the military class, the distin guished men in these new Stales have rather patriotic and generous sentiments, than admi nistrative and political ideas Let them study the progress of the United States, at the same time wise and energetic: let them establish promptly regular finances and respectable fleets, organise their constitutions, so that that may skilfully lead a multitude, still ignorant and in dolent; introduce with prudence, liberty of wor ship, of opinions, and of industry: let them form their Cabildo upon the plan and in the spirit of the Anglo-American municipalities and provin cial assemblies, (the only real and solid founda tion of free governments;) awaken also reason, which slumbers among a people accustomed to a state of pupilage, and develope peaceably the powerful germs of activity, which certainly are not wanting to the countrymen of Mina and of the Baron d’Erolles,but which too often burst out and arc destroyed in the fire of devouring passions. Intimate communication with the United States, especially with the states of New England, would be an excellent source of in struction for the Spanish Americans—It is for the eldest daughter of American liberty to be the guide of her younger sisters, and to gain over them the empire of persuasion and friend ship; let her show herself frank,disinterested, great and generous. The noble post of being at the head of a new world, is certainly well worth the sacrifice of a few dollars in duties, and a few hales of cotton. The proclamation of the President of Mexi co, on the occasion of the taking of the fort of St. Juan d'Ulloa, shews, in a striking manner, the difference between the moral situation of the Anglo-Americans, and that of the people newly separated from the Spanish monarchy. There is in this proclamation something of the boasting of our revolutionists. This little ci tadel, to be sure, is taken, but there remains in Mexico itself the love of power, the vanity of titles, the pride of hereditary distinctions, and almost absolute separation of the enlight ened and governing class, from an immense mass of laborers, whoTare as much strangers to every sentiment of liberty, as to all political knowledge. All these are Spanish citadels, which still thieaten the Mexican republic. Its independence is better secured than its liberty; it is a powerful, magnificent state, but the ele ments of civil' liberty are but little developed there. , • * * | Let us now examine the picture of the inter nal administration. It has son\#thing humilia ting to the pretended administrative wisdom of Old Europe. Remark the severe and even minute order in every branch of the service, those immense accounts which are rendered so full of instructive details, those modest and exact explanations, all that truly constitutional system, so different from our arbitrary pro digality, from our chimerical responsibility, known only by name in our charters. “All this,” it will be replied “is very well for a commercial, an avaricious nation, which is always occupied with figures.” We are of a different taste. We do not know how to read these columns of figures; we would have them reported under some phrase; we prefer to be nobly robbed.” It is very well for our skilful financiers, who would find but a poor living in America. But if we look at the real results of this republican, mercantile, niggardly adminis tration, we are tempted notwithstanding to ad mire those immense roads, leading from Wash ington to New Mexico; those mails, transport ing at so little expense and with so much ra pidity a friendly or commercial letter acro*ss a space wider than Europe; that circulation of more than five hundred journals, scattering useful opinions, and interesting intelligence, great ideas of policy and scientific information even into the bosom of solitudes that are but just begining to be cleared up. Let ua. add that so many advantages are not produced by a central administration, which may he haughty and imperious. W’e may add that the Ameri can, beside the pleasure of paying scarcely any thing to the general government, enjoys the noble right of participating in the administra tion of his own state, country, town—of discus sing freely and publicly every measure which interests his family, his children, his property —that he has a right to give his children the education he thinks most useful, to worship God according to his cpnscicnce,by a pompous ceremony or by simple prayers, without any police interfering to inspect his devotions. We must admit that the Americau citizen possess es a little more civil liberty than our system of administration leave to us. # At Paris, we have great statesmen, who raise the cry Republicanism, wheneverany tiling is said of a tree interference of the governed, of a co-operation with the wishes ot the people, of a public discussion, of a real responsibility. Monarchy exist^ in their view only in the darkness of their cabinet (bureaucratie.) It is there that they traffic with royalty, that they sell their prince, that they profane all monar chical doctrines, in associating them with their intrigues and petty tyrannies. ' This is what makes thrones unpopular. We, who seek in all our discussions only the means of consolidating legitimacy and consti tutional monarchy, we repeat that true roya lists ought to study the civil instructions of the U., States, without prejudice and without en thusiasm, in order to distinguish in them what favours the gigantic progress of this republic in the career of domestic prosperity, “the true end of legitimate governments.” RHODE ISLAND. A writer in the Providence Microcosm fur nishes the following particulars respecting that celebrated spot. On the island of Rhode-Island, which is ele ven miles long, and five miles broad, there are seven hundred miles of double wall from 4? to 5 feet high, most of which is handsome and in excellent order. This wall has all been built within one hundred and ninety years, and the expense of building it is estimated to have cost morelhan the whole Island would sell for, land and buildings. The wall, if it were in one di rect line, would reach from the town of New port on Rhode Island, to Michigan Territory. The lots on the Island are under a high state of cultivation, and it may be truly said to have an aspect like the garden of Eden. In this Isl and, there are fifty-five square miles; and per haps in no part of the world are there more products of the earth raised for man and beast than arc on this Island, annually, within the same compass of ground. Besides all this, it is as healthy a place as any in this country, and a more delightful summer residence cannot be found on the globe. A Scotch parson once preached a long ser mon against dram drinking, a vice very preva lent in his parish, and from which report said he was not himself wholly exempt ’/“Whatever ye do, brethren,” said he, “do it with modera tion, and, aboon all, be moderate in dram-drink ing. When you get up, indeed ye may tak a dram, and anither just before breakfast, and perhaps anither after; but dinna be always dram drinking. If ye are out in the morn, ye may just brace yersel up with anither dram, and perhaps take anither before luncheon, and some, I fear, take ane after, which is no so very blamable: but din^^c always dram dram dram ming away. NaMMy can scruple for one just afore dinner, and w* the dessert is brought in, an’ after it’s u’en away; and perhaps ane, or it may be twa, in the course of the afternoon, I just to keep ye fra’ drowsying and snoozzing; but dinna be always dram dram dramming.— Afore lea and after tea, and between tea and supper, and before and after supper, is no more than right and goodput let me caution ye brethren, not to be Always dram (ramming. Just when ye start forTed, and when ye’re ready to pop into’t, and perhaps when ye wake in the night, to take a dram or twa is no more than a Christian may lawfully do; but brethren, let me caution you not to drink more than I’ve men tioned, or may be ye may pass the bounds of moderation.” Landing, From the Sloop Chauncey from N. York: 4 (5) CHESTS and 20 half chests Young Hyson Tea, FI ten catty boxes, "J 109 five do do 10 boxes each cont'g )► GUNPOWDER TEA. from 12 to 20 can. of f two lbs. each J 4 chests } 25 half chests > IMPERIAL do. 100 fiye catty boxes j 6 half chests Hyson do. For sale by march 20 S. MESSEKSMITH.